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«■ SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY jouflirm Cottffdfrant T. C. HOWilD iad 1. i. CHAW FORD, CO B DITORI. ATLANTA, OBOROIA. TUESDAY, MARCH 5, 1861. Georgia State Convention. The delegate! of the Convention from the several counties In this State, are hereby noti fied to meet in the city of Savannah, on Thurs day, the 7th of March next GEORGE W. CRAWFORD, Bel-Air, Geo., Feb. SI, 1861. President The Inaugural. A very few words* will do for this document. It la a medley of ignorance, sanctimonious cant and tender footed buJlyUm. If Lincoln was any countryman of ours, we could blush for such a ](reclamation of governmental policy and pur pose, when tho world was holding its breath to bear the issues of life and death from his lips.— We cannot, in good conscience, credit this Abo lition President with the cleverness which it would require to conceal his thoughts as effect ually as he has done in his Inaugural, if it was his purpose to hide his thoughts. The confusion and muddle-headed quality which pervades the lirst utterances of tho Yankee President, are all utter perfect nature. We get glimpses now and theu by close inspection, of an idea in Lincoln's mind, in reference to the perilous condition of public affairs. The most significant among these distorted notions, is the opinion which this rep resentative man holds of our form of govern ment. It is all out now—the late Union was intendad to be, by the majority which has clutched its powers, a consolidated majority despotism. The apprehension so long entertaiued by sound aud true men, tlmt we were in danger of seeing the last of State rights unless we recurred oftener to first principles, is now’ faet. If secession stood in need of an apology, if a revolution car rying us through fire and blood was to be Justi fied, hero we have the apology and the unan swerable defence. Say that Lincoln's false suggestion that no “right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied,” who that loves his country, who that has the foresight and providence of a dor mouse in taking care of the future, who that re- speets the memories or the labors of the Fath ers, would ever consent to sec such an utter and radical subversion of our institutions, as Lincolu aud his party are now meditating through the wretched heresy of consolidation. This is enough to divide us, and more than enough to make us draw the sword. The apology for anti-slavery In the way the Fugitive Slave Law has been enforced, is purlle and unworthy the head of any government. We suppose the violations of the African Slave Trade inhibition, were alluded to by the side of the infractions of the Fugitive Slave law by way of set off. This comes well from the lips of an Abolition sympathizer when it was asserted, by those well informed upon the subject, that seven ty-three slavers were ont from the port of New York alone last August Besides the avowal and argument, if it can by courtesy be called an ar gument in favor of consolidation, the denial of the right of secession, maintained by reference to the old articles of confederation (?) there is ab solutely nothing in this school boy production except the threat of coercion. There will, then, as they must have it, be war. We are determin ed that if w r c must have masters, that they shall not be picked from the snivelling canting Puri tan. Pulpit and press, both at once, are too many t o ride ur- Rouble. Ami to talk to us of paying, in hard cash, for the support of such a mongrel dynasty, is very much like bosh—very ranch in deed. Seriously the future is ominous. We are deal ing first with men who hate us bitterly in spite even of the thrill they endanger by so doiug.— Next, it is the misfortune of the world that there is not a single statesman to be found in all the ranks of Black Republicanism. Ranters they have in any abundance; some scholarly minds ami not a few ambidextrous fellows, as hard to hold iu the clutches of a syllogism as it is to hold a fresh eel In a well soaped hand. But of cool-hcadcd, practical statesmen, they have not a man among them. Lastly, the Northern States are ruined If deprived of the resources of the South. No war can so effectually aud hopeless ly subvert the prosperity of the Northern States, as a hostile tariff enacted by the 8outhem Con federacy. And when the war begins, it will be not for forts aud custom houses and armories, but for tho utter overthrow of our very existence ns a people. Here, then, is the issue. There stands the foe, are you ready ? Give us Bread. Now is the time for our tillers of the soil to make their plans for the present year’s crop, and we think there should be a serious inter change of thought among this class of the community before the final decision is made in regard to the extent of land that is to be ap propriated to Cotton. Let it not be forgotten that while the South is fully able to cope with external force, she is not strong enough to con tend with fsmine. Our country is now threat ened, and soon may be beleagured by most se rious dangers. With non-intercourse with the granaries of the nation in the North-West,and more than the probability of restricted trade with Kentucky and Tennesaee, what are we to do for bread, unless we give more attention to the grain crop than we have done for several years back? We are not unmindful of the fact that a great many superficial rsssoners have volunteered much very sorry advioe to our planting friends as to their duty to themselves and the country in the management of their own business. Situated as we onee were, sus taining ike close relations in interest and sym pathy of a united brotherhood, we always re garded the morality as unsound as the pel ill. csl economy of that selfish policy which coun selled Cotton raisers (o make at home, and keep at home, everything they needed. Peace on earth and good will to all men. Is the sur est basis of earthly well-being to individuals and nations. It is the very stablest principle upon which Tariffs and Commerce can rest, and no plan of soeiety ignoring the inter-de pendence of the human family can aver suc ceed. While our political relations justified tho liborality, wo always thoughtthat if Tsanos- soo only raised stock and we raised Cotton, and could also raiss corn and stock, it was not brotherly or wise to sxolnds Tennessee from a market, limply because we raiie mules at a h'gher coit. Buttbe times sr* sadly chang ed. The North-West is now our deadly foe.— The grain and stock-raising States of Ken tuoky and Tennessee, if they are not against us, certainly are not with us, and much good may that do ths South. We may be so affect ed towards all these States, and that in a very short while, as to make any calculation on their eecistanoe a very unwise thing. If we will act with prudence and ordinary forecast, no peo ple that ever existed can be more truly inde pendent of the world than the Cotton States. People talk of grain and stock countries, bnt we would like to know where, in any grain country, could more corn, wheat, or oats, be raised, to the hand, than in South-Western Geor gia, much of Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas. Why, the rule is, aud the general expectation is, in these States, that each plant er shall raise grain enough to anawtr home purposes and his Cotton crop besides. Were the whole breadth of land in the Cotton States laid down in grain and grass, as is done in the so called grain and stcck-raising States, the produce of the soil would rot on our hands.— We need not, however, change the character of our tillage, or relinquish our staple crops. But, for the present, we should not forget that we are noar suffering from the effects of two very short grain crops, and that we are in dangerof being cut off from resources of supply, upon which we have long been accustomed to de pend. Superadded to these strong reasons is this additional fact, that we must, without doubt, receive as much, or more, for a half crop of Cotton as for an excessive one. With a double grain crop—as much money value for a short Cotton crop as for a large one—who can doubt as to the true policy of our planters and farmers in pitching the crop of 1801 ? INAUGURAL ADDRESS or ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Fellow Citizens of the L'niled States: In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, 1 appear before you to ad dress you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of tho United States, to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of his office. I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administra tive policy, about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the United States, that by the occasion of a Republican admin* istration, their property and their peace and personal security are to be eudaugered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed the most am ple evidence, to the contrary, has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you, Ido but quote from one of these speeches when 1 declare that 1 have no purpose directly, or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States where it exists. I believe 1 have no lawful right to do so— and l have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated aud elected me did 9) with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and em phatic resolution which 1 now read: “ Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its domtstio institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that bal ance of power in which the perfection and eu- durance of our political fabrio depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.” I now reiterate these sentiments, and, in doing so, I only press upon the public atten tion the most conclusive evidence of which tho case is susceptible, that the property, peaoe, and security, of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming admin istration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the Slates, wbeu lawfully demand ed for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section aa to another. There is much controversy about the deliv ering up of fugitives from service or labor.— The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provision: ‘‘Noperson held to service or labor in one 8tate, under tbo laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service, or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service, or labor, may be due.” It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it, for the reclaiming of fugitive slaves, nnd the inten tion of the law giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to ths whole Constitution—to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause shall be delivered up, their oaths are unanimous. Now, If the/ would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with equal unanimity, frame aud pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by 8tate authority ; but, surely, that differ ence is not a verv material one. If the slave la to be surrendered, it oan be of but little ooneequence to him or to others, by which anthority it h done ; and should any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept in a merely circumstantial controversy as to bow it shall be kept ? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of libarty known in civilised and humane jurisprudence to be in troduced, to that a free man ha not in any case surrendered as a slave? anl might it not be well, at the same time, to provide by law for tbt enforcement of that clause in the Con stitution, which guarantees that the citizens of each Stale should be entitled to all privi leges and immunities of citizens in the seve ral States ? 1 taka tha official oath to-day with no men tal reservations, and with no purpose to con tract the Constitution or laws by any hypo critical rules; and while I do not chooee now to specify particular acts of Congreaa aa prop er to be enforoed, I do suggest that it will be nanch safer for all, both in official and private stations, to oonform to and abide by all those nets which stand unrspealad, than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in hav ing thorn held to bo unconstitutional ? It is seventy-two yours since tbo inaugura tion of a President under our National Con stitution. During that period, fifteen differ ent and greatly distinguished ehiftne have, in succession, administered the Executive be* bah of the Government. They have con ducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yat with all ihii scope for precedent, I uow enter upon the same task for tho brief constitutional term of four years, under great end peculiarly diflicnlty. A disruption of the Federal Union, hereto fore only menaoed, is now formidably asssritd. I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these Slates is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of no* tional governments. It is safe tc assert (but no government propet ever bad a provision in its organic law for ite own termioatioa. Con tinue to exeoute all the express provisions of onr national Constitution and the Union will endure forever—it being impossible to destroy it, exoept by some action not provided for in the iostiumeol itself. Again, if the United States be not a gov ernment proper, but sn association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, te practically unmade by less tliau all the parlies who mode it? One party to a cootraot may violate it—break it, so to speak —but does it not require all to lawfully re scind it ? Descending from these geueral principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contem plation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the articles of association io 1774. D was matured and continued by the declaration of Independence in 177G. It was further matured, and the faith of the then thirteen States ezpressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual by Arti cles of Confederation in 1778, and, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordain ing and establishing the Constitution, was to ferm a more perfect Union. But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possi ble, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital perpetuity. D follows from these views that no Staleupou ite own mere motion can lawfully go out of the Union—that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that actp of violence within any State or Siates against the authority of the United Slates, are ineur reclionary or revolutionary according to cir cumstances. I therefore consider (hat in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is un broken, aud to the extent of my ability 1 shall take care, ns the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Do ing this 1 deem to be only a simple duly on my part, and 1 shall perforin it, so far ns practicable, unless my rightful roasters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a me naoe, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing tbit there need to be ne bloodshed or violenoe, and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national autherity. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy aud possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imports ; hut beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion—no using of force agaiust or among the people anywhere. Where hos tiiity to the United States in any interior la cality shall be so great and so universal as to prevent compeieut resident citizen* from hold ing ihe federal offices, there will he no at tempt to force obnoxious stniDgi-rs among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would bo so irritating and so nearly iui practicable withal, that I deem it better to forego, for the lime, the use of such offices. The mail9, uuless repelled, will continue to be furnished io all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency, my best dis cretion will be ezercieed according to circum stances actually existing, and with a view sad a hope of a peaceful solution of the National troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sym pathies and affection. That there are persons iu one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, 1 will neither nffirtu nor deuy; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may 1 not speak ? Before entering upon so grave a mutter as the destruction of our na tional fabrio with all its benefits—its memories — its hopes—would it not he wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a slip while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence ? Will you, wh'le the cer tain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from? Will you risk tho com mission of S3 fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content iu the Uuiou if all Constitutional rights can bo maintained. Is it true, theu, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constitu-* ted that no parlj can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majori ty should deprive a minority of any clearly written Constitutional right, it might, iu a moral point of view, justify revolution. It certainly would, if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions in tho Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organio law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any docu ment of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by nation al or State authority ? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congrees prohibit slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress pro tect slavery in the Territories ? The Constl tution doss not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our Constitutional con troversies end we divide upon them into ma jorities and minorities. If the minority will not aequieece, the ma jority tnutt, or the Government must clots.— There ie no other alternative for continuing the Government than acquiescence e« ewe aide or the other. If n minority in auoh a esse will secede rather than acquiesce, they make e precedent which In litre will divide nnd ruin them; for n minority of their own, willseeede from them whenever e majority refuses to be •ont rolled by sueh minority. For i nets net, why may not any portion of n new confedera cy, a year or two beset, arbitrarily teeede again precisely at portions of the present Un ion claim to scolds from iu All who cherish io ibis Union such senti ments are oew being educated to the exact temper of doing ibid. Is there such perfect identity of interest among the States which oompose the new Union as to produce harmo ny ouly aod prevent reoowed secession?— Plainly the central idea of eecevelon Is the es •eoce of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by Const lint ional checks and limitations, nod alwavs changing easily with deliberate chang es or popular opinions end sentiments, Is the only true sovereign of e free people Who ever rejects it. does, of necessity, fly to enar chy oruodeipoiieifi. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority aa a permanent arrangement ie wfcel- ly iuadmissable ; so that rejeotiog the major ity principle, anarohy or despotism in some form, ie ail that is left. 1 do not forget the position assumed by some, that Constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do 1 deny that such decisions roust be binding in any case upon the parlies to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and con sideration in all parallel cases by all other department* of the Government; and while it is obviously possible that such a decision may be erroneous in any given ease, still the evil effect following it being limited to that partic ular cape, with the chance that it may be overruled aod never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Governmeut upon vital questions affecting the whole peo ple is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, (ho instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in per sonal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government iolo the hands of that eminent Tribunal. Nor is there, iu this view, any assault upon the Court or Judges. It is a duly from which they may not shrink to decide oases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs it others seek to turn their decision to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right Hnd ought to be exieoded, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended This is the ►ubstaniial dispute.— The fugitive slave clausa of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup ports the law itself The great body of the people abide by the plaiu legal obligation in »*olh cases And a few break over in each. I think it cannot be per fectly cured, and it. would be worse io both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade now imper fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugi tive slaves, uow only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, wo cannot separate— we cannot remove our respective sections from each other— uor build uo impassable wall be tween them. A husband and wife may be di vorced and go out of tho presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this—they cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse more advantageous cr more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens nmke treaties easier than friends? Cau laws— can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than among friends? Suppose you go io war—you cannot fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, aud no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. This country, with its instilu'.ions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of (he existing government, they cau exercise their Constitutional right of ameuding it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.— While I make uo recommendation of amend ment I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised iu cither of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; aod 1 should, under existing circumstances, favor, rather than op pose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to not upon it. 1 will venture to add that to me the conveu tion mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people them selves, instead of permitliug them to lake or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, aud which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. 1 understand a proposed amendment to (he Constitution, which awcudmout however, 1 have not sceu, has passed Congress, to the ef fect that the Federul Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to ser vice. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that holdiug such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have uo objection to its being made express sod irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his author ity from the people and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms tor the separation of the States The people themselves oan do this also, if they choose, but the executive, as such, have nothing to Uo with it. Ilia duty is to administer ths present government nail came to his hands, and to transmit it unim paired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence iu the ultimate Justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party with out faith of being iu ihe right ? If the Al mighty Ruler of nations, with His Eternal truth and justice be on your side of the North or on yours of the South, that Truth and that Justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal—the American People. By the frame of ths Goveramenl under wbieh we live, this same people have wisely given their jublio servants but little power for misohief, and have with equal wisdom provi ded for the return of that life to their own bauds, ntjvery short intervals. While the peo ple retaiu their virtue and vigilanoe, no ad ministration, by any extreme of wickedness er folly, can very seriouely injure the govern ment in the short space of four years. My countryman, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole gubject. Nothing valuable cau be lost by taking time. If there be an objeot to hurry any of you in hot kafte to a step which you would never take deliber ately, that object will be frustrated by takiog time, but no good object cau be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied at ill have the eld Constitution unimpaired, and on the oeasiiive paint, the laws of your on&Xrauto*, and upon which the new administration will have no immedfafe' power, If H should change either, If it be even admitted tbstyoe who are din- eatlpfied, hold the right side in the dispute, there still ie no tingle good roosou for ^red- pale action. Intelligence, patriotism, Chris tianity nnd a Arm reliance on Him who baa jet 'on»ak«n this favored laod, are still competent to adjust, io the best way, all otir ot diffionjiief* \ mr bands, my dissatisfied friends and try men, and pot in mine, is (be momeo- is*M of civil war. The Government will yon—y#u can have no you reelves iheifgressore. You hire ! no oath registered in heaven to destroy the j Government, while 1 shall have ths most solemn one “to preserve, protect aod defend” it. [ I am loth to close. We ere not enemies but i friends. We most not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break I •nr bends of ifoetiee. The myotic chain ef memory, stretching from every battle field and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet ■well the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our oature a nupcnuTivc SOUTH CAROLINA RAILROAD. Charleston, March 1,1861. S HIPPERS of Merchandise to points on the South Carolina and connecting Railroads who have heretofore consigned their shipments to the Agent of the Souln Carolina Railroad here, are notified that this Company will dis continue the business of r.-ceiviog and forward, ing on and af er the 11th instant. This proceeding is made necessary, in conse quence of the new duties and responsibilities growing out of the Tariff Act, February 18th, of the Congress of the Confederate States. It will, therefore, be necessary that all freight destined as above should be directed to Com mission Merchants in the city, to whom the Company will continue to advance ordinary expenses, such as freight, drayage, aud wharf age. And Shippers will find it greatly to their in terest to forward promptly to consignees in- vo'oes and bills ef lading, to enable g< ods to be passed through the Custom House without de lay W 7. MAG RATH, m5-8L General Agent. UNION LOAN* BUILDING ASSOCI ATION. S TOCK-Holders in this Association can pay their dues for the present month at the Of fice of the Atlanta Insurance Company, until Friday evening next. Regular monthly meeting at the City Hall, Friday night, March 8th. March 5, 1861. DAN. PITTMAN, Sec’y. CAUTION. A LL persons are hereby notified not to trade for any note made payable to myself in New York or Philadelphia, as I shall resist the payment, except in a just compromise. J. W. II EWELL. Atlanta. Ga , March 5, 1861. 3t Clerk’s Office, Supreme Court, I Millkdozvillb, March 2, 1861. j A LL persons are notified that tli’i wilt be the order of the Docket at Atlanta, .Marc! Term, 1*61 : 1st. Cherokee Circuit. 2d. Flint Circuit. 8d. T&llapooaa Circuit. 4th. Blue Ridge Circuit. ftth. Coweta Circuit. CHA8. W. Do BOSE, Cl’k n>4 PROFESSOR NOTTS DANCING ACADEMY, COR* Eft or PRACII TREE A tin MARIETTA STREETS, Atlanta, Georgia. 1 Y AYS OF TUITION: Mondays and Tucs- \J days, from 3 till 5 o’clock, P. M , for La dies, Misses aud Masters ; and the same days, at night, from 71 till 10 o’cloek, for Young Gen tlemen. Terms. $10 for the full course of 12 lessons. Feb. 19—tf. HOOK * LADDER CO., NO. 1. M EMBERS of this Company are requested to attend a special meeting on Thursday, March 7, at 74 o’clock, P. M , at the Truck- House, for the transaction of important busi ness. By order of the Foreman. ru43t N. R. FOWLER, Bec’y. WILLIAM NACKIE, FRESCO PAINTER AND GRAINER, HAVING located perma nently in Atlanta, will de- roto his whole attention to the above Branches in all their details. Likewise, SIGNS of every descriptor, WIN DOW SHADES, SHOW CARDS, CARVED LETTERS made to order in any style, war ranted to equal any Oity in the Unicu. Orders from the Country attended to. OFFICE—In Beach k Root's Building— tairs febl IMPROVED METALIC BURIAL CASES. L80, a general assortment of . Wood Coffins, inoluding Rose Wood and Mahogany. Nznthzl’s Sheet Metallc Burial Catos, An entirely new article, nearly aa light aa wood, and closed up with India Rubber—air-tight— forsaleatmy Rooms, iu Markham’s New Build ing, on Whitehall street, up staira. L. ROBINSON. Residence on Bridge street, near Col. John Collier’s. Orders, by telegraph, or otherwise, prompt ly attended to jan 2j-ly. H. B. CLIFFORD, BACON, FLOUR, COFFEE. SUGAR, RICE, WINE, BAGGING, ROPE, —AND— GENERAL PRODUCE BROKER —AND— COMMISSION MERCHANT, No. l<13 t 4 th or Wall 6t„ LOUI8VILLLE, et. P ERSONAL attention given to all orders aod consignments Having thorough knowl edge of the markets and my business, I flatter myself that 1 can save those who intrust their business to me, a fair profit. 1 deal strictly on the cash System. Those who send their mon ey and orders to me get the full benefit of our Cash Market I do not use the money, and buy the nrtfelo on time of 86, 66 or 96 day*, as is often done in all markets. I can ship as TONIC,DIURETIC, *T# oYsrtrg : OLFE’S celebrated SCHIEDAM aKO- . > MATIC SCHNAPPS should he kept i B every family. It in variably cor rests the illef. feels of change of weather, aud, as a hovers** it is the purest Lkptor mads in tiro world. • Put up in pint and quart bottles. Also, ' ldolpiio woi.rra Pure Cognac Brandy, Imported and bottled by hinmelf, warranted pur*- uj the beat quality, with hfa certificate on th* Ixitta W his seal on the cork. UDOLPHO WOLVT8 Pare Port Wlue, UDOLPHO WOLFE'S Pure Sherry Wine, Imported and hotted by himself, the smii.v as the Port UDOLPHO WOLFE’.* Pure Madeira Wine, Imported and bottled by himself, for private and med icinal use, the best Wine ever offered to the trade In bob ties. This Wine is warrented perfectly pure. UDOLPHO WOLFE’S Pure Jamaica Rum, Ml. Croix Rum, Scotch and Irish Whisky. To the Public. I will stake my reputation as a man, «ny standingai| merchant of thirty years' residence In Nev York, that what I pledge and testify to with my seal, toy label,and my certificate, la correct,and can be relied upon hy ev ery purchaser. Phystciaua who use Wines ami Liquors in their prac tice should give the preference to these articles. Fur sale by all respectable Druggists and A|^theat ric*. UDOLPHO WOLFE, Bole Manufacturer and Importer of Schiedam Aromalir Schnapps, No. 22, Beaver Street, New York. HUNNICUTT, TAYLOR A JONES, W Holeatalo A.gonta, .Atlanta, Goorgia. February L% lb«1.—<1 • n» T HE Macon Telegraph Lino is now thorough- 1y repaired and ready tor business. Tbs causes of delay iu the transmission of South ern Messages is thus removed. Office next door to Adams Express Office, Alabama strati T. CAMPBELL, Manager Atlanta Office, March 2, 1861. die THOMAS & ABBOTT, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Atlanta, Georsin. Office in Smith’s Building, Whitehall itrat G. 8. Thomas, jalfitf B«w. F. Auvn. SAM KIBKMAJf. . JOHN 1 KIRKMAN 6c LUKE, COMMISSION MERCHANTS, No. 170, Seoorid Strop). ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI. Refer to Jo.. Ki.kmam, Jamb. Woam, I GmEnsmiD, Nuhrille, Tenn. j.n 9-1. TOR MLE AT COUT. T KN Share* of 8toek In AiUnU PL®nilI«# k Building Association. Apply at tit* Roe. rr 3 ./It THOMAS M. CLARKE, Hnreeiworto Clmrlie A T.-wt-, IMPORTER k DEALER IN ENGLISH A IIEIICAK IMMHL is often done fa all markets. 1 eta ebfp aa low as any man in the South-West All Ikik is a trial. New York Exchange received at selling rate here. 1 do net speculate; do only a legitimate business, gentlemen. fan tf. siox a. nessox. nonnae e. nonson S. B. ROBSON & 00., WHOLESALE GROCERS —AJT»— Commission Merchants, Whitehall Street, ATLANTA......™*..... GEORGIA Bell Everything in their Line of Trade ad Tkf J"Here fm Cash oetlw * » A L80, Bweedes, English and Amerirsah* Cost, German, Blister and Plow Steelj so, Gunn, Rifle*, and Pistoia, Farmers’ la meats, Carpenters' Tools, Ac., Carriage B ware. Borings, Axles, Hubs, 8poket, aodl Bole Agsnt for Fairbanks Scales, at Ne** prices, Peach-Tree street, Atlanta, Ga. * J. H. LOVEJOT, WHOLESALE & RETAIL qne DMALia in ^ TubitM, »i*r, Lk]uw. Cigun, *<• Ok.rokn Hook, F«<ft-Tm i Atlanta, Oaorfla- hMS-ljr 1