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SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. Southern (Sonftdtractt GKO. W. ADAIR HKVLT SMITH, EDITORS AID rBOTMtTOM. ATLANTA. OBOBQIA. TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1861. COCffTY MBBflNG AT LAGRANGE. GREAT SPEECH OF HON. B. H. HILL Patriotic action if the meeting, and large sub- scription to the Product Loan. Od Saturday last, a meeting of the cilisvns of Troup county was held at LaGrange. The Coart House was filled to overflowing, and the mealing was graced with the presence of a large number of the ladiee of the county. We attended for the purpose of laying the pro- ceediogi of the meeting, and especially, Mr. Hill's speech, before our readers, which we do, as follows : Dr. R. A T. Ridley was called to the Chair. C. H. C. Willingham was chosen Secretary, and Wiley H. Simms Ass : stant Secretary of the meeting. Dr. Ridley then said: Fellow-Citizens: The object of this meeting is of a two-fold char acter. One is, to hear the lion. B. H. Hill on thesubjeotof the Confederate Produce Loan. He has been appointed by Congress to lay this matter before the citizens of the Fourth Con gressional District. He will speak for himself and for the Confederate Btates to day, and you will hear him. The other objeot of this meeting, is to con sider the means by which funds are to be rais ed to equip and support the Volunteers who have gone or may go from this county to the war, and the families of those who may be in need during their absence. Mr. Ferrell moved that a Committee of thir teen—one from each Militia District in the county—be appointed to consider upon this matter and report, which was adopted, and the following appointed : B. C. Ferrell, W. P. Beasly, Beth Tatorn, John Henderson, John T. B<ykin, John B. Phillips, Robt. Jennings, Wm. Hopson, Jas. M. Truitt, Gr.ffli Marcus, Wm. II. Clark, Geo. H. Tray lor and Joe Chivers. The C immittee retired, and after consulta tion, presented the following, which was unan imously adopted amidst the applause of the large and patriotic audience present: The fact, beyond doubt, exists, that an un holy war is upon qs, waged by Linculu and his mercenary hordes, to d prive us of our rights as freemen, and in subversion of that sscred principle established by our forefathers, that Governments should exist alone '* by the con sent of the governedand. in order to def nd our rights and liberties successfully in this contest, it is necessary that we should have means to prepare for the struggle, to support and equip our soldiers already gone, and that shall hereafter go to the wars, and to maintain the families of such soldiers in their absence who may be in limited circumstances. To do this, it is proper that our Inferior Court shall assess aa extra tax of one hundred per cent, for that purpose upon the State tax of the coun ty ; and, to arrive at the wishes of the people of the county generally upon the subject, the following resolutions are submitted to the vote of this meeting: Resoloed, Tnat the Inferior Court of Troup couuty, in assessing the county tax for the pres ent year, be required to do so upon the follow ing basis, to wit: assuming the State tax of the county to be $10,000, the Court is hereby required to levy, as provided by law, a tax of 10 per cent, for the invalid poor, a tax of 12} per cant for poor school purposes, a tax of 10 per oeut. for county purposes proper; and, in addition to these levies, for the purpose of equipping, uniforming and supporting such soldiers from tbe county who may now be in service, or way hereafter go to the war, a tax of 62} per ceut; and, for the support of tbe families of such soldiers, in their absence, who may be in limited circumstances, a tax of 37} per oeut. Resolved, That if the Inferior Court, before tbe assessment of the foregoing per centage, should believe it to be insufficient to meet tbe necessary wauts of our soldiers and their fam ilies, as above contemplated, the Court be au thorised to increase the same to such amount as they may think proper, using a sound dis cretion in the premises. Rejoiced, That tbe Inferior Court proceed to act aud carry out the objects of the above res olutions forthwith ; that said Court be consid ered a Committee to appropriate the funds col- leoted for the objects above specified, and that they allow the Tax Collect such compensa tion for collecting said funds as they may think reasonable and just. Mr. Hill arose, smidst loud applause, and said: Ladies and Fellow-Citizens: It is upon no motion of my own that you have been called together to-day. I have been deputed by the Congress of tbe Confederate 8tates to bring be fore you a business matter of the greatest im portance to the Government, but vqually im portant to you. Providence, in His wisdom, has east your lot sad mine in a perilous crisis Revolution is the great scene that is now being enacted, and you and I are actors in the dra ma. It is difficult to comprehend tbe roagni tude of the evils that attend such scenes. The more yon revolve them in your mind the great er ihe subject becomes. That which was im agination to the moat eloquent statesman of hia d »y, is to us, actual fact. We behold the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Uuion, now drenched in civil feud aud fraternal blood. When that great states man drew tbesed picture, he prayed that his eye* might never behold the calamity. It is now upon us. It involves the happiness and prosperity—the lives, fortunes and sacred honor of us all. Let as meet it as becomes freemen and patriots. Revolutions are curious things. Tbe oourse they will take is often past being divined.— You bad ss well try to trace the track of the lightning before the flash. They rarely end where they begin, rarely accomplish the ob jeot for which they were inaugurated, and thoee who eotamence them are-generally crushed beneath them. The only safe rule is to lay fast hold on tko great principles involv ed, sod be euro to hold on to them. The mar inti la a storm, when tossed upon the waves, amidst the ocean's reafo, finds his only safety in staodiog by bis compass and log-book, and keeping hit mekoninp correct. Rat why are these troubles apon ns t froa- imate'y, it is eaused by the aoeeeaioo of some of the States, onrs being oot-though thet was by no moan* the real, tbe actual cause. As it Is proximately the consequence of our own set, it beoomee os to give a good reason for It. Wo are writing our own history —making a record of glory or infamy for our posterity, which will go down to all ages.— Will posterity justify us? Is truth being vin dicated? Is liberty perpetuated? If to, the priee ia not too groat, coat what it may. People who enjoy too great liberty often for get the value of it—forget bow to ectimate it properly. It is an easy matter to defend the right of secession; but it is vastly important to look to tbe great first principles which lie behind all this. What are they? They are the greet bulwarks of English liberty, which was the fruit of the blood of centuries in Eng land The Constitution and tbe Union were not the great principles of liberty ; they were only the breastworks whioh were thrown up to defend them. You enjoy those principles of liberty—that great liberty itself—every day. You scarcely know or appreciate ft or its val ue. It ia so common that you take it as matter of course. On the 19th June, 1215—now 643 years ago —the Barons of England wrested from King John, these immortal principles of liberty, in what ia known as Magna Charta—iha Great Charter. It declare* that “ no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or dispossessed of his free tenement and liberties, or outlawed or banished, or in anywise hurt or injured, un less by the legal judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land.” Here was first conceded Ibe great right of trial by jury. Before this, citizens were seized, their property confisca ted, and their lives taken, at the will of the Sovereign. Again, the rightof habeas corpus was wrench ed from Charles II., 300 years after Magna Charta was granted. Other important rights were connected with the habeas corpus grant. These great rights of freemen and principles of liberty descended to our fathers, and are now inherited by us. The great Americsn Rev olution was not fought to gain these principles, but only to maintain what was already gained. George III. had so acted as practically to deny a good many of them. To maintain securely these great principles, your fathers and mine fought the revolution. Tne usurpation of George III. might have been small; but tbe principle in tbe claim he set up must not be acknowl edged in tbe smallest instance. Webster said the revolution was fought on a preamble. After the complaints, remonstrances and resistance by our fathers. King George’s Parliament pass ed an act relieving us of the tax, but in the preamble to tbo bill, asserted the right to tax us, without our being represented in their coun cils. That right our fathers would no more acknowledge than they would pay the tax. Tbe great liberty you now have as a birth right was not gained in a day, and was not possessed by your ancestors in olden time. It was wrenched from power by degrees—a little at one time, and a little more at another, and never again yielding anything once gained.— In this way, it has grown up to tbe fair pro portions you now see. Our fathers did not set out to declare independence from England, but to maintain inviolate the rights they then hud as freemen. If George III had not denied to them certain rights which Englishmen pos sessed, doubtless we would now be under the British government, without maoy of the rights which we possess. All these great rights and principles were yielded by the crown to tbe exactions of the people. Having established our independence, our fathers had a right to establish a new Government, and to introduce whatever changes and improvements they pleased. They abolished the right of primo geniture, which was held by the nobility.— They dissevered Church and State, and left us all free to worship God as our consciences dic tated. The feudal tenure was abolished, and many other important changes in the political organisation and constitution of society. But the great changes that were made were some three: 1st. We adopted a written Constitution. The English Government has no written Constitu tion. Its Constitution exists in history; in cus toms which have gradually grown into a law ; in some Parliamentary Acts and certain Grants of the Crown. It includes Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, habeas corpus, la. We trusted no longer to musty volumes of History and customs of courts. The powers of our Govern ment were written down and clearly defined. The duties and powers of the General Govern ment and its officers were clearly set forth, in the Constitution, in language unmistakable. Each State had its own State Convention; but there were several outside interests—For eign and Postal, Ac.—which the States found more convenient to commit to a general agent. That was the extent of tbe powers of the Fed eral Government—nothing more, nothing less. The State Constitutiona were a restriction upon State power; the Federal Constitution was a conferring of power on an agent. Every 8tate was necessarily independent of this general agency, from tbe very nature of the arrange ment. 2d, These changes—these grants of power- proceeded from the people themselves—the rightful source of all grants, and of all power. It was not as in England—fram the crown to the people; but from the people to their agents, whether Slate or Federal. 3d, So far as relates to the Federal compact, the States were parties to it, as States, for the benefit of each other. 4tb, As our Constitutions were written grants, delegating certain specified powers from the people—the only sovereigns—it fol lows* as a matter of course, that the agents to execute tbe powers conferred and the duties imposed thereby, must be chosen by the peo ple. Iu them alone resided all power and sov ereignty, which before belonged to the crown; heace, we have no hereditary officials. These were the greet outlmee of distinction, showing the further improvement upon English liber ty whioh our fathers set up. But all the oomplex machinery of Govern ment, which they set so harmoniously to work -~fitate ard Federal Constitutiona—tbe Union, Ac., were for one grand purpoee. We did not form a Union for its own sake. Wo did not elool a President to eunfsr honor. Nothing of the sort. It wen a machinery for the preeerv- ation of the liberty which had com# down to M from Magna Charta—whioh our revolution had aueoeesfully maintained and greatly aug mented. I was a machinery for this purpose, end not tbe principles, which were to be pre served. All these great rights and principles ere re peated in nil the 8ute Constitutions, as well m tbe Federal, and our people are self govern ing. We make our own Constitutions, ourown laws, and our own executive officers. Now, the question comes np, wm the de struction of the Uoion necessary to preserve these rights, or any one of them ?— for any one of them is of far more value than all the Un ions that earth eau afford. If so. though war come, lot iteoroe. Though a thousand wars come, let them come ; your liberty is worth more than any Government, or ell the ca lamities that can befall you in your efforts to maintain it. [Applause] As the powers con ferred, as well ae thoee retained, were equally conferred and retained, to secure our liberty, it follows that the abuse of those fowers en dangered the safety of the great principles upon which our liberty was founded. The North did this. History will so record, and you and I will stand acquitted. For seventeen years the North has directly infringed that Constitution, without the concession of which, tbe Union would never have been formed.— All their personal liberty bills were in the teeth of the principles of Magna Charts, and clear violations of the Constitution. They de stroyed your property in the face of tbe laws, and in spite of the laws of the land. W# tol erated them, under seductive promises of speedy reformation, rather thau rush into a rovolution whose end we could not foresee. But before the party now in power was cho sen, they declared that they would exeroisea power, tbe right to do which was not granted. They aaid Congress should exercise the power to prohibit tbe spread of slavery—should limit tbe use of your property, which was in viola tion of the Constitution and tbe dearest princi ples of free government. I convict Lincoln of knowingly and wilfully advocating doctrines in violation of the guaranties of the Constitu tion. In his celebraied debates with Judge Douglas, he said : "I am pledged to the belief, that it is the right and duty of Congress to pro hibit slavery in the Territories.” Than look at hia Inaugural, in which he aska, “Can Con gross prohibit the extensisn of slavery?” And adds, “The Constitution does not say.” Then, of course, Congress had no such power; for, according to his own confession in bis Inaugu r&l, none such was granted. Yet. in his de bates with Douglas, he said he was pledged to the belief that it was the right and duty of Con gress to prohibit the spread of slavery. His whole party—the fanatical North—stands pledged to tbe same unconstitutional dootri King John, with all his perfidy never uttered or claimed a more patent usurpation than this. Lincoln has claimed the exercise of a power which, by his own confession, is not written in tbe Constitution, and hence does not exist.— The party which put him in power claim the exercise of the sams power by executive con struction—not the clearly grant* d powers of a free people to their agent, but from a forced construction without the sanction of law. Sup pose you had submitted to this enactment; what next? The power that Lincoln and his party claim, is far more than that set up by George 111., and far less excusable; for they have the lights of a written Constitution, clearly defining tbe power of Congress and tbe executive. We stand to the North precisely in the same relation that tbe Colonies* did to Great Britain and the Barons of King John.— What has been Lincoln’s subsequent conduct ? It was said, and I hoped, that after he had taken upon himself the solemn obligations of an oath, he would administer tho Government according to law. Has he done it? Look ai his Indianapolis speech, on his way to Wash ington, to take that solemn oath! He asked: “What relation does a State bear to the General Government different from that of a county to a State?" At one fell blow, be strikes down 8tate rights and all the great principles of our liberty. This would allow Congress to abolish State lines, Courts and Legislatures, depriving the people of their power; and yet he puts this silly question to au American audieuce ! His party take up the echo and asaert the same abominable doctrine. He has not ouly claimed and exercised pow ers not written, but has violated those that are written. lie has made war, while the Consti tution says that Congress alone shall exercise such power. We, at Montgomery, in the sim plicity of our hearts did what we could not to provoke war or give any juat cause of quarrel with him. We knew thatafter tbe 4tb of March he would have no Congress to make war on us --never dreaming that he would usurp such a prerogative himself! According to the Consti tution, he would have to call Congress togeth er, and that Congress would have to be chosen, before war could bo declared. Lincoln found a shorter method ; he called himself together, and himself declared war and has made it on ua by invading our soil. He calls out a posse of 75,000 men to make wftr on ua. By bis owd edict, without authority, he has increased the Army 25,000, and the Navy 18 000, and he ia contracting a debt of $1,000,000 per day.— Shades of King John, come to judgment, and find all your usurpations entirely outstripped! But Lincoln has not only usurped the pow ers of Congress. He has actually set aside the Judiciary. By his own act, he has usurped the powers of tbe Supreme Court. He baa suspen ded tbe right of habeas carpus, in the face and teeth of the Constitution, sod for a r urposeex preaaly forbidden—to imprison a citizen with out the judgment of his peers. He says the Court shall not have power to relieve you from unlawful arrest, however lawful its decisions may be. What reason shall this usurper ren der to poeterity for having denied the right of hia courts to investigate his own sets? His purpose is to reduce to obedience, thoee who refuse to recognise his usurpation. In addition to a day of fasting and praysr for our success, we should observe a day of thanksgiving for our deliverance from such a usurper. [Rap turous applause ] If be does all these things to his own people, what would be not do te us if ho had the power ? He hu not only claim ed the right to exercise this power, but bu del egated it to his military subordinates. But 1st him and his Govsrnment pass. I have thus alluded to it to show you what you have es caped. OontTMt that Government with your own! We have revolotieaieed, m well as they. We have dissolved tbe Uoion, but in a manner on your neighbor, he may fail and you lose whioh all history will justify. No revolution your money ; but the Government never fails, aver occurred like ours. The first step wm till the last man iu it fails. So you see you through the ballot-box. The people revolution ised. la tbe revolutions of tbe Old World, power was first usurped, and afterwards rati fied by tbe people, if at all, through the influ ence of bayonets; but, with us, tbe people have inaugurated it. Every form of the old Constitution has been preserved. Lsst fall, when this revolution wss in its incipiency, I feared that war would be the result. What I dreaded, was that we should not only loss the Union, but our liberty also. Such had been the history of all revolutions in Europe. But the very first thing that was done by the se ceded States, was to meet the demands of tho conservative elements atnoDg us. You were saved from bloodshed among yourselves. You were lifted across the turbid stream of revolu tion so quickly that you saw none of the dan gers of tbe way. The hideous wrecks of revolu tions that lie all around, standing out in such frightful vie at, were scarcely seen. I fear you will never realise the danger you were in, or the difficulties that lie in tbo way of leadiug a people safely across that dangerous gulf. This was my great fear. It has been passed in safe ty. I am satisfied, and so are all. Congress next passed such laws as were nec essary ; adopted the Permanent Constitution, which has been ratified by all the seceded States. It is the same as the Old Constitution, with such slight amendments as experience had demonstrated to bo necessary—no more. In the principles of this instrument is our free dom and our hope, and it will be cf our chil dren for all future ages. [Cheers ] The great dangers are past, and my fears are allayed.— Tbe scenes of terror which have followed rev olutions in France and other countries are avoided. Our people are all of one heart and mind, resolved to maintain our position to the very death. The Congress at Montgomery was most harmonious, and performed an unequaled amount of work lor the short space of time it was in session. In nine weeks we framed two Constitutions and passed two hundred acts.— The Constitution has been ratified by the8tates We have inaugurated thoroughly our Govern ment at home, and our policy abroad. In all this, not a single right of a single State has been invaded and no p >wer has been exercised that was not written. The noble Executive we have placed at the head of our Government, has, in no single instsnee, sought to usurp a single power, or control a single member of the Government. In striking contrast with this, Lincoln has usurped the powers of Congress and tbe Courts, and has done what neither Congress nor the Courts have the power to do. We have revo lutionized in form—Lincoln in fact. We the Uuion, Lincoln the Constitution. We quit the Union only because we bad to quit those who had quit the Constitution. We chose to adh' to the substance, and leave tbe form. Our objeci, however, is uot lo destroy their liberty, but to secure our own. For no iffeuso than this, Lincoln sends down his army aud says we shall submit to his usurps lions and surrender our liberty ! Will we do it ? (Vociferous cries of never ! nkvkh ! NE VER!) Can lie compel us lo do so ? (No! NO !) It is no use for him to deceive himself and posterity. We have resolved to preserve and he to destroy self-government. If y are conquered, you arc uo more freemen, but slaves. If you conquer you remain free. There is no other alternative. Confiscation and chains, is the openly declared policy ol our enemies. You have said you would not submit, and that you will be freemen for the future. So Congress believed. After having done all in our power to prevent war, it is upon us. We have met it. We have sent out 100,000 men to the field of conflict, and hear daily reports from their valor and deeds of heroic daring, that are enough to mike every patriot heart leap for joy. But one thing more is needful. Tbe statesman has done his duty and you are satisfied with it. At Montgomery while you slept we were anxiously considering what was best for you. Our enemies have acknowledg ed that we have statesmen. Foreigners—the great statesmen of England and France—say that we have retained all the forms of the old Constitution. The soldier has done his duty. He has gone forth with a brave heart to meet your foes, and to shed bis blood in your defense. It only remains for the citi zen to do his duty also. Congress hss not tax ed you as yet; but you must not be deceived. Congress will lay a direct tax during this year ; but, if the scheme we have adopted be sus tained by the people, there will be no more taxation. We have done what never has been done before iu tbe history of the world. Rev olutions have always been sustained by oner ous taxes or levys, and sometimes by confisca tions. We have done oo such thing as tj>is.— Our plan is unique—one that no other Govern ment ever before attempted, and one that none other can do. You bold in your surplus pro ducts tbe bread of 5,000,000 of English people —let alone the other millions in Europe and the North. We hold that which Archimedes dreamed of, but never saw—the lever to lift tbe world. We are going, with this powerful lever, to lift our people from the oppressive yoke of tyranny, that Lincoln ia trying to fas ten on us. [Applause.] The correspondent of the London Times, 1 see, says our people have confidence in our Government. In this he is right. He says our plan is novel, but that if the scheme succeeds our Government will be a success. Cotton is at last the corner stone of our indepencence. By our plan, the Government docs net sell your cotton, nor buy it You sell it yourself, in your own way, at your own lime, selecting your own market, and to whomsoever you choose. But instead of taking baok bills, aa usual, for it, you will take tbe bonds of the Confederacy due in twenty years, bearing in tercet eight per cent per annum, payable eve ry six months in gold and silver. In the first place, you can’t loee anything.— If tke Government lasts, the bonds will be good. If il don’t ImI, you will all be ruined. Lincoln says your property shall be confisca te. It the Govern meat fails you fail; and it matters not whether your property bn in nn cannot possibly make a safer lavactment We must come to you to bapport our gov ernment in (his contest. We must not go to New York, to London or Parle, or any of tbe great money marls of the world. Our gov ernment is new, and we have a special reason for sustaining it with our own resouroes io the outset. It will give such confidence aa tbe world never before bad in any new gov ernment-secure our speedy recognition a- broad, and ao early terminetlon of tho war. These are worth making not only great efforts for, hut great saorifices if need be ; but no sacrifices are asked or necessary. I have a speceial reason for wanting old Troup County to respond handsomely to thie proposition I believe I bad the honor first to suggest this plan to our Government. When tbe Light Guards left here, I witnessed your patriotism—and the readiness with which you pledged all your property to support that sin gle Company. I went to Montgomery and told them our people were ready to sustain them with theircotton bale*, and other surplus pro duce. The plan hss been adopted, and I hope you wtll respond in a manner woithy of your known patriotism, liberality and wealth. The North yet believes our Government is a usurpation. I want every body who makes cot ton to take stock in this proposition. I believe if we gr up to Cougress on the 20th July with one million of bales subscribed, it will strike terror into tbe hearts of the eneoiy. England and Frauce will speedily recognize us and they will sue for peace. [Cheers.] Come up, then, and subscribe your cotton to this loan.— How many of your crops would you even give away your entire surplus of to secure a proper termination of this conflict, and a perpetua tion to yourselves and your posterity of the rights and liberty you enjoy ? [“All that we will ever make," and tremendous applause.] But you will not be required to give away a cent's worth or lose a dime. You can’t mske a better investment of your surplus products. Some have asked if these bonds will be good. What more can I say on this point ? Providence has given me a great privilege. I have seen every page of the history of this revolution, as it was made and turned over from day lo day. I have the utmost confi dence in its success. Ail my cotton can go for government bonds. All my property can be bought with them. If any one don’t be lieve me try me. A few years ago, when the United States had a full treasury, Mr. Secretary Guthrie offered to buy up the bonds of tbe govern ment not then due, and actually offered 16 percent, premium on them, and could not get tbeta. Why ? Because these 6 per cent, bonds were so valuable and convenient to capitalists, and considered such a safe invest ment—so certain and reliable—that they would not tuke gold for them at 1G per cent, premium If the bonds of the old govern ment were worth so much, 1 am safe in say ing that our bouds will be worth 20 per oent. in three mouths after the war. I candidly believe it, and there is every reason in tbe world for such belief. But tome have said, it is very dry now, and they fear tho crop will be cut short, and have suggested to me that it is a bad time to make this speech and ask for subscriptions to tbe loan. The Government has provided for all that. It asks you to subscribe on the basis of an overage crop. If the crop fails from drought, or any other cause, you will be excused. In such case, no forfeiture will attend your sub scription. Give U3 just the same subscription you would if you were sure of an average crop. This will carry home to your enemies the conviction that you are determined to sus tain your Government. We ere in better condition to carry on tbe war than the North. The property of that section, in many places, has gone down 50, * nd even 75 per cent. A friend of mine passed through Broadway a few days ago, and counted 189 business houses with cards “ to let," “ to rent,” hanging on the door*. Our property is in land and negroes, and don’t fluctuate with every adverse wind of fortune. I believe the North cannot find means to carry on this war. If our scheme can bo carried out, we can carry on this war 100 years. We don't want it to last 100 months, or one month ; but we can carry it on 100 years—and we will do so rather than submit to Lincoln’s usurpation, or the dictation of the North. Mr. Ilill closed amidst applause, and the following subscriptions ware obtsinsd on the spot. Men were appointed in every distriot to receive subscriptions from those who were not present. Every body with whom we con versed seemed confident of getting 5,000 bales in Troup oounty ; and advices since received by letter from the highest sources of information eonfirm this opiniou. Besides this, several of the large money lens dera of tbe county gave publie notice that they would receive the bonds of the Confed eracy in payment of all dues to them. Samuel Reid...... 20 LEATHER! LEA At Wholesale or Edward Broughton William Re.d Dr. Henry T. Heard Dr. A O. Stanley.. 60 50 IA 25 Daniel Ware........ 25 25 50 20 25 .25 35 6 $ of hie crop Russell K PoythrsM .} of bis crop } of hit crop NOTICE! T WILL pep * liberal prtoo for lutdPoUwBMg.hne.ht^ e few thou.- TM.id.nce or T. AAAUt. Ij 1 W E arc now to furniah man Hnd dealers wi Hemlock Sole Leather, While Oak »o. French Calf Skin,, vari- Phlladclphln Oo. Morocco Oo. Cioal Oo. LlniitK and Binding Sk Shoe Thread, Shoe Eyletn, Ijnta, Pegu, And everything connected manufacture of hoots and A Large Lot of the above JUST RKCKIVBD, And for sale at Wholesals or DIMICK, WILSON A June 20—d&wlrn FIRE AND LIFE —AND- MABDfE INSURANCE T HE subscriber represents four Ft Southern Companies, and eight “ Companies, with an aggregate Cash SEVEN MILLIONS. Tbe honorable ment and pavment of losses without necessary delay, words here need set to prove. Tbe proof can be found «!' who have suffered loee, and were so ‘ as to procure Policies at this Agsncy. Risks, both Atlantio mod River, tsksa* LIFE I NSURANC. The attention of both saxes who cure for themselves an importsnlt thev live, and also provide for their and loved ones in the event of Death, vited to examiae the superior advea EQUITABLE LIFE INsURANCI * affords over other Life Insurance Information relating to the prinsiplei Insurance will be cheerfully given si flee, in the second story of Connolijk ing, corner of Whitehall and Alsbaw* Atlanta Georgia. SAMUELS march 30. General Insurasee Notice. I N coneequence of the withdraws! Steamers between Mobile and 9aw the Through Fricight Tarirw fro® leans to Atlanta and Columbus, ae March 1861. is suspended until iu GEO. G HULL, 8upt. A. 4 W. P. D. H. CRANE. Supt. M. A W. P. COX, BRAINARD A CO., Mobile and N. 0.8 june 8-dtf. BUTLER & PET (Bocoewora lo Hl(fc, Bolin * M Commission Mcrcho FOB TIB N10I1II <*“ * TMjyjvmaamB rmaa Cotton, OroecriM. *«. ATLANTA H AV* 1. .tor., at their Fin Home, on the corner of Fonj**J tho Ruined, (oppo.it* tho Slat* 100 BARBELS LARD 60 BALES YARN; 100 BARRELS LARD; 200 KEGS PRIME LEAF 1,000 BARRELS FLOUR. THI FINEST WATISINO FtACI SOUTHERN CONflOEfiACT. THE CHALYBEATE Huwimi* ouorrr, * W ILL bo open for the ncoplim ou the fr.1 of U»J. * SCHOOL OF TUB GUI B THI PRACTICAL. »0U>1 1 lor the we of the Millu* ol