Southern confederacy. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1861-1865, June 28, 1861, Image 2

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

jfmthmMdnaq GEO. W. ADAIB. —j. liENLY SMITH, imu in nmumi. ATLANTA. OMOBOIAi FRIDAY, JUNE 28, 1801. Office Beeklu*--Political Part lee, and Party Conventions. Wo have iuteoded, for sometime past, to offer it lew thoughts oa this subject; but ws have been so much occupied id catering to the crav ing appetite of the people for war news, that we have deferred it until now. Our free institutions, in their very nature, be get parties. Where there is freedom of thought, speech, aetiob and the prees. there will bedis- cuaaioDS and different opinions will exist.-- This, at once, creates parties. This, In itself, is not wrong. It is the bitter partisan strife- the uocoinpromising party spirit, which inter ested and unprincipled men get up—those ef forts of the few, who have selfish ends to pro mote, and are not actuated by motives of pub lic good—who draw party lines and foist their men and their measures upon the publio, with out any agency of tbe people; in short, it is the abuu of parties that begets tbe evils, and not that parties are necessarily wrong in them selves. This is the fruitful source of all the troubles that uow environ our beloved country. The negro question, tbe tariff and all the dis tinctive features of Northern policy, have been nothing more than party tactics through which to get into power. The abuse of parties—the perversion of their uses, by dspraved and un scrupulous men, to the basest purposes—that of serving their own selfish ends at the ex pense of public good; these have broken up the Union, and involved us iu a war. But for the unprincipled scrambles of the basest of men, operating with tbe machinery of party tactics, the North and the South would have lived together in peace, and the Union would have been perpetual. What has taken place before, may take place again. We warn our people, now that we are separated from the North and are engaged in a war to maintain that separation, that if we suffer ourselves to become corrupted and em broiled with parties, as we did in the Old Gov ernment, we shall again become involved in similar troubles. Sectional animosities and lo cal interests and prejudices will become rife and embittered—even in the South, where our interests now seem to be homogeneous. We shall have another dissolusion—a secession of some portion of tbe Confederate States, and be involved in another war on account of it. This we wish to avoid for the future; end in order to do so, t'ae old machinery of parlies must be ignored, and whatever of party management there may be, must be confided to a different class of men. A new method of bringing out candidates for office must be adopted. Tbe peo ple must see that good men, whose modesty have heretofore kept them out of the ring, are brought forward, and they must not be insult ed and disgraced by being thrust into the com pany of blackguards. These disturbers of tbe peace, and enemies of our country, must be made to know their place, aod kept in their own kennels. All of us, in d&ys past, have been more or leas controlled by the'baneful influence of these unscrupulous partisans. We have voted for men to fill offices of high honor and trust, in whom we had little or no confidence in any of the business relations of life, and whom we would not trust or employ in any business con nected with our personal interests. This was for no other reason than that they had, by by some party tricks or through corrupt agen cies. been nominated by tbe party to which we were attached. IIow these men could get such nominations, the people have often been at a loss to understand—knowing it was not upon their merits. Office hunting and demagoguism, under the Old Government, bad become a regular pro- fe( sion, and that, too, by a class of men wholly unfit by capacity, education or moral worth to fill tbe places to whioh they aspired. We do not wish to be understood as insisting that every man who held, or aspired to hold office, was of that class—by no means; but we do in sist that their number waa far too large for the country*e good ; and now that we are involved in trouble—threatened with a common danger —our soil invaded—our homes, property, hon or, lives and all that mankind hold doer and worth living for is in peril, let us pause and reflect a moment upon tbe real cause of all this ! How insignificant and worthless oar past partisan differences, but how momentous are their bitter fruita ! How often have we allow ed prejudice, rather than reason and patriot ism, to control our actions and votes? Shall we return to this evil practice, or shall we now embrace the golden opportunity of inaugura ting a different and a better order of things ? Let us reform—the object is worth the effort. Let us utterly ignore the corrupting influences of party conventions and caucuses, which were so strongly and justly condetnnsd by the im mortal Calhoun—the great embodiment of State Rights; and whose prophetic eye trsced out and exposed to the view of tbe past genera tion, the very results that are now uprn us, as tbe fruit of tho corrupt partisan practices of his day. But for th« dootrins# he enunciated, and to which the people of the South have clung, we would not now he engaged in % rev olution to resist the inroads which the office huutiog, power seeking North, uuder the con trol of unprincipled party hacks, were making upon Constitutional liberty. He gave unan swerable reasons for his opinions—the princi pal one was that it opened the door to corrupt and incompetent men. Bold, impudent dem agogues too often succeeded in bluffing modest and meritorious men, who would not stoop to a scramble for either office or honor, with such unprincipled opponents. The question then arises : “ How will candi dates for offics be got before the people ?” We ere fully advised of the usual diffidence of aspirants; and, fur their benefit, and to save them from the usual trouble of wire working, log-rolling and all the usual oentemptible and disgraceful routine, known only to the Initia ted, we suggest that for ell State offices, from Oovernor down to the lowest, every aspirant simply deolare hU desire or wlllingnsse to fill the oflo*; or, let any one who wishes a friend SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. to be e candidate, announce his name; and then let ell trust to the popular vote for the result—taking no undue steps to influence the publio during the canvass. The inetineU of the meeeee are generally correct, and in nine cases our of teo, would vote for the hast men, if left to themeelves and uoiofluonced by party tricks. We cell the attention of all our readers to the unity of sentiment and the absence of par ty wrangles in South Caroline We are native Georgians, but we would gladly eee a similar policy in this respect adopted in this State.— People may say what they will about it; but none eau deny that their Government is pro ductive of as much contentment, prosperity sod general benefit as ours—sye, of even more than any other Slate Government in the Con federacy. We shall rejoiee if. in this revolu tion, we can have some of the South Carolina customs introduced into our political machine ry. None of the liberties of their people are abridged. If they are, the people are uncon scious of it; for, inrtead of being passive slaves as those ere who are deprived of liberty, there is not a more independent, spirited, chiv alrous and honorable people on the face of the earth. We regret to see, and take this opportunity to express our disapprobation, as public jour nalism, of the appointment recently made, of some rnen under the old regime, to places of trust, who are notorious old party vultures— wrecked in fortune, and bankrupt in charac ter, who have been foragiDg on the old Gov ernment for years—who could not be trusted ia any money affairs in the community where they are known. A few of such man have lately been appointed to offices—not where their valor could be tested, and they could stand in the way of their country’s dan ger; but of public trust. How, or through what considerations, these men are selected to handle the funds, in these times, can be known only to those who have wallowed with them in the political mires of the dirty past. We had hoped all these old party debts were squared off, or if not, that they would be repudiated, and that for all time to come, men would be placed in office, either by election or appoint ment, for merits alone. They should be sober, honest, industrious, and competent. Let eve ry mau for all time to come, vote for no one who falls short, wbeu measured by this stand ard; and let the people make those holding the appointing power, afraid to abuse it, and disgrace tho country, by conferring favors on unworthy men. Select men for office as you would select your executor to guard the inter estsof your widow and orphans; and depend upon it, the country will be the gainer. We will have fewer disgraceful canvasses, election disturbances, and defaulters in office, and have a higher standard of official excellence, with an improvement in every department. The people will be elevated, and have a higher de gree of virtue, and personal honor and integ rity. Our Special Army Correspondence. Tht Forces Approaching, and a Battle at Hand —The Lincoln Government Beginning to Feel the Ground-Swell in the Forth—The North wants the Blockade liaised—Distress —Factories Stopped—The Coming Storm- Shortening Sail—Twenty Days to * 4 Dis- perse ”—The Brilliant Manowre of General Johnson—His Skill as a Strategist—Interest ing Particulars of the More rnen ts About Harper's Ferry—The Cowardice of the Yan kees. Hurlhut—Gen. Fierce—Sailing of the Van derbilt- The Crew of the Privateer 8a mn- nah not to fte Executed—A Straw from Eng• land, and a Straw from Massachusetts— Prisoners, Richmond, June 24. Tbe drama is sweeping on to its bloody de- noument. The pickets of the hostile hosts have approsched to within two miles of each other, between Manassas Junction and Alex andria, and the forces of the two armies aro gradually, but surely following iu their wake. A collision between scouting parties may bring on a grand battle any day. It will be difficult to keep the peace long, when the combatants are separated by so slight a distance. Your readers need have no apprehension as to the result. The Washington Government would be glsd to avoid a fight until after the reassem bling of Coogress. Aground-swell is beginning to be felt through out the trading, commercial and manufactur ing classes of tte North, in favor of peace.— Tbe New York “ Tost,"a rabid abolition sheet, is already out in favor of raising the block ade, on the ground that its only effect is to in* jure the North, while it benefits the South. A number of cotton mills in Now England and Pennsylvania have stopped oa account of the scarcity of cotton and tbe slight demand for goods. The huckstering politicians who com pose the Government are not insensible to these premonitions of the coming storm, and thsy would he rejoiced if Gen. Beauregard would allow them a little time to shorten sail, srethe tornado shall strike the rotten old hulk. It may bo that the gallant General will allow them twenty days of grace, in which to dis perse ; hut, if he does, it will be for reasons of State policy, and not from toy want of milita- ry preparation. There are some facts connected with the movement of Gen. Johnson from Harper’s Fer ry, which render it the roost brilliant manoeu vre of the present campaign, and demonstrates beyond all question bis great ability and skill as a strategist. He knew that the place, in itself, was untenable, and of but little military importance, and occupied it for a special ob ject, which, hut for the tories who abound in that neighborhood, he would have accomplish- td, and, at tbe same time, would have won a great victory. Intending for some time to evac uate the place, and knowing that Patterson's column was moving down from the North, and McClellan’s from tbe West, with a view of ef fecting a junction at Winchester, and thus prevent a union of the Confederate forces et Harper's Fsrry and Manassas Junction—know ing these things, he waited until the first di vision of Patterson's column had reached Wil liamsport, on the North side of the Potomac. He then evacuated the place, and pretended to be retreating. The enotny understood ths movsmsnt to be a retreat, as he desired they should, and actually crossed the Potomac, when suddenly changing hit course, be push ed forward his forces due North, along the very road by whioh the enemy were approaching. But the tories managed to get word of whnt wet going on to Gen. Cadweiladar, who wee In command of the Hessiene, just In time to cove him self. The order was immediately given, “right about face,” which tho Yankses obey- od with great alaority, and they never stopped until they bed put the Potomae between them and the bloody Southerners. Johnston’s next step (whioh I have just learn ed from tbe most onquestioanhfo authority) was to affsot a second retreat in the direction of Winchester, to which he aotually withdrew, hoping the enemy would again eroee into Vir ginia and attain pt a pursuit. He was not mis taken, for Cadw»llader again crossed the Po tomac, when Johnston threw forward a force of 1.5M picked troupe (Including Got. Bartow’s Georgia Regiment) to Martiosburg. They sue oeeded in getting within five mile* of the Yen kees. when, for tbe second time, lory spies ear ned information of our approach to the one my, who again wheeled about and struck a trot, which they did not stop until they re crossed into Maryland. When they reached the Potomac, it is s>tid that they plunged into the water, and rushed to the other bank ss if the d 1 bad been after them. Mr. Hurlhut, the supposed abolition corres f ondent of the New York “Times,” arrived are to-day, and has been turned over to the proper authorities. It is not known yet what disposition will be made of him. Generai Pierce, the running hero of Bethel Church, has csMed for a court of inquiry into his conduct on the occasioo of the late battle at that place. He has also published a letter ia the Boston papers, iu which he denies the charge that Gen. But'er had reprimanded him in insulting terms for his cowardice and in competency. The steamer Vanderbilt sailed from New York last week, with sealed orders, having Billy Wilson’s regiment of thieves and cut throats on board. The steamer also took out a number of carts aud mules, a number of rifled cannon, and a stock of provisions aod ammu nition. There is considerable discussion in the North ern papers ss to the disp>sition to be made of the crew of the privateer Savannah. The “Herald’’recommends that the death penalty be not inflicted, and that the crew be pul up on tbe public works, and made to “wheel dirt.” The “Tribune” is more bloodthirsty; and, while it does not urge the authorities to hang them, it contends that “ tbe pirates ” deserve bo other fate. They will not be hung—the Gov ernment dare not do it. As a straw, showing which way tbe wind sets from the British Islands, I would state that the 47th regiment was under orders, at the last accounts, to sail from Liverpool to Canada. Another straw : Cotton in New York is sell ing st 10@10Jc., and the mill owners in Mas sachusetts are beginning to import cotton from England. The Oth Georgia Regiment, Col. Goulding, has received orders to proceed to Winchester just as soon as transportation can be provided —say in a day or two. Three prisoners were brought in to-day, two of whom were found together in tbe woods, ani arrested by one man. Squads of them are brought in every few days. A. From the Savannah News. Col. Bartow’s Reply to Gov. Brown. Camp Dbfiancr, Harper’s Ferrt, ) June 14ib, 1801. / To Governor Joseph E. Brown : Sir : I received your letter of i he 21st ult., while at Richmond. Since the date of its re- «epti*n, I have been so constantly engaged in the duties of the service 1 have undertaken, that 1 have found no time whioh could be de voted to an acknowledgement of your commu nication. 1 now write amidst the hurry aud confusion of the camp, being about to march from this poiut, we trust to meet tbe enemy. I have little time aud less Mclination to re ply in detail to the insolent missive you have thought proper to publish in my absence. Re spect, however, for the good opinion of the people of Georgia, induces me, in a few words, to set right my conduct, which you have taken so much pains to asperse, aud to correct the misstatements and false irnputa lions with which your letter abounds. You say that I have “ commenced my mil itary career by setting at defiance the orders of the officer upon whom tbe Constitution of my State has conferred the right to command me.” I am not aware that you have any such right, unless I were actually enlisted iu tbe service of tbe State of Georgia, in a con tingency which, under the Constitution, would give the State the right to raise and maintain troops. 1 commence my military career, as you are pleased to term it, by accepting service under the flag of the Confederate States, and 1 re ooguize not you, but the President of the Con federate Slates as the officer upon whom the Constitution (to which Georgia ie a party) “has conferred the right to command me.” It is true that I tendered, under instructions from my company, their service to the Con federate Slates ihrough you, iu the first in stance; this, however, was simply because ibe President had adopted that mode of obtaining troops as a matter of publio convenience, and not because there ever was any Constitution or law which required hirn to appeal to the Slats Executives; still less is there sny ground for your assertion that tbe rights of the States are violated by the President receiving troops directly, without the intervention of the Gov ernors. You labor, and have constantly labored, under the erroneous impression that you are the State or Georoia. I beg leave to protest against this conclusion, ia which 1 assure you, I can never concur. By the Constitution of tbe Confederate States, to whiou Georgia has agreed, toe Confederate Government it alone chargeable with questions of peace sod war, and has tbe exclusive right, except in osse of invasion, to raise and maintain ar mies. The Cougress, and not (be Governors of States, are entrusted with the power to raise these armies: aod as the Constitution is broad aod unqualified in this grant of power, the'Congrcss is uurestrioted in the mode in whioh it shall beexeroised. The President of the Confederate States is the Commander in- Chief of these armies, thus raised for a com mon cause ; and tbe Governors of States have not, so far as 1 am aware, any jurisdiction of power over this subject, except so far as pa triotism may indues them to co operate with the General Government in times or groat «m- orgenoy aod danger. Your conclusions, there fore, that the “ Aot of Congress under which I go, is a palpable encroachment upon tho rights of tho States,” does not io the least disturb me. Neither upon reason or authority do I ooosidor the opinion of much value. I think most people will prefer tho judgement of tbe ConfederateCengress and the President of tho State#, who gave tho aot their deliberate sanc tion. You have fallen into another error upon this subject. You say “that l proceeded to tho Confederate Congress, of which 1 am a member, and that a bill was passed, you sup K se, chiefly by my influence, whioh author >o the President to reecive the military for* cos of the State over tho head aed independ ent of State authority.” You further say that “under thia Act I was aooopted into ter- vies, without your consent, and permitted to leave Savsunab and go to Yil > gl*ia. ,, I as sure you, in paaoing, that I shall never think it nacoaoary to obtain your consent to enter the service of my oountry. God forbid that I should over flail so lorn. But to your eharg*. I kuow not to whnt net you refer, a* the ono under whieb I wan aeeepted into tervioe; but 1 will inform ion that tbe Aot under whioh 1 serve is entitled, “An Aot to raise additional forees to serve during the war.” This Aot, to the beet of my remembrance, contains no allusion to State authority, nor does it allude In any port to tbe Governors of State*. It Is simply on Aot ou- therisisg tbe President to nooopt tbe services of volunteers for lb# war, and to appoint tbsir field officers; and in these twe respect* also*, it differs from other Acts nndsr whieb volun teers hav* been oeeepled. This bill was in troduced into Congress by tbs Hon. Mr. Wig- fall, of Texas, without sny consultation with me, referred to ths Mllitsry Committee, of whioh I wso chairman, perfected by it, aod passed by tbe Cungrooe. It met the approval of the moat distinguished loaders of ths State Rights school in tbo Congress, and wss re- gsrded by Congress ss (he best means to raise an efficient army, so absolutely required by the wicked Invasion sot on foot by the North. Mr. Wright, of Georgia, introduced a bill, whioh dose authorize tho President, without oalling upon tho Governors of tbo States, to accept tbe services of volunteers at the times he may prescribe ; but with this bill 1 hod no connection, nor am 1 in service under ito terms, nor had I any agency in procuring its introduction or euactment. You go on to say, “that I must be presum ed to be the leading spirit ia procuring tho passage of this bill, and that 1 was the first to avail myself of its benefits by aocepting a high command under it.” You remark, “that it is said, that I am to have a Colonel’s com mission.” Now, sir, the feels are, that under the former bill, by which twelve month’s vol unteers were raised for the war, tbe Presi dent had as much power to accept them di rectly as he has under this Aot, for tbe war; and it is a mere matter of discretion with him under both acts, whether he will or will not use tbo intervention of State Executives; and yet, while stepping out of the way, to •tab me in ibe back, you seem criminally ig norant of what you ought to know. You have also insinuated, in this charge aod elsewhere io your letter, that I have been misled by motives of personal ambition. The atttibuyon of low motives of oonduct to oth ers is most frequently the result of long fs- miliarity with suoh principles of action. It is dangerous for any man to attribute motives, less he fall under ths condemnation of “boar ing false witness against his neighbor.” In relation to myself, I desire to ssy but little. I prefer to bo judged by my action*. It is not true, that I availed myself of the benefits of the Act of Congress to which you refer, by seeking a high command under it. I offered service and was accepted as Captain of my Company, without any pledge or understand ing, directly or indiiectly, that I was to have another commission. My present office of Colonel of this Regiment, has been conferred upon me through the voluntary confidence of the President, and through the wish, as I have reason to believe, of every officer and private under my command. I have desired no office, preferring, for many reasoos, to re main at the bead of my company, between which and myself there has existed a deep- seated attachment, and it was only by their conseut that I agreed to oommand the Reg iment. My reasons for entering the service are very simple. I had labored as much as any man in Georgia to effect the secession of the Slate; I had pledged myself to meet the consequen ces of secession. I am bound, therefore, in honor, aod still more strongly by duty, to be among the foremost in accepting the bloody consequences which seem to threaten us. My life can be as well spared as any other man’s, aud l am willing and ready to devote it. You taunt roe with deserting my home and the de fense of my fireside, •• to serve the oommon cause in a more pleasant summer climate.” I wish you were here to witness the realities of thii service you deem so pleasant. It would cure you, I think, of some of your mslioious propensities. You taunt me also, with having imposed upon others tbe duty of defeudiog the post which 1 have deserted ; and yet, when you penned this you knew that you had steadily refused to call the volunteer troops of Savannah into service of any kind ; and that you had called “many of our bravest young men from other parts of the State to fill our places,” and defend our homes, while we were permitted to rest iu inglorious esse. The volunteer troops of Savannah are now In service, not through you, but by the direct order of the Commander in-Chief of the Con federate forces. Alt that you say upon this subject is Jesuitical, designed to eubsbrve a purpose rather than narrate tbe truth. I have the same right to judge that you have as to the probability of an attsok upon Savannah. There is scarcely a seaboard city along tbe Atlantic coast that has not its representatives here in Virginia- Why should Savannah be an exception ? Surely one company could be spared, at least, to show that her heart was true to tbe oommon cause, and that her youth were ready to court danger upoa ths very frontiers of the war. Such a spirit is not what you have characterized it. It is probably above your comprehension, but the generous and noble hearted of my native State will know how to appreciate it. Aod now as to my arms. 1 did not ask you to arm or equip mo. I bad already received, from the late Government of the United States, through you, arms and equipments, which cost the State of Georgia nothing. They were delivered to me and you took my bond for their safe keeping, unless destroyed in tho public service. You have threatened mo with tbe penalty of the bond. Take it, if you eon get it. That is your remedy. If I have been wrong in taking the arms away from Georgia, I am a trespasser, and of course responsible. I think the power you claim to disarm com panies once armed and under bonds, at your will, is, to ssy tbe least of it, doubtful. As I have already said, in a former letter, I would not make this issue if I could find any way to avoil it. I would rather yield, than have a controversy with any roan where tbe public interests are involved. But. situated as I was, I prefer disobedience, if you please, rather than to jeopard the honor and the safely of one hundred men confided to ray care. You seem to think I am arrogant in claiming our humble share in representing the State of Georgia on this field of action. You say that you aro not a«aro of tbo State authority by whioh I am called to represent the Stale of Georgia in Virginia. You make hero again, your common error, of supposing that you aro the State of Georgia—a mistake in which I do not participate. You will not bo permitted to alienate from us the ostsom and affsotion of those we leave behind, aod whom wo love so dearly. I am sorry you have undertaken so ungracious s task. You say ( “ that, st present, I am beyond tho reaeh or Stale authority, aod Stats linos, so far ss I am concerned, are oblitsrated. How long this way remain §©,” you oay, “depends upon tbs dsvelopassnls of tbo fu ture ” I trust, if God spare# my life, 1 shall sot foot again on tho soil of Georgia, and yea may be well aoaured that I so wore fear ts meet my enemies nt lioass than I new 4e le meet tbe enemies ef my eoeniry abroad. With duo rsapeel, I have tbe bener to be Year most obedisst, FRANCIS 8. BARTOW. W. F. HERRING & Co] OFFER FOR O. tar their large stock of READY-MADE CLOTHI S3T VERY LOW. -JK g^=»WE HAVE ON HAND AN ASSORTMENT) MILITARY GOODS: Georgia Gray Cassimeres, Georgia Green “ Georgia Brown “ wnas Fw,4t Silling ; | mt ’A C0 J Blue Broad Cloth, Cadet Gray Broad Cloth, Military Buttons, Georgia made Shirtings, suitable for Soldieij Which wo will sell as low as can be afforded under the circumstances. Our SWORDS will be ready this week—a Southern made Sword —good I per—fine finish—at a reasonable price. We are prepared to make up UNIFORMS for Companies at short notice! fair prices for CASH. W. F. HERRING & June 20—dim. HRE AND LIFE -AND— MARISE INSURANCE ABENCY. T HE subscriber represents four First Class Southern Companies, and sight Nsw York Companies, with an aggregate Cash Capital of SEVEN MILLIONS. The honorable adjust ment snd payment of looses without any un necessary delay, words hero need not bo used to prove. Tbe proof can bo found with those who have suffered loos, and wera so fortunate as to procure Policies at this Agonoy. Marine Risks, both Atlantio and River, takes as usual. LIFE IN3URANC. The attention of both sexoo who would se cure for themselves an important benefit whila they live, and also provide for their familiee aod loved ones in tho event of Death, are in vited to examine the superior advantages the EQUITABLE LIFE INSURANCE SOCIETY affords over other Life Insurance Companies. Information relating to the prineiplee of Life Insurance will be cheerAilly given at my of fice, in the second story of Connolly’s Build ing. corner of Whitehall and Alabama streets, Atlanta Georgia. SAMUEL SMITH, march SO. General Insurance Agenoy. MERCHANT’S INSURANCE COMPANY, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. Capital Authorised $500,000 Cash and Surplus, 1st May, 1861.. 311,860 DI RECTORS: Jos. R. Anderson, Willaim G. Paine, James L. Apperson, Samuel Putney, William Breeden, John Purcell, David J. Burr, John D. Quarles, Wm. H. Christian, David J. Saunders, John Dooley, George D. Shell, L H. Glazebrook, Franklin 8te«rns, Lewis Gintor, John C. Sinton, Samuel J. Harrison, Ed. H. Skinker, Rosooe B. Heath, George G. Sumner, Edward McCarthy, Thoe. Taylor, Jr., E. Miller, William O. Taylor, Garrett F. Wateon. A. PLEASANT, President Johh H. Montaowi, Secretary. This favorite Insurance Company continues to insure, i oth in town and country, all kinds of insurable property on the most favorable terms; also, Marine Insurance. SAMUEL SMITH, Agent, Whitehall and Alabama Streets, Over 8alraons A Simmons' Dry Goods Store. Juce 20-tf. A labs ns Iimtiim Clifuj, MONTGOMERY. CAPITAL - r l'UI8 Compter, bp proaptaw it adjusting A. tnd paying tU )mhi, ku gained t ropata- lion whioh htt ptoatd it mum, tht Int cltM of Io.ur.nre Oompaoio. it th. country. Itin- •urM til kiod. of insaruble property on tho noot r.ror.ki. term.. D1BECTOEA. E. H. Motoolf, fWy. Wm. C. Bibb, Prudent. F. M. Gilm.r, 8. L. Arrington, D. A. Clerk. J. M. Willtonao, Wm. H. Bit*. Wtde Koyooo, J. D. Hotohrooo. John A. Bimoro. SAMUEL SMITH, A|Ut Offloo corner Wkilebtll A Altbtmt It Jnnof. SCHOOL or THE QCIDH, O R THE PRACTICAL SOLDIER, deoiguod tor th. nro of the Mililit 11 the Contode- by mtilm tht receipt *f««e 1. MiFHBMOE A CO. ' The Saratoga of the Confederate S CATOOSA SPRINGS J j. HARM AN rmpeetfnlly ana • his former visitors, and the psbliifl orally, that ho has sntersd into a co-pt ship with Mr. J. 8. Nicsols, of Ssvr for tho onouing season at this CELEBRATED WATERING PL Thankful for tho patronage hsi tended to him, he would solicit oo of tho same for the firm, who will es* all times, to provide for tho table, her, 1 ary luxury attainable. Our cooks will bo the moet expsn the South can produce, together w*U on e ciont lore# of aitoot‘ve servant*. .Jhir" bo an excellent BRASS and BTBIN6 1 of superior Musicians attached to the* Tho medieal virtue# of these nusj * riod Mineral Waters aro now too wiu I to require an extensive description I** tion to the Red, White snd Blsrt Springs—many of them oonsbises and Magnesia—is an iDexh*a•uW•»•H« , purest Freestone. , Oar oecom(sedations are vsrytf“*" We have many pleasant cotUgsMsp^J*® the main hotel, where families«sate«M and retired as in their own bosses. Catoosa Springs are in C* 4 ®** a gin, two and a quarter mills fnm uojt A Atlantic Railroad. A *»• OmnihotN Hack, will bw at th. pbltotm of.Mhtr.in, Th.8prinath.MOdw®" rood oommn.io.tlon wiib CharwdwJj" nob, Augaata, Macon, Milladiarillo,0"^ Atlanta, Montgomery, KuhriUo “* ' n °U'*iii or Board : Two Ml*" L Twolro Doll mo por weok, and Tinrtyn l.rt p*r tiagla month. Visitor* _ engage board by th. ■•moo. with to* li... will ho boordod ot Thirty month—ehildron and rorronl* btlirj- Thoro who »lab to oogogo board by —• woold do woll to oddroM _ Juno T-dJm. HARMON A l» c - NATIONAL AMERICAN- J T HERE mo oorornl thoot.od doUtjjT duo mo for Robocrlption and on .count of tho Into “ newspaper, by partioc ceatterod fhn But*. I nwd th. money—.m., * 1 *, mo/or the troal of it. Ic not tbltRl«F moot enough to Induce erery bimcelf to bo Indebted, to miko payment, either in whele or *• Good Boob ioya: “Thou tball »ot"yi mouth of tho ol thnt tr.ad.lb ool !»«• Neither ahoold Too atnrt. tbe by unremitting toll, furoi'bM^MJ" 1 Atlanta. Juno T, If 81. Eilngy m Ctoftraor BY HENRY B. JACK80*. Thia aloonoat Addraaa, Public Sorrieoa of Gor. (**«• \ dolirorod by Hu. Hurr E. otto, Gurgle, on tho *•»» of April* 1 * ready for solo. It is a flnoly priateer- dr * d ' WOO?HAltLElTEK. BIC«*5l Juao a dlw. FnUtohart. Atta«“>_ VbUb! Halli! T TOBUTOOOMPABt! toSatoJIJ^ SSafiE3g& up*"* w t COTSEAN, ft* A. ABOBTEE, ! -- l .mM a fl.. tfhfk 1M1.-