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hi ■mm. in SOUTHERN EACY. fnibetB (Rnitinui h*jbe*n done I ly*f< Ur th* #V«4 WEDNESDAY, JULY 10, 1661. By Telegraph to tkn Memphis “ Appeal.” Unroln’a NtaMft U the Bitn Naai«a of the F«4er»l CMgnac. WAnmurfo*' July a, 1801. fellow Cilvent of (Ai Senate and IJouit of Bej> Having been Convened oh nu extraordinary __ [ oooMion, m nethorized by the coosiiiuiiou, ^^komore. They know thrathoGeveswmewt jour attention is not called to any. ordinary ^nif^U keep th« garrison in the fort not If subnet of UfMttim At Ik* hotfMti* «* ‘ the present presidential term, four months ago, the function* of tho fodor a I government were found to be generally suspended within the seteral Stales of South Carolina. Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana ana Florida, exoeptiug only those of the poet ofllee depart ment. Within these States the fort*, arse nals, docks, harbors, custom houses and the like, including the movable and stationary properly in and abcat them, had been seised, and was held in open hostility to tbo govern* meat, excepting only Forte Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near tha Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in Charles!on harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seised had been pul in an approved condition, now ones it ad boon built, and araad forces had been organ ised, and were organising, all avewodly with the same hostile purpose. The forts remain ing in the possession of the Federal govern meat in and near these States, were either besieged or menaoed by warlike preparations, and especially Fort 8umter was nearly sur- roundtd by well protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to th# beet of ita own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles* had somehow fouod their way into these 8tatei, and had been seized to ba used against the govern ment. Accumulations of the publio revenue lying within them had been seised for the same objeot. The navy was soattored in dis tnnt sens, leaving but a very email part with in the immediate use of the government. The officers of the Federal army and navy had re signed in great numbers, and of those resign ing a iarga proportion had taken up arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all these, purposes to sever the Federal union were openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of the Slates, de claring the SiateB respectively to bo separated from th? National union. A formula for com bining and instituting a combination of those Stales bad been promulgated, and this illegal organization in the obaraoter of Confederate States was already invoking recognition, aid and intervention from foreign powers. Find ing this condition of things, and believing it to bo an imperative duty upon the incoming executive to pi event, if possible, the consum mation of such attempts to destroy the Federal union, a ohoice of means to that end became indispensable. This oboico was made and de clared in the inaugural address in March.— The polioy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaoeful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to bold the publio places and property not already wrested from the government, and oolleot the revenue, relying for the rest on time, disous. •ion and the ballot box. It promised a con tinuance of the mails at government expense, to the very people who were resitting the government, and it gave repeated pledgee against any disturbance to any of the people or any of their rights, of all that whioh a president might constitutionally and justifia bly do in such a oase. Everything was for borne, without whioh it was believed impose! ble to keep the government on foot. On the oth of March, the present inoum- beni’s first full day of offioe, a letter of Msj. Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, writ ten on the 28th of February, and reoeived at the War department on the 4th of March, was by that department placed in my hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be throw Into that fort within the time for hie relief, rendered necessary by tba limited sap- ply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same with a force of lesa than 20,000 good and disciplined men. Thia opinion was concurred in by all tho officers of his oommand, and the memoranda on tha sub ject were made together with inclosures of Msjor Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieut. Gen. Soott, who at once concurred with Mej. Anderson's opinion. Oa reflection, how ever, bo took full time for consultation with other officers both of the army and navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but deoidedly to the same conclusion as before.— He also stated at the same time that such sufficient foroe was not at the .oontrol of the government, and could net he raised and brought to the ground within tha time when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted In a purely military point of view this reduc ed the doty of the administration in tbo case to the mere matter of takiog tho garrison safely out of the fort. It was believed, how ever, (hat to abandon that position under the oiroumstaooee would be utterly ruinous; that the neoesaity under whioh it was to ba dona would not bo folly understood ; that by many it would be construed as a part of voluntary polioy ; that at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go for to insure to the latter a reoogni lion abroad ; that in feet it would be our nn tional destruction, If consummated. This oould not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere It would be reaoh- ed, Fort Ptokene might bo reinforced. This latter would be n clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to aeoept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military neoeealty. An order was at once directed to be sent for the lauding of the troops on the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Piokens. This order eould not go by land, but must taka tkt longer and slower route by tea. Tha first re turn news from the order was reoeived but one week bofore the fill of Fort Sumter. The news Ueelf was that the offioer oommaadirg the Sablae—to whioh vessol the troops had been transferred from tho Brooklyn—noting upon some guaei *rmi*tt«« of Ik* M* win in ioirolioo, up lo tk« lino Ik* ordor iu die petekrd, hod ool, two rogue sod uaotrtoiu rumor* lo Fx attention, tad bad rofeaod to load Ik* troop*. To rolnforo# FoA Plokou hefor* a citato weald t>* rtaakod at Fart Ban tar wee iaapoaefble, rendered eo bp the near exhaustion of prorltloa* la th* loiter named fort. It prooaatfoa opine nek a oeojstoo- turr th* goreramonl had a Aw day# before eoaeaeeooed preparing oa oxpadttioa at “ adapted ao might ba, lo r*U*»* Port 8«« whioh expedition woe intended to be altla I* aeod ft no!, eooeordlag to eii Ike .(range*. aatbipetw wm low erteoaUd, and (he fall, without orto -waiting Ik* orrlral of th* proritiraio, expedition. It U thus Men that aa assault upon and ro- duotloa of Fort Booster was In ao sens* a matter of self defence oa tbo part ft th* anaU* ante. Ho well know that th* gorrieoa la Ik* fort oould by uo poetiblllly eomalt eggrtetloa upon them. - They knew they WWW sxpreooty uollfiod that Ik* gtrlig of bread to th* ftw brave aad hungry mea of tk* gorrieoa wu all whiak oa that oeeaeton would b* attempted, unites lbemsel.ee be reelatlog eo tauob should i presented ik erward m tad i il them, but te~ merely maintain visible possession, aod thus to preserve the Union from aetual and immediate dissolution, trust ing as bera-in-before stated, to time, disoueaioa and the ballot box, lor final adjustment. They ••sailed sod reduced the fort for precisely the reverse objeot, to drive out the visible author ity of the Federal Union, and thoe foroe it lo immediate dissolution. That this was their objeot the executive well understood. And having eaid to them in the inaugural address, *‘You can have no oonfiiet without being yourselves the aggressors,” he took pains nat only to keep this declaration good, but also kept the nee ao fires from power of ingenious sophistry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Bamtor, with the surrounding elreumstanoes, that point was reaehed. Than aad there, by the assailaofs of tho Government, began the oonfliot of arms, without a gun in eight or in the expeotaney to return their fire save the few In the fort soot to that harbor years be fore for their own protection, nod are still to give that protection in whatever is lawful In this aot, discarding all elee, they have forced upon the country the destructive issue, immediate dissolution or blood ; and this is sue embraces more than the fata of these Uni ted States. It presente to (be whole family of man tho question, whether a constitutional demooraey, a Government of the people by the tame people oen or oanoot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domes tio foes. It presents the question whether dis eontonted individuals, loo few in number lo oontrol tha administration aooording to organ io law in any case, and always upon tbo pro tenses made in this ease or any other proton• see, or arbitrarily without any pretence, can break up tbeir Government, and thus practi cally pu» an end to free Government upon the earth. It forces us to ask “ie there in all re publics this inherent and fatal weakness f must a Government of neoeesity bo too strong for the liberties of Ueown people, or too weak to maintain its own existence ?” So viewing this issue, no oboioe wve left but to call out the war power of tho Governmeot, and so to re cist the fores employed for its destruction by force for its preservation The oall was made, and the response of tbeir country was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine ex pectations. Yet none of the States common ly called slave States, except Deleware, gave a regiment through regular State organisation. A few regiments have been organized within tome othera of those States by individual en terprise, and reoeived into the Government service. Of course the Seceded States, so- ealled, and to whioh Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The border States so-called, were not uniform in their no tion, some of them being almost for the Union, while in others, as Virginia, North Caralina, Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important; a convention elected by the people of the State to oonsider thia very question of disrupting thr Federal Union, waa in session at the capi tal of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large ma jority of professed Union men. Almost imme diately after the fall of Sumter, many mem bers or that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by thair great approval of the assault upon Sum ter, or the great resentment at the govern ment's resistance to that assault, is not defi nitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of the peo ple, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the legislature, whioh waa also in cession at the same time and place, with leading men of the State, not members of either, immediately com menced acting aa if tba State were already out of the Union. They pushed military prepara tions vigorously forward all over the State; they seized the United States armory at Har per* Ferry, and the Navy Yard at Goeport, near Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited, into their State large bodies of armed troops, with their war-like appointments, from the so called aeceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-op eration with the so-called Confederate States, and sent members to their Congress at Mont gomery, and finally they permitted the insur rectionary government to be transferred to their capital at Richmond. Tha people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make a nest within her borders, and this government has no choica laft but to deal with it whtre it finds it, and it has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have iu due form claimed ita protection. Those leyal citisens this government is bound to rec ognise and protact as being in Virginia, as ona of the border 8tatea, so-called. In the Middle States there are those who favor a policy whioh they call armed neutral ity ; that it, anjarming of those States to pre vent the union forces passing one way, or-the disunion forces th* other, over tbeir soil. This would be disunion completed; figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an im passable wall along tha line of separation, and yat not quite an impassable one, for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the bands of the Union men, and freely paaa supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which ft could not do ns ao open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of se- oession, except only what proceeds from the external blookade; it would do for tbo dia- unionists that which of all things they most desire—lead them well and giva them dieanien without a etraggis of their own. It recognises no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain tha Union; and while very many who knee favored it are doubtless loyal, it is nevertheless very injurious in effect. Recurring to the action of tha government, it may ba stated that at first a oall was made for ff AM militia, and rapidly following this n proclamation we* issued for closing the ports of the iosnrreeticnanr districts by proceedings in the nature of a blockade. 80 far, ail was believed to be strictly legal. At thia point thn insurrectionists announced their i a tent loo to eater upon the praetioe of privaleuHng. Other calls were made for volunteers to serve three discharged, and also for a but very snaiing»yrt «ere*fcnlee«, the legality and propriety of whnt has been done under it are questions, and the attention of the oonntry „ „ __ mite* e questions of power and ^propriety before this matter was noted upon. •Mho UWts whioh were required tally executed were being resitted, and failing' illy unseated were being of exeoution in nearly one third of the States. Moot they he ail awed to Anally fail ef lion, even had it been perfectly elver that by the nee of the means necessary to tbeir execu tion. some single law, made in aueh extreme tenderness ef the oitiaena' liberty, that, prao tieally it relieves more of the guilty than the innooent, should to a vary limited extent be violated t To state the question moradireetly, are all the laws but one lo go unexecuted, and the government itself to go to pieces teat that one be violated f Even in such a oase, would not the official oath- be broken if tbe govern ment should be overthrown, when it was be lieved that diarej tend to preserve that this question was presented; it was not believed that any law was violated; the pro vision of the Constitution is, that tbe privi lege of tbo writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cates of rebellion or invasion the publio safety may requ It is equivalent to a provision that such privi lege may be auspended when, in ease of rebel lion or invasion, th< *" '' " it. It waa decided that we have a case of re bellion, and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the writ, which was authorized to be made. Now, it is insist ed that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power, but the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to ex ercise the power* and the provision was plain ly made for a dangerous emergency. It can not be believed that the framers of the instru ment intended that in eve should run its course until Congress should be ealled together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this oase by the rebellionists. No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion of some length torney-General. Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, ie submitted entirely to tbe better judgment of Congress. Tbe forbearance of tbis government had been so extraordinary and so long continued aa to lead some foreign nations to ahspa thair action aa if they suppoeed the early destruc tion of our National Union was probable. While thia, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now everywhere practically respected bv foreign powers, and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout tbe world. The reports of the Secretaries of the Treas ury, War aod Navy will give the information in detail deemed necessary sod convenient for your deliberation and action, while the ex ecutive and all the departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to commuoicate new facta considered important for you to know. It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short Util •is political su- supreme law of tbo laod- Tha States have tkair status in ike Union, and they have bo are questions, and the attention of the oonntry taair status in me uuiou, ana mry n*v 9 no nanwri m um id in* »r; faithful It txeeuUd, ehould not bimeelf . iolota Th* Union, and oot tbemMlvM tep.r.Ulr, pro- orod thorn, not onei common curoitUttki 10 go 1 dred thousand meu, $400,000,000, that number of men being about one-tenth of those of pro per ages within tha regions where apparently all are willing to engage ; and the aura is leas thane twenty-third part of the money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $000 000,000 now, is a less sum per head than waa the debt of rur revolution when we came out of that struggle, and the money value in the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then than does the popnlation. Surely each man has aa strong a motive now to preserve our liberties aa each had then to establish them. A right result at tbis time will be worth more now to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for tha work is abundant, a nd that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it sanction, and the hand of tha executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of tbe governmeot is to avoid receiving troops faster than they can be provided for. In a word, the people will save their government if the government will do its part only indifferently. While it might teem, at first thought, of hot little difference whether the present movement at the South be called secession or rebellion, the movers, however, well understood the dif ference at the beginning. They knew that they could never raise their treason to sny re spectable magnitude by any name which im plies violation o* law. They knew their peo ple possessed as much of moral aeuse; as rnueh of devotion to law and order, and as much pride and reverence for the history and govern ment of their common country, as any civilis ed and patriotio people. They could make no advancement directly in the teeth of those strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they commenced an insidious debauching of the public mind, they invented an ingenious soph ism, which, if conceded, was followed by per fectly logical step* through all the incidents to tbe complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any 8tete of the Union of the union or any other State. They attemp- ted disguise, that the supposed right ia to be exercised for a juat cause, and that they them selvos are to be the solejudges of ita justice, is too thin to merit any notice with rebellion.— Thus sugar-coated, they have been druggii the publio mind of their section for more than thirty years, until at length they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the government the day after some assemblage or men have enacted tbe far- oical pretense of taking their State out of the union, who would have been brought to no such thing the day before. This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of ita currency, from the assumption that there ia some omnipotent and sacred su- a State—to each Stale Our States have neither more nor lees power than that reserved to them in tbe Union by^the constitution ; no one of them ever having been a 8tate out of the Un ion. The original onespassed into the Union even before they cast off thair British colonial dependence, and tbe new enea each came into tha Union directly from a condition of inde pendence* except Texes; and even Texas ia ita temporary independence was never desig nated a Stats. The new ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Un ion, while that name was first adopted for tha old ones, and by the oolonies were declared to be free and independent State#. But even then the object plainly was not to declare theirln- dependence of one another, or of the Union— but directly the contrary, aa their mutual pledge and their mutual action bofore, at the time, and afterwards, absolutely shows the ex press plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen States In th*articles ofooafod- d.kWleiik* m4 irenaae. The Union gave each ally, soma dependent colonies made tha Union, aad in turn uni Unian 'three eflF tb*tr ^|d de pendence for these and made tham States.— Sueh aa they are, not one of them ever had a State ooostitatfon independent of the union. Of courae it is not forgotten that all tbe new States framed their Constitutions before they entered upon and preparatory iq coming into the Union. Unqu< stlotably tha Staten lave powers and rights reserved lo Ihrm ifi and by tbe national oanatitution, but amoog them surely are not inoiuded all ooQcoivabl«.powers however misekievoue er destructive, which are known in the world at tbe times*govern mental poeere; and certainly a power to de stroy tbe government itself w&e never known as a governmental or merely administrative power. This relative matter of national pow er and State rights, as a principle, is po other than the principle of generality and legality. Whatever concerns the whole, should ba con fided to the whole—to tbe general government; while whatever concern# oaly i be Slate should be left exclusively to the State. Tbio is all tbare is of original principle about it. The national constitution, iu defining boundaries between tbe two, has applied the principle with exaet accnracy. Tbis is not to be qnes tioned. Wo are also bound by that defining without question. What is now disputed, is the position that secession is consistent with tbe constitution ; is lawful and peaceful. It is not pretended that there is soy express law for it, and nothing should ever be implied as a law which leads to unjust or absurd con sequences. The nation purchased with money tbe countries out of which soveral of the States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave—without refunding?— Tbe nation paid very large sums—I believe upwards oi a hundred millions—to relieve Florida of the Indian tribes. Is it just that she should now go off without consent or with out making any return ? Tbe nation is uow in debt for money applied for the benefit of the so-called seceded States, in common with the rest. Is it just, either that creditors qball go unpaid, or remaining States pay ? While a part of the present natioual debt was contract ed to pay the old debts of Texas, is it just that ahe fkall leave and pay no part (of this hereeU? Again, if one State may secede, so may another, a* d when all shall have sece ded, none is left to pay tbe debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did we notify them of ibis sage view of ours when we borrowed their money ? If we now recoguize this doctrine by allowing (he seoedera to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or lo exaot terms upon which they will promise to remain. Tbe eeceders insist that our constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which they have either discarded or retained the right of secession, as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they there by admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained, by their own eonatructiou of ours, they show, that to be consistent, they must secede from one anoth er, whenever they shall find it the easier way of settling their debts, or affecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government oan possibly endure. If all tbe 8ta(es vave one should assetl the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presum ed the whole class of secession politicians would at once deny the power, and denounce the act ss the greatest outrage upou Slate rights. But suppose that preoisely the same act.Justead of being called driving them out, should be called the seceding of the others from that one, it would be exactly wbal the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make tbe point, that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the other, because it is a majority, may not do rightful ly. These lolititlios are subtle and profuse on the rights of minorities. They are not par tial to the power which the constitution gives and whioh speaks from preamble in words, We, the people.” It may well be questioned whether there is a majority of legally qualified voters of any States, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is muoh reason to believe that the Union men ere in the roajori ty iu many, if not in every oue of the so call ed seceded 8tates. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It ia ven tured to affirm this even of Virginia and Ten- neseoe, for the result of ao election held iu Hilary camps, where the bayonets are all on the side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered demonstrative of pop ular sentiment. At such an eleetion, all that large cleat who are at once for the Union aod agaiost coercion, would be coerced to vote •gainat the Union. it may be affirmed without extravagance, that the free institutions we enjoy have devel oped th* powers and improved the condition of our whole pecple beyond au example in the world. Of this we have had a striking and an impressive i.lustration. 8o large an army as the Government has now on foot, was nev er before known, without a soldier in it but who had taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one aud an other, possess full practical knowledge of all the arte, sciences and professions, and what ever els# useful or elegant is kuowu iu the world, and there is eoaroely one from which there could not be selected a president, a cab inet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abuo daotly competent lo administer the government itself. Nor do I say this ie not true, also, iu the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this combat. Bat if H is, so much the better reason why the good which has confer red such benefits on both them and us, should not be broken up. Whoever, in any section, proposes to abandon such a government, would do well to consider, in defense of whet princi pie It ie he does eo, and what better govern ment he ie likely to get in Its stead—whether the substitute will give, er be entitled to give, •o much of good to tho people. There are some forechedowiogs on this sub ject; our adversaries have adopUfi mb* decla rations ef indepanceacaja which, nnlike tho food old oa# prepared by Jefferaoo, they omit th# words “all men art created equal," while they have adopted a tarn; orary national Coo- atitation, in the preamble of which, unlike oar ‘ “ * by Washingtqn th«y omit d substitute “wk, th# dap- condition of i t the plain people under*tarn “ is. It is worthy • - “ »government’ zrjs trial, notnbtr. of tbo** lu th* .rm^r .nd ntty w! nii*r is Axova to h»< has# resign hand whioh had pemp- moa soldier or com soon deserted his dag. Grant honor ia duo to thoao officer! who remained Lru^ despite tbe example of tbeir treacherous assoc isles. But tbe greateet honor and moat important part of all, is tba unanimity and firmnoss of tbeoommon soldiers and common sailors. To ike last man, ee far as known, they successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of thocrwhOfU commands but an hour before they obeyed as absolute law. This is a patriotic in stinct of plain people. They understood with out an argumout that tho destroying of tho good whioh was made by Washington, means •ocopd to teem. Out popular good bas often been called an experiment. Two points in it, our people have already settled; the successful establishing, aod tlte tuccessful administration of it. One •till remains; its suseessftii maintenance a- gainst a formidable internal attempt to over throw it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that tboae who can fairly carry an election, oan also suppress a rebellion ; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bn lists ; and that when ballots have fairly afid constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back, except to ballots them- salves at succeeding elections. 8uch will be ihegreat lessons of peace, teaching man that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take by war, and teaching all the fol ly of being the beginners of war. Lest there may be aome uneaainess in the minds of candid men as to what ia to be the course of the government toward the Southern States, after the rebellion shall have boon sup pressed, the executive deems It proper to say that it will be guided by tbe Constitution aud tbe laws, and that ha probably will have nc different understanding of the powers and du tieaof the federal government in relation to the rights of the States and the people nnder the constitution, than is expressed in the inau gural address. He desires to preserve the gov ernment that it roar be administered for all aa it waa administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of thair government, and tbe gov ernment has no right to withhold or neglect it. It ie not perceived that in giving this there is any coercion, any conquering or any subjuga tion in any just sense of these terms. Tbe con stitution provides, and all the States have ac cepted tbe provisions, that tbe United States •ball guarantee to every State in this Union a a republican form of government. But if a State may lawfully go out of th* Union, hav ing done so, it may alio discard tha republi can form of government. So that to prevent its going out ie the all indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee men tioned as lawful and obligatory. The indis pensable means to it are also lawful and oblig atory. It is with the deepest regrat that the ext outive found the duty of employing tho.war power in defence of the Government, forced upon him. Ho could but perform thio duty or surrender the existenoo of tho Government in compromise. Not that compromises are nat often proper, but that no popular Government can long survive a market precedent, that those who carry ao election, can only savo tho Federal Government from immediate destruc tion, by giving up tho main points upon whioh the people gained tho eleetion. Tbo people themselves, and not thair servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decision. Ao a private oitizen tho executive oould not havo consented that these institutions obeli parish, much less could he, ao executive, permit tho betrayal of so vast and so snored a trust as tbis free people Irad confined to him. Ho foil that he had no iqor^l right to ahrinfc.nor oven to count tho chances of life in what might follow in full view of hie groat responsibility, he bas so far dene what he has deemed bio do ty. You will now, according to yonr own judgments perform yours. Ha sinooraly hopoo your views and your action may accord with his as to assure all feithfal citizens who have been disturbed in their righto, of a certain •nd speedy restoration ef tbe laws ; and he? ing thus obosen our course, with pare purpose, let us renew our trust in God and go forward without fear and with manly hearts. [Signed] ABRAHAM LINCOLN !R At Wholesale or WE »re now to fumi«h m«nni »nd dealers with Hemlock Sole Leather White Oak Do, Preach Cairuklm, vartowk Philadelphia Do, Morocco Do. Do. MILITARY BOOKS. Army KcKiilutlon*, for Confederate States. |3.00. llurdce’u Tactic, 2 volumes, cloth. All the Plates. $2.50. Ilardee’u Tactic*, 2 volumes, paper. All the Plate*. $2.00. School For the Golde*, 28 Plate*. $1. Camp Duly, for Infantry, Guard*, Pa trols, Ac. 60 cents. Rule* for Field Fortification* and their defence *nd Coast Defence. 80 eta. Trooper’s Manual, for Dragoon* and Mounted Riflemen. $1.75. Science of War, Strategy, selection of ground, Ac. $1.00. Cavalry Tactics, for Trooper, Platoon and Squadron. 3 volumes, $5.00. Cooper’s and Macomb*’ Tactics, for lnfkntry, Cavalry and Artillery. $1.75. Robert’s Artillery and Maury’s Skirmish Drill. 1 volume. $1.50. Ward’s Manual of Naval Tactic*. $4.00. Haawcll’a Engineer’s Hand Book. $1.75. Hnswcll’s Mechanic’s Tables. $1.25 Law’s Civil Engineering, (London Rook.) $2.00. Glynn’s Cranes, Ac., (London Book.) 75c Wilson’s Builder’s Price Book. $1.50. Henck’s Field Book for Engineers. $1 Templeton’s Mechanic's Com panion.- $1.25. je27 J. McPHEKSON it CO. WILLIAM Y. PARKER, Lining and Binding Skins, Shoe Thread, Shoe Eylefs, Lasts, Pegs, Nalls, And everything connected with j manufacture of Boots and Skoal A Large Lot of tha above JUST HKCK1VKD, And for sale at Wholesale or 1 DIMICKy WILSON*! June 20—d&wlm WANTED, A SERVANT—good hoetler, wliUs 0 logo with nn offioer to the w*r. A this office. Jelyl REVENUE. Citt Clerk’s Owes, Cm 1 Atlanta, July 1*1" C ITY TAX PAYERS will pleoet that th* Ordinanco on th* Taxes requires that the tame shall M f the first day of August next. I will be nt my office each ba from now antil the first of Aagazt ■ to reoeiv* payment end receipt for Pleas# call toon, and embrace the op. before the ever crowded “last dav." H. C. H0L00M July 8—tin. Clerk and C WANTED, IMMEDIAl A HALF DOZEN 8H0EMAKM. I' workman) can obmit cosrtut I mmt *t good w*ge* **<1 prompt | plying at one*, to STARR, ORR 4 BTIWl Jud* S3—dlf OxbiAF- Eulogy on Governor BT HENRY R. JACM0F. This eloquent Address, op°e ^ Publio Services of Gov. Csaz. J• delivered by Hon. Henry B. •*•****• 1 ' otto. Georgia, on the 10tn of April ready for tale. It is a finely prizedp of thirty-six pages. Price: Single Copy 25 ctz ; or |1* I dred. Addraaa, WOOD, HANLEITER, BlClba jun#8-dlw. Publishers, Atlswh THOMAS W. MURRAY, Formerly of l$l Chambers 84., N#w York, izroniM, * wiomuu mtzna m Wines, Liquors & Cigars, *»» tommuom mine m BUTTER, CHEESE, So., AV. Mr, M April lS-dtwta. Nails! Nail!I Hall*» T HE ETOWAH MINING * l TURING COMPANY, locstedls® ty, Georgia, er* now meting, e*« nil large order* for sny and *11 •i*’ 1 * superior CUT NAIL. Addreee. or • W. 8. COTHRAN. A SHORTER, I Rome, Oa, May J4,1M1 LORRILLAED'S IN BOTTLES AND BULL For tele la qnantltl** t» 4*** —,l | R. A ROBINSON A OO, WM** 1 VtmtnitU, Mrntmtfth All M. A. A a A. BANTA8, ITfrffO I May 34—tm N. A. McLENDOW*' WHOLESALE GRIf an aaiua a FOSHAN ANO OONUTIC I Tobotoo, Cl®»r*i —aa**— COSAN, LAND. COSH A I AV A, CArrwAer M*t». F-F*- 1 Atlanta. O^rgi*. T VS atlMUoe of •pMtfclly isvited to tk* **”•' Monk 3* Leather! Leather!! 38,444 be. Good grmloek Scle. 14,444 b*. 0~d WkiU Osk Dfc^ ; 44 4mm Prose* Celf “‘“"•j