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GEO. W. ADAIR J. HENLY SMITH,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA:
SATURDAY, AUGUST 24, 1861.
Our Special Army Correspondence.
ABOUT GEN, EWELL ; HIS FAILURE TO EX
ECUTE AN IMPORTANT ORDER ANOTHER
GREAT SERVICE BY THE TEXAN RANGERS
RIVAL CLAIMS FOR IMPORTANT SER
VICES THE HEALTH OF THE ARMY AND
.SOME FAULTS POINTED OUT THE WO
MEN OF VIRGINIA THEIR GOD LIKE LA-
BORS OF MERCY.
Richmond, Aug. 18th.
I see that a correspondent of the Columbus
Enquirer, writing from Bull Run over the sig
nature of “Fairfax,” undertakes to relieve
Gen. Ewell of the charge of disobedience of
orders on the day of the battle of Manassas.
After several perusals of the defence set up
by “ Fairfax,” I atn unable to see wherein he
controverts any part of my statement. In
deed, he admits that he >s “ not prepared to
take issue” with my statement of the facts,
but suggests that Gen. Ewell must have mis
understood the orders delivered to him. This
suggestion, if it means anything, implies ei
ther that Gen. Beauregard was unable towrite
an intelligible order, or, if intelligible, that
Gen. Ewell was incapable of understanding it.
Gen. Ewell’s loyalty, courage and Rapacity I
have never thought of impugning, and I am
glad that “Fairfax” does not so understand
me. All I have said is, that an order was de
livered to him to attack the enemy in the rear
or left flank ; that this order, from some unex
plained reason, was not executed; and that if
it had been, we should have captured and de
stroyed Gen. McDowell’s army, and virtually
ended the war. This last “Fairfax” appears
to admit himself. His letter, in fact, sets up
an apology, rather than a justification of the
course of Gen. Ewel). I will only add that I
derived my information from an officer at
tached to Gen. Ewell’s brigade, who had seen
and read the order himself. If there has been
no inquiry into the matter by the proper au
thorities, the omission is owing, doubtless, to
the fact that notwithstanding the failure of
this part of the programme, we achieved one
of the most brilliant victories of which there
is any record.
While upon the battle of Manassas, there is
another fact which deserves mention. You
will recollect the two Texan Rangers, of whom
I spoke in one of my letters from Fairfax
Court House—Col. Terry and Maj. Lubbock.
Well, it is to a reconnoissance they made on
the morning of the 21st, that the country is
indebted, in no small part, for the great vic
tory. Like all true rangers who are accus
tomed to hunt the buffalo and chase the deer,
they sleep, as it were, with one eye open, and
are easily aroused by the slightest noise. Just
before day, on the morning of the battle, they
heard a rumbling noise in the direction of
Centreville, which sounded like heavy artil
lery wagons moving over the rocky turnpike.
Satisfied that something unusual was going
on, they applied to Gen. Longstreet, to whose
staff they were temporarily attached, for per
mission to go and see what it was. The Gen
eral consented, and in a few minutes they
were in their saddles, picking their way
through the woods and fields in the direction
whence the noise proceeded. Arriving in the
neighborhood of the turnpike, they found an
immense column of the enemy's forces in mo
tion towards Stone Bridge and Sudley’s Ford,
including infantry, cavalry and artillery.—
Maj. Lubbock returned with all possible dis
patch to Gen. Longstreet, and thence proceed
ed to the headquarters of Gens. Beauregard
and Johnston. After notifying them about
sunrise of what was going ou, he rejoined Col.
Terry, and the two continued the reconnois
sance until they learned as far as possible
what were the force and plans of the enemy,
and then galloped back to headquarters.—
Those of your readers who have followed me
in my previous accounts of the battle, will be
able to appreciate the importance of this re
connaissance. Our Generals had intended to
offer battle that day themselves, and when
Gen. Beauregard heard the first gun of the en
emy, (fired about 6 o’clock) he exclaimed:
“Thank God for that!” He preferred, doubt
less, that McDowell should make the attack.
Col. Terry and Maj. Lubbock returned to
Texas immediately after the battle of Manas
sas, with authority to raise a regiment of Ran
gers for service in Virginia. You will not be
surprised to hear that they were the first to
enter Fairfax the morning after the battle,
aud that they captured an immense amount
of military property, including a great many
boxes of muskets, ammunition, <kc. General
Longstreet was stationed to the right of our
centre, and Cel. Terry, who was fully apprised
of the importance of striking the enemy in
the rear, bore one of the orders connected
with the pro]>osed movement; and I am told
that he actually wept upon the field when he
found that the orders would not be executed.
Ho is the most skillful military man I have
met with, excepting, of c nirse, Gens. Beaure
gard and Johnston, and he ought to be assign
ed to the command of a brigade.
The above reference to the importauceofthere
onnoiaance made by these gentlemen reminds
me of a tact which has doubtless impressed
itself upon the minds of your readers. 1 al
luda to the importance which every regiment
engaged iu the battle attaches to the part
which it performed. Each one claims that to
it belongs the credit of having turned the tide
of battle, and that it it had not been there,
precisely at the time aud place it was, the day
would have been lost. The curious part of this
claim is, t/.ot it *s literally true. Every brig
ade, aufl regiment, and company, and man,
par formed a part which was essential to our
success. Every private, therefore, who fired
a musket on that day, may truthfully cltim
that the service which he rendered was necea
sary to the completeness of the victory achiev
ed by our arms. What greater honor could
any man desire in this world ? Like a vast
piece of complicated machinery, the success
lul operation of every piece of which depends
upon each and every other part, however min-
SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.
ute and insignificant. So in the battle of Man
assas, the part taken by every corps, and by
each man in every corps, formed an essential
element in the mighty struggle which finally
culminated, under the blessing of Providence,
in a glorious victory.
You will regret to hear that there is a great
deal of sickness among our troops. The pre
vailing diseases are measles and typhoid fe
ver. There is reason to believe that our offi
cers are not as careful of the health of their
commands as they should be. The camps are
not kept clean and wholesome ; nor is the sol
dier required to give that attention to personal
cleanliness which is essential to good health
If proper sanitary regulations were adopted,
and officers of every grade required to see to
their enforcement, the sick list might be per
manently reduced far below the present fig
ures.
Aud just here, let me offer a passing tribute
to the women of.Virginia. For their kindness
and attention to the sick and wounded, the
whole country owes them a debt of gratitude
which no words can express, and which no
time can repay. In season and out of season,
in fair weather and foul, day and night—to
the humble private, in his rusty uniform, as
to the officer with his clattering sword and
spurs—to all grades, and at all times, they are
the same gentle and tender ministers, ever
ready, with their means, and their homes, and
their own loving hands, to nurse, to shelter,
and to comfort. They have thrown open their
houses and their hearts, and they appeal to
the suffering, wherever found, to come and en
joy the protection of the one and the warmth
of the other, “without money, and without
price.” Not content with this, they publish
their calls in the newspapers, and even go out
themselves, “ among the highways and the
hedges,” ia search of the unfortunates. All,
all are welcome. Nor does this welcome pro
ceed from one class alone. The fine lady, in
her lordly mansion, and the poor woman in her
humble cabin—the one with her ready luxu
ries and refined kindness, the other with her
homely fare and untutored goodness—vie with
each other in the good work, and stand ever
with outstretched arms, begging you to come
and make their home your home, until God
shall heal and make you whole. Surely such
women are akin to the angels !
All honor, then, to the women of Virginia !
If the men have done their part, so have the
women done theirs. Heaven will protect them
in their life, and crown them in that which is
to come. As they have vi ited the sick and
boused the stranger, and fed the hungry, and
clothed the naked in this world, so, we are
taught and believe, shall their reward be in
that purer and better state where there shall
be no more battles, aud no more sickness and
wounds. A.
Our Special Correspondence from the Ist
Georgia Regiment.
COOL WEATHER SET IN MEASLES DEATH
OF MR. ALLEN TYPHOID FEVER AND
DEATHS ARRIVAL OF MR. ASKEW ; HIS
THRILLING ADVENTURES DEPARTURE
OF TROOPS ROSECRANS RETREATS
OUR ARMY TO ADVANCE COL. RAMSEY
Monterey, Highland Co., Va., I
August 15, 1861—4 o’clock, P. M. j
To the Editors of the Southern Confederacy:
The weather, which for ten or twelve days
previous to last Tuesday was very hot and op
pressive, relieved at intervals by refreshing
showers of rain, on that day underwent a ma
terial change, and is now very cool. We had
considerable frost here this morning. This
change of weather no doubt is having a salu
tary effect on those of our sick who have been
suffering so long of fevers; at any rate, they
are beginning to relax their fatal grasp on
many of our Regiment, who have for some
time been their victims. Measles is raging
fearfully in the army in North-Western Vir
ginia. I was informed to-day, by a passenger
on the stage just from Alleghany Mountain,
that in the camp of the 12th Regiment Ga.
Vols., Col. Johnson, there are at least 300
cases of measles. I learn it is raging to a
greater or less extent in every other camp.
Mr. G. M. Allen, a brave soldier, and a high
minded, honorable gentleman, whom every
one loved who knew him, died last Sunday
night of typhoid fever. Mr. Allen was a
member of the Newnan Guards, and long will
he live in the memory of our corps. We had
been so unfortunate as to lose three worthy
members of our company of the same disease,
prior to Mr. A.'a death, whose remains we sent
back to Georgia for interment, and it was the
sincere desire of every member of our com
pany to make a like disposal of his body ; but
owing to the commanders of this post refusing
to give a furlough to two of our corps, who
should act as an escort to his remains, we were
forced to abandon the idea of sending the
body to his parents, but had to inter it here,
which we did last Monday evening with mili
tary honors. Three other deaths have occur
red in our Regiment this week, but we have
not been able to find out the names of the
persons who have died. Two of these were of
the Bainbridge Independents, Capt. Evans;
the other of the Washington Rifles, Captain
Jones.
As this article may meet the eyes of some
of his relations or friends, I will here state
that Mr. Askew, of the Newnan Guards, whom
we had given up as dead, since the fight on
Cheat River, arrived safely in camp yesterday.
Mr. A. relates every thrilling story of his ad
ventures with the Yankees. He was taken
prisoner by them, but effected an escape by
the most narrow risk of lite. He is truly the
hero of this regiment.
All the troops stationed here, except the Ist
Regiment Ga. Vols., and the Militia, about 200
in number, left yesterday to join Gen. Jack
son on the Alleghany Mountain. It will be
remembered that we stated in our last com
munication that 12,000 Yankees were then en
camped on Greenbrier River, only 7 miles
from Gen. Jackson’s camp, and also that Gens.
Lee and Loring were working their way into
the enemy's rear, and predicted that a great
battle would ensue before the expiration of
j many days. But we were deceived in the
1 boasted generalship and bravery of that Dutch
■ Commander, Roeecrana, who, when he learned
Ithat Gen. Lee would soon come down upon
him with a force not much less in number
than his, evacuated his camp on Grffli brier
River, and fell back upon Beverly, JBis said
that there is not one of the Northerrft-ops in
this section of Va. east of Laurel and
Rich Mountain. It is thought Lee, llqfng and
Jackson will advance on those points soon
with a force sufficient to whip all the Yankees
that may be brought against them.
The health of our Regiment is improving.
Our Col has been temporarily released from
the charges preferred against him, and has
been given the command of his Regiment. It
is thought we will not remain here -mg—the
Militia b-iug sufficient force to guard the com
missary stores-but will join Gens. Lee and
Loring’s command. We expect to'-Srfe some
thing of interest to communicate in our next
letter, if one may judge from present indica
tioas. J. N. B.
From the Liverpool Mercury, of August 2d.
NOTES ON THE AMERICAN CRISIS.
It is a common remark in this country that
political and social questions in the United
States generally result iu away precisely the
reverse of what might have been anticipated.
These constant errors are principally owing,
we believe, to the fact that the American peo
pie are nearly always judged from a European
point of view, and hence writers start with
false premises. For instance, it has always
been thought that principle and everything
else must give way to mammon ; the phrase
“ almighty dollar” was coined by eooas jngen
ious person, and being of convenient shape
and die, soon became current and passed for
truth ; and from this love of money it has
since been argued that the Americans would
never incur the expenses of war. Yet sud
denly we see the whole nation already suffer
ing severely from the incipient evils es the
conflict, abandoning money-making, and vot
ing an almost unprecedented sum for this pur
pose. The explanation is easy : the Ameri
cans are not a dollar but a labour-worship
ping people. Ardour and energy are their
great characteristics ; and whether it be earn
iug or spending money, pleasure or business,
eating or drinking, revivals of religion or war
—to whatever their attention is directed—it
is done as if life depended on it.
Another mistake, corrected by the present
unhappy crisis, is that the Americans always
seek the period of England’s difficulties to
bluster and threaten her, as, for example, du
ring the Crimean war, and yet we now see
these same people shorn of half tbeir strength,
and that half turned against them, threaten
ing England more fiercely than ever, although
the I’ower is not engaged in war, and was
never better armed. This, then, is a mere
Anglo-Saxon determination to defend their
conceived rights under all possible circum
stances.
The doctrine of secession is a third instance
in which Eurcpe (and the North tco, in this
case) holds views contrary to American.‘hough
not to European, ideas of government. Here
again, if we would pursue truth and arrive at
correct conclusions, American political ques
tions must be judged by American principles.
As every one knows, those principles were
laid down three quarters of a century ago, in
the Declaration of Independence, aud every
year since that period this famous statement
of rights has been read in every city, town,
and village of the Union ; and it has been
proclaimed to the whole world amid the firing
of guns, pistols, &c., that, “we hold these
truths to be self-evident— all. government
is derived from the consent rs the governed and
that this right is hndlicnaSle” Ai|. this’whs
fought for and secured ; and tor all this udl
lions of people have been lured from the slioris
of Europe only to find themselves in the posi
tiou of soldiers, in st end of farmers or tradesmen,
and to behold at this late day this last and
worst case of repudiation. Is it indeed true
that the American name is becoming a syno
nym for faithlessness, and that they are a na
tion who no longer swear to their hurt, and
perform it ?
Let us examine the case as well as we are
able. Nine millions of people demand, for
some cause or other, the right, so clearly an
nounced, and once fought for, of govepsing
themselves It is denied; but the diversity
and weakness of the reasons for the denial
afford clear proofs of the perplexity of a peo
ple conscious of doing a dishonest thing One
great statesman, for instance, wishing to drink
at the same moment “ at the fountain and
mouth of the Nile,'’ asks how the North, can
give up the the Gulf of Mexico to a foreign
Power ? He would have the great lakes of
the North and the great Gulf of the South ;
and why not the St. Lawrence and Amazon as
well 1 This is that selfish view of the case,
which supposes that all other nations are for
ever to be penned up ia tbeir present limits,
while the States are to spread over and own
illimitable territory. Another urges as a rea
son for war the “ stolen” forts, &c. ; forget
ting that the North retains, in soys, custom
houses, mints, and other public build'ugs,
property of perhaps ten times the value of
that taken by the South on its own soil, to
say nothing of the whole United States navy,
now turned against those who have helped to
build it.
Another cites the firing of the first gun by
the South, forgetting that that gun was not
fired until an armed squadron lett New York
harbour, after Mr. Lincoln’s express declara
tion that he would collect revenue in the
South and retake the forts, arsenals, &c. A
man does not usually wait until the blow de
scends, if he sees hie enemy
with raised bludgeon ; the approach
tuies the attack. Besides if the South were
in earnest in secession, it would have been
folly to wait until the the whole navy had ar
rived from the Pacific and the East to throttle
them at their doors. f
Another statesman seems only desirous of
showing Europe how strong a Government re
publicanism may have, and that it is no fail
ure ; forgetting that the exercise of that pow
er in such away is simply despotism, and
proves the failure, and that a war for Union
implies in itself disunion.
Others unfortunately cite Ireland and Scot
land as possible cases to illustrate the evils of
secession, asking triumphantly what England
would do under such circumstances; but they
forget that England has never laid down the
doctrine that all government is derived from
the consent of the governed.
But we pass by all this to consider the point
most strongly urged by the President, name
ly, as to what would happen if the doctrine
of secession were acknowledged as a right.
We answer, just that would happen which
would happen by acknowledging the right of
self-government. The last logically implies
the first. An attempt is made to evade this
in the Ncrtb by saying that they acknowledge
the right of revolution—which is an absurdi
ty, as a Government cannot allow or acknowl
edge wbat it forbids; besides, if the revolu-*
lion be overcome, then the conquered—one or
twenty millions, as the case may be—are im
mediately denied the right of self-govern
ment. Thus we arrive at the same conclusion ;
and the United States Government, in attempt
ing coercion, have clearly abandoned their
•va prißjiplee. The Old World idea of Gov
ernment is of a power over the individual im-
posed by another; the New, of a power impos
ed by himself. It is coercion in the one case,
self-restraint in the other. This is the grand
basis of republicanism, and it has worked du
ring three quarters of a century with the most
wonderful success. All the great questions of
immigration, tariff, currency, &c., &c , which
have, agitated the people have not at all dis
turbed the Union nor shaken the notions about
self-government. But in the course of the im
mense progress of the United States it was
fair to suppose that interests so diverse might
arise ad to make division and separation de
sirable ; and we now have the first instance
of this in the slavery question. Another in
stance growing in the future will probably be
Mormonism. An enormous population is ris
ing in the West, whose numbers are rapidly
swelling by immigration and large natural in
crease, and who will soon have a prominent
and powerful voice in the Government. Right
eous New England will ther doubtless say—
“ Our conscience will no longer permit union
with these people, and we will quietly separ
ate like Abraham and Lot, in a land large
enough for both.” The doctrine of the right
of self government, and consequent secersion,
permits it.
Again, the mild and benignant rule of the
States allows all religions to flourish and be
taught, aud there are already a Chinese tem
ple in San Francisco and over 50,000 heathen
in the country ; and it is not impossible that
these people should yet M be counted by mil
lions. Here, again, would be a desire for
separation. All these cases are peacefully
provided for ; and such is the liberality of
iheGovernment, properly viewed, that we hold
it as almost impossible that any case of se
cession should arise except where separation
would be clearly for the benefit of both par
ties, as it is in the present case. And for
the truth of this position we appeal to the
past. Mr. Lincoln sees nothing in acknowl
edging the right of secession but state shat
tered from state, county from county, city
from city, all ending in anarchy and ruin.—
But look at the facts. Has not just the re-*
verse been the case. State after state and
county after county have of their own free
will hastened to join the great Confederacy,
until the original number of thirteen has
been swelled to more than thirty ! Hundreds
of thousands of people, too, Lave annually
poured across the Atlantic to embrace the ad
vantages of combination and participate in
the right of self government, but not one state
has seceded ! Nor will one secede, unless its
interests are so very diverse and opposite that
its secession would be a benefit. No; ag
gregation is the concomitant of civilization, se
gregation, of barbarism ; aud while the reduc
tion of the nations of the world to one tongue
and one people is going on so rapidly in
America, we find the obverse of the picture
in Africa, where isolation and suspicion have
reduced the scanty people to tribes speaking
150 different languages. It is unfortunate
that Mr. Lincoln has so suddenly forgotten this
progress, built up on free and liberal princi
ples ; and it would be far better if he would
ask, what would happen if these new doctrines
of coercion become the ruling principle, and
the people who have gone to seek liberty, and
hold the reins, find that they have the bit in
their mouths ’ Mil not su :h a course arrest an
nexation, as it has alie idy done immigration,
and be ultimately followed by a general
reassertion of their rights on the part of all
the States? Kentucky has already partially
taken this ground Indeed, we might say
that certain Northern States were the first se
ceders, since many of them enacted laws ma
king obedience to the United States laws a
penal offence. This was partial secession :
' and it might have been supposed that the
whole North would have been the party de
siring to secede from the South, since they
have so long urged their desire to be “discon
nected from the guilt of slavery,” and the doc
trine of self-government and secession would
have allowed them to obey these dictates of
conscience without bloodshed.
But Mr. Lincoln also aims to protect, as he
terms them, “the majority of Union men”
in the South—a solicitude which reminds us
strongly of that displayed by the Emperor of
Austria towards the non'-Magyar population
of Hungary, except that in the latter case
there is such a population, but in the former
there is not be found in the South anything
that could ever be termed a small minority of
Union men.
In fact, this abandonment of the fundamen
tal idea, on the part of the North, upon which
the whole Government was founded, has
thrown the ruling powers into inextricable
confusion, and given rise to all those anomal
ies which so much surprise Europe. They
term those who correspond precisely with
their heroic ancestors “ rebels.” They call
those “ pirates ” who are carrying out a mode
of warfare insisted upon by themselves late
as 1857. They are doing to their own ports
in blockading them what they only lately de
clared the Sicilians had no right to do.—
They appeal to Europe for countenance
as of a free Power against a slave, and yet de
clare that they intend to perpetuate that slav
ery according to the constitution. In short,
they are hedged about with difficulties at ev
ery step ; and this, we believe, has led to ma
ny delusions which are pertinaciously foster
ed and even receive countenance here. One is
that the South are not united, but that a “ma
jority,” as Mr. Lincoln says, await deliver
ance and are Union men. If the positive evi
dence to the oontrary of the thousands of dis
interesed foreigners who have this year come
North and to England, including also the let
ters of Mr. Russell, were not sufficient to dispel
this error, there is another way by which Mr.
Lincoln might arrive at the truth. Does he
suppose that, » hsn Anglo Saxons every where
are so generally courageous, a majority of
Southern men (usually thought to have some
spirit) would, with a tremendous army in the
North to favour them and the whole United
Slates navy off their shores, rest in the cow
ardly quiescence now preserved for several
months ? Is the supposition not absurb in its
face ? It is this error which has caused North
ern men from the beginning to lavish their
capital freely, under the expectation of car
rying on a vigorous and short war, and, as the
phrase went, of crushing out the rebellion in
a mouth; indeed, it was believed that*the mag
nitude of the preparations would awe the re
bels into submission ere a blow was struck. Six
months have rolled round, and the same plan
is still followed ; but the large army now
called out is only half the size of what the
South were at first threatened with, and which
had the effect only of cementing them closer
together and making them firmer in their
determination to resist to the death.
Another delusion which seems to have great
weight in the North and here, as a latent ele
went of Federal power, capable of being ap
plied at the last moment, is that of inciting
the slaves to insurrection, and a kind of hu
mane forbearance is claimed for not putting
in force so powerful an “argument.” This
is spoken of as if it were like applying a match
to a train: but the utter impossibility of any
thing of the kind may be imagined if the ,
reader will only think of 4,000,000 of people
scattered over isolated plantations, in acoun
try half as large as Europe, strictly guarded,
unable to read or write, and having no weap
ons. When the whole South is subjugated that
may be done; but then, we opine, the interests 1
of the conquerors would lie in another direc
tion.
In whatever light we view the case, the po
sition of the North is most unfortunate. If,
after a fearful expenditure of life and money,
they succeed in subjugating the South, it will
still require an immense army to hold them
in subjection. If, on the other hand, the Un
ion be patched up again, abolitionists and
others will immediately commence tbeir agi
tation, and there will be, in a short period, a
re-enactment of all the present troubles. But
if, in the third place, the South is successful
in her resistance, of which we have no doubt,
the North will have expended her blood and
treasure merely for the sake of creating a
hating and hated rival.
We sincerely hope that even in this eleventh
hour good sense, wisdom and humanity may
suggest to the people of the United States the
folly of their course, but of this there seems
little prospect at present. Our opinion is tha‘,
unless (which is possible) new complications
arise and other nations be drawn into the
quarrel, the result will be that eventually the
Government vill be compelled to yield that
which might now be gracefully conceded.—
After some months the people will find it net.
so easy to subdue 9,000,000 of Anglo-Saxons,
having the same notions of their rights as
themselves, and fighting, as they conceive, for
their property and their very homes and upon
their own soil; and then, after immense suf
fering, the different parties and interests in
the North will begin to murmur, recriminate,
and finally rebel. The large and increasing
body of abolitionists will insist on the South
leaving the Union, as they have long desired ,
the Democrats will denounce the Black Re
publicans, as authors of the war which they
have fought for them, and wash their hands
of further participation in it; while the great
North-West, with her immense granaries of
corn and provisions, deprived by (probably)
good harvests here of her European market,
shut out by the war from her usual Southern
market, and taxed too, perhaps, to foster Eas
tern manufactures, will declare her unwilling
ness to continue the conflict; the shipping
interest, too, harrassed by privateers, and
their vessels rotting in their docks, will make
a loud outcry ; while the general commercial
men all over the country, always liberal and
opposed to war, will at once lend their aid to
any party in favor of ending it; and thus,
before another year rolls round, we may find
two prosperous republics, each increasing by
annexation, and that of the North really more
powerful, and in a sounder condition, with
what she conceives to be her dead branch lop
ped off, than if it clung to her side.
As to the obligations of a seceding State,
clearly she is not released from any of them,
whether as part of the general Governnient
debt or of whatever other nature. If she de
cline payment, the same recourse is open
against her which England has against Spain,
or any other creditor against a debtor. But
in revolution the case is different, the United
States having, when she broke away from
Great Britain, cut asunder all obligations to
share any part of the national debt. The
South, being forced from peaceful secession
to revolution, may take the same course.
Thus the true doctrine of secession is peace
ful and honest, as becomes this enlightened
country ; while that of revolution is bloody
and dishonest, as was common in past ages.
< «. :
Talk on Change.
The New Orleans “Crescent,” of the 16th
August," says :
A larfee crop of cotton is calculated on ; ev- ,
erything is auspicious regarding it. The late
rains have not produced any ill effects ; to the
contrary, they have been of estimable advan
tage on the uplands. Liverpool has, by this
time, received all the cotton from the United
States for some time to come. Lancashire can
now come to some conclusion about how long
the stock now on hand will last. We are now
in the middle of August, and only one bale of
the new crop received in this market, one
bale in Lavacca, Texas, and one bale in Geor
gia. Last year up to this time, the receipts
of the new crop at this port were five thous
and eight hundred and two bales, the receipts
for the week ending the 17th of August being
4,635 bales. The crop now is in advance es
last season, and we would have received ten
thousand bales in the regular course of re
ceipts. Last year at this time the bottom
lands on the Mississippi were suffering from
drouth, and much cotton in the uplands was
given up as lost. The cotton factors in Charles
ton have followed the course of their confreres
in our city ; issued a circular recommending
most strenuously to planters not to send any
cotton to market until the blockade is ex
pressly removed.
And again on the 17th it says :
The stock of coffee is becoming much re
duced, and indications are strong for a very
short supply. What will answer for a substi
tute, ia the inquiry ? |Why the cereal rye. If
the country is deprived of the berry, it will
not be the first time in this century. During
the war of 1812 to 1815, the intercourse with
foreign countries was closed, and coffee was
considered cheap at one dollar per pound.—
However, we shall not suffer greatly if we
should be deprived of our morning beverage
the coming year. As regards other articles,
such as provisions and breadstuff's, there will
be no want for the latter. Salted meats and
provisions will command high prices, but not
such high and elevated prices as would be
speculators anticipate. In some parts of the
country planters and farmers are not prepar
ed to meet the present crisis. It has taken
many unawares, but before the present stocks
of meats can be consumed, measures will have
been concocted and carried out that will cov
er the deficiency in the supplies of Western
bacon, pork and beef. The South does not
care a continental dollar for Ohio hams, Indi
ana pork or Illinois beef, corn and wheat. As
for bagging and rope from poor Kentucky, we
shall not want a yard or a pound of either.—
We believe that the Hessians, with black John
and all, will be driven out of Missouri, and
the hemp, bagging and rope will come hither
from that State as usual.
Capt. Robertson.
Capt. B. H. Robertson, formerly of the Se
cond Dragoons, U. S. Army, and who has
been in service in Utah, reached our city last
evening, having resigned his position in the
Federal army in order to join the Confeder
ate service. Capt. Robertson left Utah on
the 2d of June, the earliest moment after the
melting of the Rocky Montain snows, and has
been ever since on the road home with his
family. We aro happy to make this announce
ment, as reports have been circulated that
Capt. R. adhered to the Northern service.—
There has of course been not the least auth
ority for this rumor. Capt. R. is from Amel
ia county, Virgiaiu.—Sichmond Enquirer, Aug.
19.
The following correspondence recently pass
ed between a gentleman and his son, who had
left college to fight for his country :
“ 8., Jr.—ls you enlist, I disinherit you.
8., Sr.”
“ 8., Sr.—Without a country I want no in
heritance. I have enlisted. B.„ Jr.”
o * e 7*“**«rO
** ... i
I
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June, 1861. Atlanta, Georgia