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M, G ,,srA.
VyUL/ '
THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
18 PUBLISHED DAILY, TUI WEEKLY, AND WEEK* A
BY J. VV. & W.'S. JONES,
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AU«V S T A .
FRIDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER ' G -
Whigs Arouse.
Whigs of Georgia, the contest now soon to b
terminated is one of singular and pai ainou.-t im
i parlance, so important indeed as to demand th
of all your energies. U is not a mer
a parly supremacy fin the attainment e
to lend your aid : if it were, th
h ' l,l iii'-i ll l - i f' ar ‘
®»eorgitn» atfij Amman - i
-■'j ! to lie eU'tied will
responsible duly of mvu!hlh'«'>?C.'-
BHHPHSBIIcct which interests • V * >
BBmty from the humblest tenant of h
occupant of the most epaernus
which, is indissolubly connected the
perity of the tountry and thn success of its citizens®
k In relation to this subject we have on a former *
occasion shown you who were the authors ul the
preeenl evils under which the people nro nifTer-
iag.— This should serve you us a beacon light to
-guide your future action. If you again confide
to such men the power to do evil you must ct
ppet ta reap the reward of your folly.
Again,.the Legislature will be called upon to
apportion the fatale into Congressional Districts,
according to (her pro visions of the late act of Con
gross. How important then, that the Legislature
shuold reflect correctly the sentiments of the
people upon a question involving so deeply tln-ir
interests off ||M floor of Congress. Hut we will
not detain you'tailh a repetition of the iinjj >r ant
bearings of this'very delicate question, with
which you are already familiar, and lheri lore pas
on to the consideration of another topic w hich
will claim their attention —the election of a Sen
ator to Congress. Whig ‘ of Georgia, you have
often fell humbled at. the exhibitions, in the tin
note Chamber, of the Hon. A. Cuthburt! Have
you reflected, in nr.king up your minds as to who
you will vote bn us Legislators, that his ir.u in
that august body is In he filled by the Legislature
now to he elected! If you havo not, h-l it; in
voke you to pause and reflect, ilijilierale calmly
upon Ihe consequences, and then determine, sol
emnly determine, that as you value the honor and (
■character of the tSlale, and as you adhere to and
cherish your valued Whig principles, you will
cast your vole lor no man who will not avaw
himself openly in favor of electing a Whig Sen
ator to Congress. This should he your motto,
and you should not hesitate to leclare it to every
man who seeks your support.
There are other and very important subjects
which must claim the attention o( (he legisla
ture, hut we will not now wear/ your patience
with a comment upon each. Let us lliertfoie
•ay a worji of tho congressional ejection. %
A fe'V days since we cone hull'll a i ketch of the
claims of each candidate to your support, ol its
justice you must determine. There is one point,
however, in connexion wi ll tho Coogresiunal
election, to which we do not recollect to have
seen your attention directed, it 'Slh’ot tho mem
bers nowr elected, hold their teats till the 4ih of
March, 1814,and consequently will have to choose
a Presklent of the United Stale.--, provided the
election he noi{...ade hy the people. A result
although possible, we confess, to onr minds, c!o< s
not seem at all probable, yet it should have its in
fluence upon your minds in casting your votes
for members of Congress.
A (iur.lT Work.—" The education of our
children, ” said John Adams to his w ile,"is nev
er out of my mind. Train them to virtue.
Habituate them to imluttiy, activity ai d spirit.
Mako them consider every vice .as .'•h.iinclul and
unmanly. Kiio them with ambition la be useful.
Make them to disdain to be destitute of any use
ful or ornamental knowledge."
The Louisville Journal, speaking of the Veto
power, sayst—“ In none of the Western States—
neither in Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, 2’cnncsseq
Missouri, nor Illinois, is there any such thing a- ai
Executive veto that may not be overruled by a
bare legislative mojarity. The fiee West permits ■
itself to be cursed with ua such despotic veto. ».♦-
that, which, unfortunately for the country, finds
place in the Constitution of the United State-. •
lu a late number of the l.uiiisvillc Sun, we find
,thc following:
« The Maysville Eagle traverses our ehatg - that
Xhc assumption of the State debts is a part ul the
aha upon which ihe> Whig patty are proceeding in
their legislative policy, and challenges us to the
proof. We remember, a year or two ago, when
many prominent members of that pirty were se
riously talking ol the prij-ct. Mr. Proffitt, ol In
diana, for one, and, si men, non lava juisset, Mr.
Webster hiutyd at it."
Mr. Webster uevei diJ j m forth a hint in favor
of the assumption oUJ-hr S.ale debts. Ijnu that
subject, whilst a member of the Senate, he held but
owe language What that language was, may be
I teamed from the following paragraph, which we
And in bis speech delivered at the great meeting of
k the New Votk merchants, on the 28th of Septem-
L her, 1840 r
ft “ 1 revert to the charge that we desire or amt at
StojLjMMinphoo, and pronounce it to be without .a
F*Ts3MhfigWii'iii. I iw,inimmhmwwn fa
Coonjns thaflentertaios the belief that the Constiy
mljgg pin nits th~ payment of the debts of States
by the United States, without a consideration, any
more than the debts of individuals. Such an as
sumption as Mr. Benton resolves against, and Mr.
Grundy reports against, in an interminable s liegof
common-places, was never heatd of in Congress.”
Mr. Webster’s remarks,in all his speeches upon
the subject, were equally strong and decided. The
attempt of the Locofoco presses to fasten upon the
XVhigs the doctrine of the assumption of Stale
debts, a doctrine that nine hundred and ninety-nine
hundredths of all the Whigs of the nation repudi
ate, is an abominable outrage. — Prentire.
“Slavery defended from Scripture, against
the attacks of the Abolitionists," by the Rev.
Alexander McCaine, of S. C., is the title of a
aery excellent speech delivered before the Gene
ral Conference of the Methodist Protestant
Church, in Baltimore, 1842, which has been
published iu very neat pamphlet form, and laid
on our table by the author. Os the merits of
this speech it would appear quite unnecessary
for us to enter inHletail, since it comes to us her
alded by the high encomiums of the Hon. W.
C, Preston, J. C. Calhoun and I. E. Holmes ol
S.C., Hon. W. R. King ol Ala., Hon. J. R.
Underwood of Kentucky, and Hon. P. C, Cald
well of N. C., yet we should be wanting in duty
to the author, not to express our unqualified ap
probation of the manner in which he has treated
the subject, characterised as the whole speech is
by talent, learning and research, and tempered
with that truly Christian spirit for which the au
thor is so distinguished. The work is for sale
at the book stores of Thomas Richards and H-
A. Richmond.
The aumbei of fires iu the city of New York du
ring the past year ending June Ist, 1842, has been
189, by which property to the amount of $362,875
was destroyed)
A Touching Story*
The following narrative is copied irom the
Philadelphia Ledger;
“It was but yesterday that we were made ac
-1 quainter) with the history of a family of females—
-1 an a<—d mother and three daughters —Who, belorc
the failure of the United States Bank, were worth
n thirty thousand dollars. 'lhe whole cl this sum
was invested in the institution named, and from
the whole of which they could not now probably
over one hundred or two hundred dollars .
They dnsst d and lived during their pros. erify as
their amount of property seemed to justify, and
e will out prepa ing themselves th any particular
,e vocation titb which to struggle against competi
,, tioo for Ihcimfo ng: , . ,
V. he j adversity came they could tuin their hand
to moerupi luu with profit, even had labor been
n otLrcd.thCm. The apparel they possessed when
j. their hnlsfi^Tuocfell upon them, enabled them tc
attend their church and appear io the street ie-pec
!ably dyad.'unlil-#ilhin a short time. It was knows
- that they were among the victims of the plunder:
of l.'ttilcdJftaies Bank, hut their friends and ac
qdiimaneei supposed them far removed from dcs
- titntioii. WittjS the last (*w months it was lirsi
observed that ope less than the usual number ap
peared at tlref same time at their jpUcc in church
T he,n« b t ly,ii was no'ie«ndti^^o«fthei
uueiserVt3fkti"sent, though xml at Wwy a tlw aaroc
''n .itd'ii.trillii. Ihr calls of ®rtf fci*nd ool
n . two, of the family failed .<»*)£•
UieiflppMriiiee. 1* <*&t‘ • n. . -.Z
a ‘ 'rhflatlenglhylcd to a pressing iwMWpjPtf"
, e cause,ant to a recital of their nrelchedconditioß
Theif weariof apdereland every il ingelsethatcai
»• be MsixWtiWfh means for
~I ineeAha.i'■ one, alti It b- aiinle. tint 1 diwsrc
o wer«J(io;!6£t jUX r niure than one or two of the!
,‘ecti te t that mol ati article of fo^,Kin
H^E/Ttaudrrt over
perhaps in e nentoesofadbad husband
|||s|^Kiiir; rclfeiis of -flection and love that the
i||||^Br>‘would net have p ined with for her own
hut which weie yielded tip to save bet
||Mlr'ii flora wont —and wiiich thisc children te
r conspllfcd lo share for 1 he purpose of sav*
author r.f their being from the gnawings of
RTTWs L truly a painful picture, nn alflicting
ftiluut loir lo contemplate in this land ot plenty
ami w doubt not there ate many such, varying
only in tha extent of .the misery entailed upon
Ihi-ri qi dive objects whose all has been invest
ed fu'slacks ol such institutions. But mit has
been indy remarked, .that all nature teaches a
lesson 1". which wo may profit ifclosely studied,
so ne hope lino even this touching story may
lioi P>s nil bout iis beneficial influences on in
dividuals nn l eoimnunitics, as well as lolhe na
tion. We pass by the impressive lesson which
it leaeln s lo llioso wealthy nm! affluent parents
who i-i-iir their sons and daughters in idleness
and in consequent rnlpalile ignorance of all the
bn.-iii - tr.iusaetious of real life; lor we.cannol
Halier eur.-elf that any touch m ours could pos
s l,i v j jvseni l lie errors of I heir system in liokler
or nime striking colors, Our more immediate
obi. ci is with llie lesson it leaches, or should
leach to the American people, and to them do
we , .annelid this short but touching uarraliveas
oin full of instruction.
We are .a ware that I lie demagogues of I he day,
and even those whose position in society should
impel I hem, as by loree, to soar aliove such a Ifi
sort, have, in I heir continued efforts to prevent
the ehirler of a National Bank, sought to iden
tify the t’idled States Bank of Pennsylvania
witli a Xctiima! Bank: and even the Philadel
phia Ledger, tiom which thi.- narrative is taken,
, and which assumes the charactered a neutral
paper, lias- carefully eoneeahd the fart from the
reader, that the stock here alluded lo was that ol
the United Stales Bank of Pennsylvania. It is
hy such means as this that the Locotoeo party
hope In attain their object of preventing a char
ter Ivy I lie government of a National Bank, and
upon the means and the motives for their exercise
the people of tlin ponnlry must pass their judg
ment. That the means lo which we have allu
ded are unworthy of any party or eihss of mfj)
who aspire lo rule the destinies ot the republic,
or who cable llie prosperity of the country, and
v‘li*s < i'<* fii h xhitrvn*-' ns of. higher vs,limv -
than the temporary ascendancy o! a parly, can
no! hut lie apparent lo every reflecting mall who
contemplates lor a moment the approximation ol
the Lulled States Bank of Pennsylvania lo a
United si vtc.r Bank chartered hy Congress, In
what, we ask, do thesg hanks resemble 1 ? In
nothing but the similarity in name,and fjj.at hoth
were b inks. The one was chartered hy aßlute,
and was a Slate institution, having no more sim
ilarity to a National Bank than the Bank of
Home in Georgia -the other was a National
Bank, chartered hy Congress, with power to lo
cate hranchi s throughout llie Union,whose stack
cas always at par throughout its existence.
That (ha ryrrency was sound, llie country in
a prosperous condition, and- labor and stocks
yielded a legitimate income during the existence
of the United Stales Bank, arc facts which no
man who values his reputation for veracity will
attempt to controvert; and that the disasters
which have oveitaken and overwhelmed the
whole country, (among the thousands of which
is III" one narrated above,) are llie result of tlia t
system ol experiments upon the currency, which
resulted in the refusal to re-charter the National
Bunk, sin] gave birth to an innumerable hoard
of Stale Banks, of'which one was the United
Stales Bank of Pennsylvania, are facts which
the history of the country abundantly and pain
lully illustrate. It was these local banks, unre
strained in many instances save hy the unbound
ed avarice of their managers, that gave to the
country (bat bloated system of credits, which has
alike overwhelmed the .•ounlry and the authors
of the evil in one common ruin. A shock which
lias shaken the liepublic from llie centre lo the
circumference, and has contributed more to de
prave the morals of I In* whole people, than the
most uidnidled indulgence in riot and luxury for
a qnaiK r of a century could possibly accomplish.
What an impressive lesson then, we ask,should
this tale ol WO and misery and want —1 his pic
ture ol deep distress—this sudden fall from opu
lence and plenty lo abject poverty, want and the
cravings of hunger, as seen in this unfortunate
family in Philadelphia -what nn impressive les
son we rejieal, should it teach the American
(people! Should it not admonish them, trupipft
'loiigiied lo return again to that elcvgiied posi
tion which they occupied during,fh? existence if
q National Bank, ajum-Um HB'er feelings of our
f-ip." b-—.".-i up by the recital of
such heart rending details) Should they not,
like the prodigal son, return lo be clad again in
the raiment of former days—to enjoy again the
prosperity which was their wont under the insti
lion of their fathers! These questions should
come home to the bosoms of every father, hus
band and brother, and we are confident we do not
overrate the sound, practical, common sense of the
people, when wo augur that they will profit by
this touching recital of misery, and demand,
patriots and freemen, a re-creation of tlib insti
tutions of our patriot sires, as a necessary means
of p.eventing like disasters in our future career.
People of Georgia, in a particular manner do
we command this subject lo your calm and deli
berate reflection. Time was when there were
few advocates of a National Bank in Georgia,
and when, too, we were the sole conductor of a
1 public journal in the State who avowed those
f sentiments openly and fearlessly. The experi
ence. the melancholy fluctuations of the last few
years, have brought thousands to the same con
victions; and however we may deplore the evils
| which forced upon them those convictions, like
ejtery “biller, they hare their street," in the re
flection that we may profit by the severe teach
’ inns of that sternest of all teachers, experience,
not unmingled with adversity. _'
] Rescmptmht it Vjboisi*.—The Richmond
s Whig of Tuesday, referring to this event, says:
J Same ofour Banks have already resumed—and
all are prepared to do so. Some of them have
nearly a dollar of specie for every one of paper it
c circulation. All of them have curtailed greatl)
within the year—This they were compelled l<
do; and this accounts for the unparalleled sear
city of money in the country. Some who ought
to know, think, that as soon as the crisis of re
0 sumption is over, the Banks will be able to ex
5 tend some facilities to commerce, and thereby rt
lieve the pecuniary pressure.
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 17.
Georgia.
“A strong effort is making by the merchants
- in many towns, ami by a portion of the press in
- Georgia, to remove the evils and confusion of
B the present depreciated currency. It meets with
h vehement r ppositioa on the ground that the irre
-11 dcemahle paper in circnlation is principally-the
" not; sos the Central Bank, and that the opposi
f tion to this is a warfare against the Slate. That
a State Government should be upheld in depre
j elating the circulation —adulterating the current
r money—is lo us unaccountable —it is much the
. most disgraceful sort of bankruptcy a State can
con (ess to —it meets one every wherc-sa bushel
J of corn cannot be bought without a reminder to
n the parties that the public faith, the pledge of the
n State is broken —it haunts one like a spectre ev
;o ery where —the stain is on every thing. We
should suppose the pride of a high minded people
n like the Georgians would revolt at such discredit
rs —and would demand of the Government that
the cause he corrected without delay.
The above paragraph is taken from the Charles
3. ton Mercury, an out and out Locofoco papcr.but
b* which, we are pleased to add, unlike most ot
* r it* J-ocoloco r.olcmporarics in Georgia, it has
ip boen%c uniform advocate ol a sound currency.
r,Moth as we approve the sentiments of the para-
We should have been more pleased, i! it
US ijiro #uitc<Ttl»B views of propriety, to
have informed its readers which party in Georgs
„ advocate the Centra! Bank, and which opps
•ft Us irredeemable Meoea. Such a disclosure, how
ever, liic Mercory doubtless thought would grati
lrf again*! the
ctiry to concesl from iis,
partizan associate* in Georgia are generally the
aflvorales of a spurious depredated currency, I
while the Whigs are en masse in favor of aj
sound specie paying currency.
George Bancroft’* opinion of Henry Clay.
In the year 1833, George Bancroft was the po
litical friend of Hint Clay, and expressed the
following opinion of him. Loro Tocos, read it,
and see what yon think. Is the opinion the learn
ed Tbeban&rn entertained, or the one which he
now puts forth, the true one 1 Tbuitf'of a piece
wah the consistency which led a certain distin
guished historian to declare 4 at one time, that “no
where in the tuorltl have life, liberty and proper
ty, been safer than in Rhode Island,', and at a"
noiher to pronounce the Charter Government of
Rhode Island “a Government under which no
person. Jit to he called a man, could consent to
live. It is worthy of no other support than the
hire!ini' bayonets of the Federal Government."
Huston Atlas.
Hear George's opinion of Hxmbt CtAr,ex.
pn ssed iu 1832 :
In Mr. Clay the people of the U. S. behold a
statesman of the in si distinguished talents, of long
and vaii. us experienee in me public service, and
of the most devoted and generous patriotism. In
early youth and in mature! years, as a citizen and
as a rcpiescntative, at home and abroad, in peace
and in war, in the chair of lhelJou,e of Represen
tatives,in a most important dip'omalic capacity, in
the eai.inct and in ihc Senate, tie has been the
stieninms, indefatigable, eloquent and triumphant
auppoitctuf UiOsC principles of government and
pope)’ op which the union of the States and pros
perity of the People depend. __ .
The ciiuie political life of this disihigin'r.eJ
statesman i< a guaranty lo the country that, beneath
his auspices, the reign nI violence, of arhiljary
discretion,i f send influence and peremptory dic
tation will pass away, and that of civil rule will
return. Under his Administration, rhe people of
the I S. will enjoy, what they are now deprived
0 f—ilm l enelit of a government of law. The di
lecicry of the Administration will he sought in ihe
statute boo 1 , amt ihe other constitutional deposita
ries < f the law, and not iu a puvate executive
construction. Olficcs, whose ohcorrup. discharge
cssenliai lo the welfare of the peop’e.wjll no lun
ger he regarded as spoils ot victory. Appointments,
repeatedly negatived by llie constitutional auvi
sci% of the Presi lent, will not oe renewed, by his
sets will, the moment that the .Senate adjourns
I he execution ol laws will not be suspended on Ihe
p.elcnce of their unconstiirianalily. Tnecoon
feiiagce of the artminklaliou will not he extended
to an unprincipled press, not olficcs of trust and
emolument beslowecl as tpe re^caTTof the slander
er. The patronage q^ih»dnove r ni)i<nt will iJolycf
o<-*txe:ieu lujttfedl ItiWrautl lufc
great demesne interests of Ihe country will be up
jjcld, by n steady, unequivocal support. Its indus
try will svigreU the shock ot a disordered rur
teucy. The fjilit of vy.ll b. kept sacred ;
and the honor of the U 8. w iil lie sustained jn thpir
inti reourse wi-h foreign goverr ems; aoU me a
mon of the Si lies, ihe preci ms legacy we have in
herited from our lathers, will be preaeivcd nuim
paired foroui cliildicn.
Tyl*“r Reform.
The Whig Posfotasrcrspf Rave-hill and Oxford,
N. H. have just been removed, ai.d f-oto togoa pt
the genuiuc New-tfainpshirc- breed appointed ju
their places. No ctiaige was made against the re
moved officers.except simply that they remained
tnje lathe professions winch John Tyler has be
lied and thy principles lie has betrayed. —Exchange
V- per,
Now tliat the Semite has adjourned, the Cap
tain, we presume, has commenced his promised
reform. He no uouht despises the check upon
the great and only representative of the people,
according to ihe Jackson doctrine. If ever an ar.
my is marched lo the Capitol and Congress dis
persed at the point us the bayonet, it will be un
der the cloak of this doctrine, that the Prcsidebt
is the true exponent of the popular will. This
is modern Democracy frr you, with a vengeance.
One man power and Democracy ! Ball!—the j
thing is too bald even to humbug the people with,
green as they are sometimes.— Sarah. Repub
lican.
Another ?igu.
The subjoined proceedings of a meeting in
Fayetteville, Fayette county, is but another evi
dence of the onward match of public opinion on
the subject ol the currency. These demonstra
tions am not to be mistaken, and augur well for
the early restoration of a sound ciiculating me
dium throughout Georgia.
Faxettkvilie, Sept. 1. ,i
Agreeable lo prior notice a large porlionlfr
the Merchants, Mechanics, and other cjtrMns of
the village and country, met In the-court house,
for the purpose of taking consideration the
deranged, polluted situation of
that currency, whiiJpßas so long, through ihe
vesta of tl»pervaded our country, and
enter intojrmie Resolutions and adopt measures
receiving and paying out the uncur
rejiVltills on no.i specie paying Banks, shinplas
-i-ters, tieke •ur luils on corporations, or individu
als. Ti e mev ting was then organized hy calling
Wm. Herring, E qr. to the chair, and Jared 1.
' Whitaker E-qr. Secretary, and after a brief cx-
X flUnminn of the meeting made by the chairman,
■ lTe. Vase, Esur. then arose with grcaLJalm
dkUed the object of the meeting—whereupon,
on motion of Eli Edmonson, Esq, the chairman
appointed a committee us three, consisting of the
following names to wit: Dr. Wm. Brown, John
Huie and L. E. Case, Esqrs., to draft and sub
mit resolutions, who retired some few minutes,
and returned with the following Preamble and
Resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
) Whereas we have witnessed for some time past,
the great sacrifices that the citizens of this town
; and the country at large, have been subjected to
i by many Bank failures, and suspensions of spe
cie payments, which have created such great de
-5 rangement in the currency of the country, and
depreciations of bills on a number of the Banks
j in this State, and elsewhere. In receiving and
paying out such uucurrent und depreciated bills,
&c and b-lieving, as we do, that so long as the
3 people are disposed to take uncurrent or depre
, dated bills of any description at par value, so
x long will current bills, or bibs of specie paying
banks, and specie be driven and kept out of cir
culation —for remedy whereof,
Ist. Beit Resolved, That we will not from
v and after the first of October next, receive any of
- the bills on non specie paying Banks, or rickets,
s or shmplasters on corporations or individuals,
c only at their specie value, agreeable to the quo
rations made in the Augusta or Savannah tables
*f exchanges.
2d. Resolved, That we recommend our farm
■t ing friends in disposing of their crops, to receive
nothing but specie or its equivalent; and if they
, receive depreciated or uncurrent bills as atore-
U said, not to receive them at any higher estimate
than they can dispose of them in specie, or specie
d funds.
c 3d. Resolved, That these Resolutions be pub
n lished injthe Fayetteville Advertiser.
Iv On motion lire Meeting adjourned.
,o WM. HERRING, Ohm’n.
r- Jared I. Whitaker. Sec’y.
11 Specie i* New YogK,—The New York Amar
j ican : tales the aggregate amount of specie in tin
e \ I banks of that city at more than six millions of dol
1 g IS| and that tbjs amount is daily increasing.
1
From the Baltimore^American.
Letter from a gentleman of Baltimoie
a Landholder of Maryland, upon tne
snoject of Repudiation.
L Baltimore, 20th August, 1842.
| Mv Dear , , , . » ,t, p
I duly received vour favor o', the first ot
present month, and have given us subjecUt the
5 consideration their imports so well deset •
; I confess to you that i«r*e if ihe modern here
vies, in politics or morals, hate filled in y
; with such dismay as this doctrine of repudiation.
1 Gross and startling enough some of those her
sies have been lobe sure—and it has been p
5 fill to see the private and public mine- givjn„ *.
1 before their slow and covert approaches. Out
3 here is a great and lion-like leap m the pa *
? dishonesty—performed at noon-day .at w ~
the mind shudders and trembles; it shoddy.
e tbe enormity and impudence of the'
I trembles for its effects upon the fair name ot Die
1 °lf patriotism be a love of country, and devo
tion to its government, the sentiment ■ must bo
come extinct in the breast of the ma» ofJfirtoe
it —tor he cannot love a country that is stained
, with in&uny. or feel devotion to, a
that has tolerated dishonor. The cxlinetionrfil
s this noble sentiment must soeedily be followed
by the decrepitude, the dissolution of the. state.
Such orosa depravity in the public morals is the
. fatal disease »f the body politic. Us corrosive
1 and deadening effect will be rapid and certain
0 Before it the Slate will,sink: nml then will collie
I*. The whirl-wind and thunder of revolution, to
Wivcawav the impurities, and refresh the moral
* ZS as the Storms of-thc elements fan
f ' j Wav tire effluvia of pestilent bogs and pools.
,e Some men imagine that the diffusion ot tic
.o shame ail tnujitgpl
but a . ■ .. f
oujinTacriea to ’
icils, ami abet at the ballot „■ r 6
obey wish it to be believed \ Jjfjj M DBm mu in
idle intercourse of private tiw. The tall cy of
ft his position consists, in the first place, in its
want of truth; for, in my judgment, the man
who would repudiate the public debt would repu
diate his own, if the lash and sting of the law
left him free to do it. The reasoning, moreover,
is fallacious; for the public disgrace is each citi
zen's dishonor; the blot upon tbe national es
cutcheon has its full and broad impress upon the
forehead of every man that has contributed to
produce it. The enduring stigma is upon the
brow, .and his children’s children will feel the
hated shame.
Law givers are aware that without strong pe
nal restraints upon the private actions of men a
sufficiently p >re lone of morals for the purposes
of society cannot be seemed: Hence, arson and
treason and murder are denounced as capital of
fences, and great and hideous punishments arc
allotted to them; and swindling and theft and
procuring money by false pretences are denoun
ced as felonies, and condign inflictions are allot
ted lo them. Yet what shall we say of these
law givers, the government, the parental head,
when itself becomes guilty of all these latter of
fences'? For wherein is repudiation belter than
theft and swindling ami withholding money that
was* obtained by false pretences!
Let us not disguise matters. Historians and
posterity are to come after us.and they will speak
of our actions with the praise pr the censure—
.the pride or the scorn that they may deserve. I
affirm that repudiation of tbe public debt is an
act which embodies all the turpitude oi ihcabove
enumerated felonies. It is the result of a purely
dishonest emotion in the public breast. Il is the
open expression of a determination lo withhold
from another what rightfully belongs lo lutu.—
It is the deliberate, undisguised and base arowal
of a dishonest purpose. The olfence is i in
the slightest degree mitigated by an argument
drawn from the inconvenience of paying t.ic
debt, or the burthens of taxation that maybe
necessary to remove it. This should have been
inquired into before the debt was contracted; at
any rate, it is a oueslion wiM‘ which she creditor
has no concern; il has nothing to do with the va
lidity of bis claim, or the obligation of the State
to meet it. Complaints of heavy taxation should
be addressed lo the government that may have
jpade the burthen necessary by unwise and pro
fligale legislation; and npt to the honest creditor
who has shown his respect for the fcitate by rely
ing upon the faith and honor of its rulers.
The government of a sovereign Stale chooses
to embark in enterprises, for the public good,that
arc beyond its ordinary means, and cannot be
compassed by the supplies of its ordinary courses
ot taxation. It is led lo pledge its faith, and
boirow money from individuals, looking forward
to rich returns, either in the shape of pecuniary
gain, or increased political strength and advan
tage. The works arc prosecuted with the pub
lic copnteri*ncai»p*4 ff*vor, loan -
over and over again, expressions public
approbation. At length, from the fickles>css or
the feebleness of the public councils —some new
doubt of t.ie utility of the projects—or other
cause, they tall into disfavour; they areabandon
ed, or pjrosecpfcd but tardily the debt, contract
ed for their benefit, is disowned, and the ponful
ing creditor oi the Republic is spurned from the
door of the Treasury. Can any thing be more
utterly pusilanimous, or basely dishonest than
this? How does such conduct comport with the
high and elevated principle? of our boasted Dec
laration of ifu)e|*en(isnccl Wet ere accuse a
monarch pf bad faith, and. with the most solemn
adjurations to God. affirm that, Torso great a sin.
1 !•« merits the frown of the nation, am) the djs
mcinhennent of his
government we were leaving with that we were
about to form, wo affirm that the latter is to he
founded upon the purest truth—the slriclcst
fidelity to justice and all its engagements.—
What a commentary would this act of repudia
tion furnish upon all this! Into what solemn
mockery would it not turn it! After having ap
pealed, with such solemnity and fervour to the
Most High forthe purily of our motives and de
signs. of wiiat perjury shrdl we not he guilty by
so early, so gross and so flagrant a breach of the
national faith 1 But, aside from the offence a
gainst God. in what position should we be placed
with our fellow men. Would not the nations
shun us? Would they not combine against us,
and scourge us for the great indecency and
wickedness of our acts! Who shall number or
weigh the ills of the Stale that shall fall into
such profligate courses? What can redeem it?
Though the industry of the husbandman may
he blessed, and the harvests may be abundant,
tnough the enterprises of our merchants may
bring wealth to our shores—though every inter
est of the land may flourish—yet, if there is dis
honor upon its name, contentment can never
dwell in its border. It will fall into disrespect
and disrepute,the public affection will he estrang
ed from il: it will he accursed of men. and for
saken of God.
Admonition, however impassive, will proba
bly fall like idle babbling upon the ears of those
.whose minds have been corrupted to the extent
of admitting 1 lie doctiineot repudiation; but it
may not be useless to pourtray to tbe great mas
ses of our fellow citizens the horrid tendency of
such pernicious tenets. The press should,there
fore, pour forth its daily rebuke; the patriot
should ring the alarm in his conversations and
his writings; these in high places, and upon ihe
summits of society, should make their acts more
conspicuous, hold their lights higher and higher
np, and win their countrymen from such delu
sions bv burning words, and by the more forcible
eloquence of good examples. Let us remember
the virtues of oor fathers; let us remember that
this is their latjd, before we permit il to be cover
ed over with infamy. Let us appeal to all sa
cred considerations, to ancient lessons, to the
common decencies of life —let us pause and de
liberate, and humble ourselves before God, and
pray him to spare our minds the pollution of ad
mitting for a moment the thought of violating
the national faith. The moment such a senti
ment obtains admission into the mind, dishonor
becomes enthroned in the heart, and virtue and
truth will fly in search of a safer asylum.
If the States of the confederacy shall find
themselves in difficulties from the burden of
debt they may have contracted in attempts to
improve their territory, let them be patient—re
member that the motive for borrowing was good
—be cheered and strengthened by this consid
eration, and feel assured that frugality and labor
will ultimately relieve them. Let them remem
ber that the money has been spent in attempts
to improve an Empire, and not in the desolations
of war, that it has been laid out for the benefit
, of posterity, and not to purchase for themselves
temporary pleasures or a vain and fleeting mag
nificence. Let them not descend Irom the dig
i nity that belongs even to the honest debtor, who
acknowledges his debt, asks no favor disclaims
ail shuffling, scorns all subterfuge, hut prepares,
with manly pride, to meet his obligations to the
uttermost farthing. Shall these sovreignties,
L who have heretofore borne themselves so nobly,
be frightened from their positions, and betrayed
1 into indecorous courses by a small modicum of
> debt? I should hope that if the public creditor
were to offer to give up his bond, a proud govern
-5 ment would reject the boon, would never deign
lo accept it without rendering dollar for dollar: —
■ Yes, it would be more dignified and becoming
i to do so—on bended knee, and with humble
y thanks upon the lip, than to withhold forcibly
from the holders of those bonds their honest
e dues, There is no process of argument known
e to an honest mind that can lead to the slightest
countenance of these pernicious dectrines; the
j, most deluded or selfish casuistry could not in
cline the understanding to them. He who ad
vances them, does so knowing them to be utter
ly and wholly wrong; and the day of compunc
tion will come when the whip of asps would b<
more tolerable than the upbraidings of his con
r . science. The gioss and base act of cheat!n;
his fellow man out of what is honestly and right
** ly his own, i*, if possible, the least part of hii
>l* offence —he has aided in corrupting the minds o
others, he has lowered tbe tone of the publi
m... »Is—he his T be
nresent condition of tbuW«£|Md thepub
’,L of Maryland »|*®i be deplored.—
ft constitutes a crisis u» y BMP, that can nev
er be remembered orW4h pleasure.—
It is true that- no scnajpnjaof jrepUiHation ob
tains footing -he"- v ®' leare bjfcr too
? honorable lorthat. tfl VOyutf oilier sons
5 could never bend to |«»a»tpiUation. But,
owing'lo her great and the incom
nletc conditioivof the burthen of
J debt contracted- on ibrtl bSßoont, and wljich is
hereafter to he distribigg-gnongst them now
■ T Sts as an incubus npopWßtate She, a9*. he
■ foster mother, has to belW burthen ffntil- t.el
f canals ami rail roads |«mp efetl. Irf the
I meantime, the cads u^i yppdWic treasury, for
'* the annual interest, arevjMf Wavy; and the re»
II sources ot the State,, t»«[ greatly enhanced'
J by new assessments aw ®w rales of taxation,
J have been inadequate O p them. A tempo
e rarv suspension ujfon VmffttH pavmenlS'bas
been the result; and a ocplorcd and injuri-i
H ous depression of Ihc poßc stock has followed
Thisis alike disbcartW|f to the creditor and
® mortifying to thede
d g u t she is earnesllWjo-work ln attempts to
d fill the Treasury, her ***ork«are nearly ap
-11 preaching the mineral il is now the sei
ll tied policy' of the coun I fund of
3 - (he public lands is to j fSgtJSIfK way of dia
e tribution, and Marytal » l^MLie rge from
e her difficulties with puvjMu unsullied
reputation. f s ilwSi *
e Recurring to the b••• f these breaches,
“ of the nation..! faith,. ktffneicenOing'from thi ■
d tone of disdain whic| 11* pnrd nathrally as
n suim c t.t-fng •*’|>(TqDPstiomt of mor
al-, lei us look at j^Re--~,inu a 0 r policy,
l c and st- ~ v) j»%rmaati.!rul Am I
tfatneunftm I.
■* * , 'J '' IBL'ni’c- -l,]jl ■ ra;,
laua
atkl honor &re gtjfei*. IS system of jurispru
dence becomes the of a corrupt Legis
lature. Its laws are tile fruit of corrupt delib
eration. The property■ in the Stale, and the
rights and liberties ops citizens arc only pro
tected hy the venal a|l ever changing rules of
profligate enactments. Os what value would
such property be? Contracts between man and
man would soon be arfrellid. The public debt
was found an inconvenience, and it was cancel
led. Private debts would be certainly much
more oppressive, and Wyv not cancel them'?
The ancient notion about their sacredness
has, by the new lights, been ascertained to he
foolish. It would be vtin to talk about the sa
credness of private contacts in a land where
the public engagements lad been repudiated.
In all trading commusities like our own the
debtor class comprises at least two-thirds of the
population. A very wke right of suffrage pre
vails with us, and who to* s not see that debtor
and creditor candidates fl»r the Legislature will
soon be in the field. Tie former would prevail
of course. And then would come the widest,
sweeps of licentiousness In legislation. All
debts over a certain limitwould be declare.! void,
as being oppressive and onerous upon the people
—large estates would bo broken up —title deeds
would be cancelled, aq^torn from the records,
agrarian laws would h passed. Is there any
painting in this? Does it not ail follow as a ne
cessary consequence orthe one great .act of per
fidy'? Docs it go beyoed the measure ol a plain
and practical application of the principles that
dictated that act of
it docs not. But I turn aWay from a subject that
must be so distressing lo the mind ol every pa
triot; and will indulge in no more provisions of
the sorrow and shame and disgrace that must
fall upon our country should it ever be betrayed
into the sin of repudiation.
liver, verv faithfully, Yours.
■> J. J. s.
it'roin the FhiladelphNational Gazette.
UiMt party is responsible lor the Nation.
7 . . al l.lfbt}
■ ; Tfc|jWf&ttb American also denies the respon
sibility of Ihe Wliijjs for the ranid creation ot a
national deht. "We miisj still hold that they ate
responsible for this debt, inasmuch as if they
had made the promised retrenchments at the
commencement of their rule, that debt would
have been unnecessary.”— Pennsijlvanian.
This text from the ‘’Democratic” organ of this
city, contains two propositions on which the
press and the orators of its party are accustomed
to insist, as embracing a momentous issue be
tween the great mass of the Whigs and the se
veral factions of their political opponents. —
Without resorting to natural declamation against
the disgusting profligacy of that parliian spirit
which labors to produce in the popular mind the
belief that Ihe Whigs are rcs|>cnsible for the or
igin, increase and continuation of the present
National Debt, we propose to<show:—
T-Visr —‘rhui ipzJuriMru. TB-tw a Atln 'i ‘L
islraiion laid the fovndatioy and ituiil vji the
principal mass us ike fila}ior,ai I!thi.
Secondly— That the Whip's upon acquiring
the ascendancu in Congress in IS-H, instantly
proposed and urged measures for liquidating the
Pelt; and, that the Jailurc at Ikut time, and
uniformly since, to eject the object, was caused
hi! the opposition, of the Van Buren pp-rly, ren
dered efficient by the course of the Kxecntirc.
Ist. According to the various official state
ments in the Treasury Department, il appears
that on the Ist of January, 1837, (two months
before the administration of Martin Van Buren
commenced) there vyrs a surplus in inc Treasu
ry , arising frpm ordinary sources of revenue, a
mounting lu 100,000
There was an additional sum accru-
s — fnun that date to March 4,
arising from onier Or.. J I
sources, amounting to 9,125,000
There was issued in the same peri
od, Treasury notes amounting to 5,050,000
Making the surplus and available
means of the Treasury from Jan.
1837, over and above the regular
receipts for customs and public
lauds within these four years, a
mounting lo 531,875,000
Here was a sum of nearly thirty two millions
of dollars which was received into the treasury
during the four .years of Mr. Van Boren s ad
ministration, exclusive of the regular and enor
mous receipts from the customs and the public
lands. The receipts were as follows:
From January, 1837, lo January,
18-11, the revenue from duties
on imports was, 861,800,000
The revenue from the public lands
in the same period, was 20.200,000
Making the net ordinary revenue
of Mr. Van Buren’s
If to this sum we add the aSSnt
as above from extraoruWary
sources, viz; 31,875,000
we have the total sum of 8114,875,000
—nearly one hundred and fifteen millions of
dollars paid into the Treasury under Van Bu
ren’s administration, being on the average near
ly twenty nine millions annually.
But such was the wicked and matchless extra
vagance of that administration, that when the
Treasury Report was made under the present
(Tyler) administration, on the Ist June, 1841, it
appeared lhal all Ihesc vast means had been ex
hausted, and that the deficit in the treasury for
that year alone would be at least sixteen millions
of dollars, making Van Buren and his party re
sponsible for about one hundred and thirty mil
lions, Thus a Notional Pebl was founded ami
mainly built ap during his term. It existed when
lie was turned out of ofliee by the people, alt ho’
lie arnl bis parti/.ans had taken scrupulous pre
cautions not to call the monster by its right
name. So muoh lor our first proposition.
2J. The first business entered upon by the
Cabinet appointed by President Harrison, and
pursued by the Whigs in Congress, was to as
certain the condition ot the national finances, to
provide income and to bring expenditure within
a reasonable limit. It required no inconsidera
ble labor to bring to light the nature and the a
mount of the squanderings of Ihe Van Buren
rule, but the facts, as we have stated above,were
substantially ascertained. Two difficulties pro
minently lay in the way of raising revenue ade
quate to meet the then actual deficiency and to
supply the continuous demands upon the treas
ury. One was the declining credit of the gov
ernment, the other the contrariety of views in
Congress in regard to a tariff. The Whigs,
however, were determined to act promptly, and
accordingly on the7lh June,lß4l, only one week
after Congress was organized at the extra ses
sion, Mr. Clay introduced the following resolu
tions into the Senate:
Resolved, In the opinion of the Senate, at the
present session of Congress, no business ought
, to be transacted but such, as being of an impor-
I tant and urgent nature, may be supposed to have
influenced the extraordinary convention ofCon
! gress, or such as that the postponement of it
might be materially detrimental to the public in
i tcrest.
1 Resolved, therefore, in the opinion oi the Sc
f nate, that the following subjects ought first, if
r not exclusively, lo engage the deliberations ol
- Congress at the present session, viz:
i Ist. The repeal of the Sub-Treasury.
2d. The incorporation of a Bank adapted lc
j the wants of the people and of the Government
e 3d. The provision ot an adequate revenue foi
y the Government, by the imposition of duties,am
t including an authority to contract a temporary
n loan, to lessen the public debt contracted by thi
rt last administration.
e 4th. The prospective distribution of tbe pro
i- cccds of the public lands.
I- Clh. The passage of the necessary apptopria
r- tion bills.
s- Resolved, Thatitis expedient to distribute th
>e business proper to be done at this session, be
a- tween the Senate and House of Representative!
ig so as to allow of both Houses acting on the sam
it- subject at tbe same time.
iis Here was the evidence of eagerness on th
of part of Mr. Clay—an eagerness shared by b
lie politics! friends, to go at once to work and plai
the fim inoftfaffairs : o the Government on a'pfd-j.
fpwWatjJl and a bank pro- ' -
J® et w ***wHdeqo«siJy Spared, and twiceifevas ,
the latter vetoed by jjnc President, -fter infinite
labor on depart or the.majority to carry out
thetf ownjmainal measures,'aiid failing in that
effort, to acrommodate them to'the Executive 1
Instant aim of the Whig- .lev
« to cut off decla"m<Kun in*
“theoneJmur whiclj
ir*ftQSs!ki action and de-"
chesNhyitu-.mlyj’esisted. to.
powerflTXne. .yjAnnl pfim
-■ rrS i i iu ruling
i^xi»'Buren s and_qjif Tfe.uJ
ian to* i'iotit"’jresrs; which
vc marie IbF nugofialioS 'on ‘
feasible—was strenuously
aortizans. boilorg* sjlle
harrassed. hy its cyn nr t»s
claims for which no n'r-cjllh
wen* sstisfied provi.’ .
■be persuaded of *
tional
f. arc satisfied still. They j
in actual debt of o
tjfe
some licit trails name, t. ian fund, ifi
aOfounytfvrone hdo<iik*d cents, due by v l \fiot Q ?4*M
callit,dl ilf would truly t.ejy jfjß
tiiroal ilebt.- But wetare di«rcssin«r. r ‘
Retorni|igjo Mr, Clay’s rrsolutinns
carry out tlieir own pi an% "l 7^uf s J I
have.iad on ttic- statue books at t.he'c^r *£" : tht>
ext all the above project '
p&rtkular was.lheir original plan of opera- .
lioiiH carried eat? In nothing eldfept (be rej tjutj
ol ppl Treasury Law. *ln every oth'r inesv <
J forced into Jong
opposi* ; on xof the minorily, or
thwarted by thr Executive
9 oaHry oVTiinr we!!
i d they ceased to be responsible for the -
consequences of the failure.
Witil regard to appropriations to meet the'eur
rent cost of Government, together with the debts
loft by Van Buren, not covered by the loan
which was proposed, the Whigs could not in
stantly make all the reductions deemed subse
quently expedient in the several depart tnents. —
Time was necessary to examine into the details
of all the departments, and considering the au
gean condition in which the previous adminis
tration had left them, it was a task of no ordina
ry difficulty. Had the Whigs, however, been
suffered promptly to achieve their other purpo
ses, with ihe concurrence of the President, as
they once fully anticipated, their attention lo re
trenchments would have been efficiently given
long ago. Yet in spite of every obstacle, they
have effected important reductions in various
branches of, the Government. They have, in
the face of every species of hostility, at last pass
ed a tariff law. They have thus provided means
lo pay the obligations and restore the credit of
the Government. They have rescued from their
adversaries, under whatever banner they have
appeared, many of the weapons by which the
industry ami interests of the country have been
prostrated. They have, in a word, forgotten no
expedient of economy or omitted any feasible
method of bringing means up to the standard of
responsibilities.
And now, wc would ask, is not the evidence
o:i the one hand abundant that the Van Buren
administration, through its unbounded extrava
gance, laid the basis deep and broad of the Na
tional debt, and that the Whig majority of Con
gress on the other hand, have devised ample
means, and as far as possible rendered those
means operative, to liquidate the debt and pay
the current expenses of the government! Will
any one in the face of the proofs afforded by the
public records, still affect lo doubt the wretched
condition in which this administration found the
federal finances, or the desire of the party which
brought it into power, to restore them to order
and make adequate to the reasonable wants of
the treasury? The Whigs, then, arc in np wise
answerable for the present amount of the Na
tional Debt, but their opponents are justly, and
beyond ail cavil, chargeable with the creation of
it. In vain may their organs try lo shift this re
sponsibility. Their own statements rise up to
testify against them, and we fear not that public
opinion will judge rightly in the matter.
From the Baltimore American .
The Apportionment Bill.
We find the following paragraph in the New
York Union of Tuesday afternoon;
“The Baltimore American is wrong on the
apportionment bill. The right of Congress lo
prescribe to the States the manner of electing
their representatives in Congress is one of great
doubt. We think the Supreme Court, looking
at the preservation of state rights, will declare
ihe intentand mcaama-of llic aw to be merely
•,'«not ohlt(fCttOTij. Any [Stale
that pleases may elect their quota in Congress
under the apportionment hill, but lire representa
tives elec.ed hy gcueial ticket, if it so pleases the
Ftate, c.iiinut be excluded Irom their seats, and
il there was any trick or plot in Ihe adoption of
this law, to exclude certain Slates, it will be sig
nai.y exposed. The President signed the hill
« ih his objections, anxious loavuid the necessi
ty of another veto; hut it is not to be disguised
that he would have rendered a deep and impaya
hle service to the country if he had refused to
sign the hill.”
The Baltimore American is right on the ap
portionment bill. Nothing need he plainer than
tin: language of the Constitution on the subject;
*‘The times, places and manner of holding elec
tions for Senators and Representatives shall be
proscribed in each Stale by the Legislature there
of; hut the Congress may nl any lime make or
alter s'jch regulations, except as to the places of
choosing Senators."
We do not understand how a law of Congress,
making certain regulations under the authority
here given, can he understood to be merely ,t'-
(omiliendglfry. The general government has
the power or it has nut the power of prescribing
how its officers shall be chose::. If it possesses
the power, it is from the Constitution, not from
the Slates. In exercising |hc ppwi rif is subject
to no limitations except such as its great charter
imposes; and in no way can the exercise of this
power be dependent on the assent of the particu
lar Stales.
The general government is, as a government,
wholly independent of lire State Governments.
Ii is in itself a substantive government; il exists
hy a special creation wrought out hy the same
sovereign power that gave existence to the State
authorities; il asks no other government for leave '
to act; its own charier, the guarantee of iissov
reigpry, shaping its form and constituting it what
ills, defines its powers in the very condition of
its hi lire. Let those who claim all sovereignty
lor the Slates, ask themselves by what authority
any Stale can prescribe how the officers of all
ot her government shall be chosen. L it by a
reserved right! The States bare no light in the
matter except from the Constitution—from the
very clause already quoted; and that right, hy
the terms of the grant, is lo cease whenever Con
gress chooses lo exercise it ill its own name. —
How could Ihe States possess original powers
in reference to a government widen did not exist
until the Constitution was framed! And if no
original power in the case, then no reserved
rictus now—no rights at all in the mailer except
such ns the Constitution may grant, and under
the conditions specifying the natureoflhcgrant.
There is a position taken by some that ulihu’
Congress may prescribe how the Members of ihe
House shall he chosen —as by the single district
syssein, yet that there is no power in Congress
to command Ihe States to district themselves fur
that purpose. It is here that the idea of a re
• commendatory power comes in—an idea which
' Air. Tyler was the first to announce, so far as
our knowledge on the subject goes. Is this ob
’ jectiou seriously urged! One can hardly believe
1 so. Would these objectors have the General
Government appoint commissioners for thenar
ticular purpose of districting the Slates! They
1 would be the first, we take it, lo exclaim against
! such a step. How is this! where is the difficul
' ty'! The Federal Government, for the sake of
‘ establishing a uniform system for the election ol
’ representatives to Congress, and for other good
‘ and sufficient reasons, prescribes a certain mode.
All agree that it has a right to do this. The
1 conditions then are known by which representa
i lives from the States will be admitted into the
1 House. It is for the States to comply with
1 these conditions —else one of two results must
follow; either the non-complying States will go
' unrepresented, or Congress will itself exercise
its power and district such States by its own
e authority. But it is the same people that act
1 through both systems —that of the General and
" that of the State Governments, and there it no
c occasion for any difficulty on so frivolous a pre
' text as is founded upon the quibbling distinction
lt to which wc have been relcrring.
' The notion of “a tri c k or plot” in the adoption
of the Apportionment law, to exclude certain
:- States, is one of those imaginary phantoms
if which seem to beset the minds of Mr. Tyler and
if bis peculiar friends. Does not the editor of the
“ Union” know that there is in the law a specific
exception in oebalf of those States, which, elect
o ing by general ticket and electing at an early pe
t. riod, have bad no opportunity of complying yet
■r with the conditions of the Apportionment law!
d We hope that our political adversaries, when
7 they suspect the Whigs ol wanting patriotism
ie and fairness, do not judge by their own motive*
and the secret instigation of conspiousness as tc
o. what they themselves would do undeJ the cir
cumstances. _
A steamboat is about to be built by the Tro]
Ae Steamboat Company, which will be the longes
e- vessel in the world, measuring 320 feet. Shi
jJJj is intended to ply between Troy and New York
and will have state rooms on deck to accommo
*\ e date 300 passengers, and stationary and otbe
me berths below lor 624.
' morning. SEPTE<tay.tt rn*T
a j iTX L
f' , ’yoT , 4t-—New cotton is setting ip 8a«t0-
ABga *? “ 7 i centa/V^.;’ : ■'- J
‘ Ai precious morceau is' copiers from
/S* of the isth instant
com P* ,e * with truth. A let
onhif 3th, sane day, says:
( 7 * I
‘S3PPwie f ' >r m| fldhug. ’
J cents was paid for middling, I
fSrthe neat. Sbmealight
1 v ' Hi dpuht not the inventor.
the ne.-ocjjtAt editor of the Telescope
i
• JK4FemorjiLp(*.>i77 DobWu.
“” e!|^4l,^R ultefrjf says— '
"Aeolic and others, vdli I
jpjfijjjSsn this dty qr^julay.evening next, with i
rffiWßfto .he? removal of tbifHon. Jonathan J
the. ie very |
V' r * - 18 P r O" !
°U the occa
. i
and wrS|
•- ' A*,,,",!. A, ’ \ '*’,’»*< -
mously a
nated as the Whig i STTflirilr’i iuTIITITIIi
United Slates.” ‘
I I
Profession vs. Practice. ■
“The patronage incident to the Presides- j
TIAL OtFK)E is ALREADY INCREASING. THE UNRE
STRAINED POWER EXERTED BY A SELFISH AMBI- (
TIOUS MAN, IN ORDER EITHER TO PERPETRATE
HIS AUTHORITY OR TO HAND IT OVER TO SOME FA- ,
VOBITE AS HIS SDCCESSCR, MAY LEAD TO THE EM- j
ployment of all the means within his con- ,
TEOL, TO ACCOMPLISH HIS OBJECT.” ?
“I WILL REMOVE H» INCUMBENT FROM OFFICE |
WHO HAS FAITHFULLY AND HONESTLY ACQUITTED
HIMSELF OF THE DUTIES OF HIS OFFICE.”
So spake John Tyler in his “Address to the j
people of the United States,” April 19th, IS4I. 1
How sincere, bow honest and how consistent he !
has proved himself, remains to be seen. ,
Thus spake John Tyler, before treachery and
wickedness had takeß possession of his heart—be
fore the corruption of power and the dazzling se-
dilutions of place, had turned his weak head and i
turned his good intentions into vile and infamous
practice. Such were the promises of John Tyler. |
What his practices are, our readers will see by the
following expose of Jonathan Roberts, that pure
and elevated patriot, whom John Tyler called, un- 1
solicited, from retirement to take charge of the
Philadelphia Custom House.
From the Philadelphia U. S. Gazette, Sept. 14.
To the Public.
It has pleased the President of the United States
to make a change in the office of Collector of the
Port of Philadelphia, and it is due to myself that
you should be informed of the facts connected with
this proceeding. 1 pray to be allowed to disclaim
any feeling of personal unkindness towards the
President, while I own a deep sense of the injury
which be has been induced to inflict on me by
causelessly removing me from a post in which he
voluntarily placed me.
On the I4*h of April, 1841,1 received an auto
graph letter from President Tyler, announcing my
appointment as Collector of the Port of Philadel
phia, expressed in the strongest terms of confi
dence and kindness. Though I had been, in the
course of my public life, often on terms of intimate
association with incumbents of the Kxecutive of
fice, both State and Federal, I had never intimated
a wish for favors from them, nor did I ever receive
any assurance of a willingness to do me service.—
This appointment was unsolicited and unexpected
It reached me io a retirement of neatly fifteen
years’ duration, and was accompanied by circum
stances which made it more honorable to accept
than to decline it.
1 game into a community where 1 was wholly a I
straiger, and which, as the President had informed
me. Was disturbed by a very active competition for
Jpj: olfflec to which twq apnom'jd. I brought oo ,!
1 rierfi with me, and called none to me. I had no
private ends to serve, and in gou,' faith set about
Irealing, as far as possible, the irritation that had
before existed. Before receiving my commission,
1 had written to Mr. Tyler, recommending the ap
pointment of Mr. Henry Morris as Collector. To
this letter I received the following answer, and at
the same time, the intelligence of my appoint
ment:
Washington, April 13, 1841.
My dear sic—Your letter is before me, and has
been read by* me with all the respect which I sin
cerely feel for your character and past services. I
recognise in you aiy elder in that political school,
to the advancement of the principles of which we
have alike devoted anxious days and nights. The
regretted death of General Harrison has cast a deep
gloom over the country, and has been more pain
fully felt by myself than any other, because not
only of the strong personal ties which existed be
tween us, but because of the high and delicate re
sponsibilities which it has involved upon me. How
I shall acquit myself in the discharge of the duties
of my high office, depends, under Providence, yet
to be seen. I rejoice that among the first acts of
ipy presidential life, is that of conferring office on
a true and sound patriot, such as you arc. The
mail which beats you this, will also convey to you
a commission as Collector of the Port of Philadel
phia. Your disinterestedness iu recommending an
oihff, who I should have been very happy to have
obliged, has wrought np injury to yourself. I knew
you would nut ask office, but acted on the ground
that if you had merits, they would be known to
the appointing power. Besides, my dear sir, the
warm peisonai contests which this office had crea
ted in Philadelphia, seemed to me to render it pro.
per, to have neither a triumph or a defeaf. 4 have,
therefore, obeyed not onjy the suggestion of my
fieiings, but sound policy, in making the appoint
ment. You will,l donbt not, by a somewhat equal
I distribution of your favors, reconcile the friends of
all the parties. Mr. Badger and Mr. Tyson have
been the warmest contestants. They may have
made promises in anticipation of success to partic
ular persons, who you may quiet by carrying them
out. I merely make you suggestions as ope
friend to another, to be adopted by you as your
judgment may dictate. I have one wish, 1 con
fess, and it is that Governor Shulze should have
the place of Principal Weigher —an office, the du
ties of which are light, aud the income of some
moment to him.
Be pleased to accept, my dear sir, assurances of
my great respect, copudence and friendship.
JOHN TYLER.
Hon. Jonathan Roberts.
It was a conceded fact, that during the political
canvass of 1840, from the head of the Custom
House, through a large portion of the persons en
gaged in the performance of its duties, there had
hi en the most aident political action. There bad
been an avowed assessment on the compensation
of the officers for election firefC were
cases of fiim and honorable uqn-compliance,as well
of compliance, by worthy and estimable men.
in der what seemed to them to be an irresistible
necessity. With regard to those who had thus o
hused their trusts, I. bad no hesitation. The dic
tate of propriety was at once to remove them. —
The inoffensive were, to far as my knowledge ex
tendupvitboqt ezeepiiDturetaißed) s«d my appoint
ments were governed throughout by the
wishes of the President, my anxiety being to see
that no unworthy individuals were thrust qpon me.
So far a* I could rely on the testimony oi others, 1
had reason to think that those 1 appointed were
men of character, of Whig principles, and (»s di
' reeled by the President,) the friends of those
1 whom, in this respect, he was desirous to oblige.
| I took office on the 21st April, 1841, and on the
27ih, the list of my appointments was forwarded
to the Secretary of the Treasury, from whom, on
the Bth of May, I receive 1 the following letter of
, approvals
, Washington, May 8,1841.
My dear sir I have just received your letter o?
j yesterday. Do not, 1 pray you, suppose that the
s President or myself, for a moment, doubt the cor
' redness of your course, under Ihe trying and diffi
, cult circumstances in which you have been placed
. Fir from it. You may have made mistakes —this
we thmkjprobable in some cases among the many.
* We know that we have. But you have pur full
‘ and entire confidence iu your sound discretion and
1 unwavering patriotism, and it is not in the least
shaken. Be assured of this,
i I am, very truly, yours,
i T. EWING.
» Hon. Jonathan Roberts.
At this point of time I had a right to believe that
- all uneasiness on the subject of the appointments
c was tranquilized, and my conduct being thus ap
- proved directly by the Secretary of the Treasury,
i- whose supervision is alone contemplated by law,
■t and also by the President, whose wishes 1 was
! anxious to gratify. I dismissed the matter from
„ my mind, and applied myself to the faithful and
n sedulous discbaige of my duties. Unfortunately
m for tbp public service and for the good fame of ihe
President, there is too much reason to believe that
' an individual entitled in no retpect tc the cenfi
r' dencc of the Kxecutive or his fellow citizens, who
was at one time Surveyor of Ihe Port, and more
,y recently Commissary of Purchases, became discon
tented at the share of influence which be had with
me in the distribution of office, and was ar live in
l# fomenting by some means unknown to me, unkind
, feeling* in tbe bosom of the President and his fa
rmly. Though reluctant to credit the possibility
0* of such an influence with an independent and in
telligent Chief Magistrate, I am unable to trace to
>n any other source tbe mischievous and unfounded
rumors which were very soon circulated to mj
prejudice ,' Tn nigh an extent was
this cinieurtfeet MaT. the President
wrole to me*negging.Jß* “to appra-r his anxiety,”
and assuring me hojMdteod to hear from me, “only l
to enable him to sf<|Ll#P tongues.” I ans wered
tbe le-ter on the 11 th of May,
I received the falfpr.M|feawer4-
Va I. - .YgJhtefwtTON. May 10.1841.
My dew SH~Tt»e,4knOHient to say ta you.that;
my confidencejn y j jm |s. wholly unabated, mod 1
hove no doubmKi UwtXti shat you have done wilt*
be well. fecter was designed to place me
in posscssionJLLdts-which 1 might use ad vault-,
’tfrjTdw ear t 0 nothing to your juju-!
TV. yourv&c. -,-»3
S M7 > JOHN TYLER, ’i
Hon. Jof*TCoapfe- -J
On ihe.r'ulpty’Sty.Kpjul.joy reaper'- in per-T
sen to thof undent, and was-rgeeived by him withfl
the kinder”'<«oh-oise, I. had Ibe pleasure to ax-<»
«ujjLhim«that T bcjfiav eA the Cusfc am . House Do*u
MHmjiii was-entirely . hsrdtonised, and that niflt
in flic successful transaction afif
®.public -A < j". , r
wAbout thlsflme or-soon wfter, collision was fasM
riKiing between the President and the Whig par-*!"
t» Congress. RepestmLpublicaUuus appeared iu j
tlffi Newlkota..Herald,'* apparently
p4ht of tiqyiminhtriijoa. charging on officers of#
tbe PhiiadOjK?, disaffection to Mr.. .
Tyler, their Immediate rmaov
al. ’of office.down,to the'
present beenatufiiously reserved with
regard habitually,*nyj|MMMj
the opinions, anl^raiflyfl-:
5j*2ST» esk-of!Mt. j
~ r: j 1 . '- ’jj "iMitkr lie used fbfifie' s
temov* ansSsSvidmtT^
m&Auui hiuestW
Appraisers fan ap-
St^ourOl control) and stating that
similar import had reached him
■relative toothers in myempioyrnent,’ hut of these
he adds, more probably hereafter. The letter clo
ses with assurances ‘of 'respect for my character,
and regard for my person and wishes of health,
happiness and long life.’
This letter satisfied me that a system of detrac
tion was in operation at Washington, which was
slowly bnt surely exerting its influence on the
President. Sclf-respoct, however, forbade any
fu.ther action on my part. I contented myself
with deploring the collision that had occuired be
tween the President and Congress, and seriously
hoped that it might be harmonized.
On the 27th April last, it was announced in the
New York Herald, and mure authoralivejy in the
Madisonian, that there would soon be changes
made in the officers at Philadelphia. Regarding
this almost as an official communication, on the
28th, I addressed the following letter to the Presi
dent:
Philadelphia, April 2Slh, 1842.
Dear Sir—At the time you addressed lo me your
very kind lettei of 12th December, 1841,it was ap
parent your feelings had been drstui bed by represen.
tations which were erroneous if not disingenuous.
I then replied to you with alt the candor the obli
gations you had conferred on me, and the kindness
of your letter enjoined. 1 have neeu aware, that
through the whole time that has since elapsed,
there has been an unremitted pursuit of measures
by some men to effect purposes of their own by
means far from justifiable. At this moment it is
announced through the puolic papers from Wash
ton to New York, that changes are to be looked for
in this city. If it be so, not knowing where they
are to fall, I only ask lor an opportunity lo lay be
fore you the account ofmy stewardship in the place
you have ueen pleased to assign me. It is uot my
purpose to enter upon this explanation at this time,
but to express my willingness and wish to have
an interview with you peisonally. For this end, I
respectfully propose to visit Washir gtou health
permitting, iu all next week. It is due lo justice,
before action should be bad, that both sides should
be heaid.
Very truly, your obliged friend,
JONATHAN ROBERTS,
His Excellency, John Tyler.
On the 30th, the following letters, dated the
same day that these annunciations appeared in the
Herald and Madisonian, reached me:—
Treasury Department, f
April 27th, 1842 3
Sir—l herewith enclose you a letter this day re
ceived from the Presidcut, whose wishes 1 request
you to carry into effect.
With great respect, your oh’t serv’t,
W. FORWARD.
Jona. Roberts, Esq., Collector of Customs,
Philadelphia.
The enclosure was an original letter from the
President, addressed in the fust instance to “Jona
than Roberts, Esq ” the name then partially and
' clumsily erased, and that of the Secretary of the
Treasury substituted. It ie as follows :
Washington, April 27th, 1842.
S-r—! have* to roqnpst- that ihe fo'towing chan
ges be made in the Custom House at Philadelphia,
to take effect on the first day of May. It is nqui
j red for reasons satisfactory to myself, and connect
ed with the administration of Governmental affairs,
viz:
MEASURERS.
Joseph Brclsford, in place of Wm P. Blight.
Michael Andress, do John 11 Rowand.
Robert S English, do James Clarke.
Wm Metcalfe, do George Culiu.
Inspectors of the Customs.
Bernard McGuire, in place of Win W Manner.
Abraham Meyers, do George Hacker.
Andrew Redhefler, do M W Alexander.
Philip Clawges, do Peter Parker.
George Wevill, do RohertMiller.
Nath’l Gates, do T S Crombergcr.
James Hand, do L F Donnell,
Wm Wilson, do C D Lybrand.
Richard Christie, do Jacob Dewees.
Henry Stout, do G W Brembaum.
Miles Tully, do Wm B Km rick.
George Guthtie, do Joshua Hcnscy.
Thomas Fitnam, do Robert Patton.
James B Wharton, do Pli Currie.
night inspectors.
Francis McAvoy, :n place of Edward G Wood,
principal night inspector on the Delaware.
John Griffin in place of John Hall, principal
night inspector on the Schuylkill.
John F. Keyset-, in place of Charles Brewster.
Edward Hamcrick, do Edward Carr.
James Mcally, do James Atkinson.
Samuel Dubois, do John Ranhun.
Henry Dick, dp James Smith.
CLERKS.
Nath‘l Holland in place of Arthur Bradcs,
Thomas Foster, do J M Christopher.
Isaac H Patterson, do J A Riston.
Thos B Russum, do Charles /.ell,
MESSENGERS.
George Ellis, in place of John Saunders.
John F Fredlein, do George Towns.
Y’our immediate attention tp the above will grat
ify mp,
4 renew assurances of confidence add respect.
JOHN TYLER.
Hon. Walter Forward, Secretary oi the Treasu
ry-
On the same day, I wrote io the Secretary of the
Treasury.
Collbctor’s Office, Philadelphia, J
April 30, 1842. 5
Sir —I have this moment received yours of the
271 h inst, enclosing one of the same date from the
President addressed to you, suggesting changes to
be made at the Custom House at Philadelphia, to
commence on the Ist proximo. Tbe existing ap
pointments were made in conformity with the
suggestions 1 had received Irom the President in
communicating to me my appointment. They
wpre confirmed by the Secretary of the Treasury
in due form, with the President’s approbation, as 1
am bound to presume. Many of the men whose
names are given in the President’s letter are whol
ly unknown to me; others I know to be unfit and
unworthy of my confidence, and think, knowing
What 1 do, both the President and yourself would
concur with me. I feel, that having given heavy
and substantial security for the discharge of the
duties and accountabilities of this office, I have al
so to attest my satisfaction with the official acts of
■ the gentlemen designated to be removed. I have
n > partiality for any of them that would induce
me to hesitate a moment to comply with the wish
es of the President in their removal, if any credit
ab'e evidence was given that they bad spoken
lightly of him.
I wrote to the President through yon on the
38tb, bespeaking a conference with him in thecn
suing week 4 it fa still my purpose to be io Wash
-1 ington eariy 19 tbe week, and until Iben, 1 pray you
to communicate to him that 1 wish to confer with
him before any measures be taken by me to exe
cute his wishes. Resp’y yours, J. ROBERTS.
Hon. Walter Forward
It is right that I should here observe that by law
! all suboidinate officers of the Customs, are to be
nominated by the Collector, and to be approved by
the Secretary of the Treasury. The President lias
no right to interfere with them, nor has the Bccre
-1 tary any thing to do with the original appointment.
■ Among those whom Mr. Tyler directed me to re-
I move, was one attached to the Appraiser’s Dcpart-
I meet, over which the Collector has no authority
t whatever.
I reached Washington on the evening of the 3rd
May,-and immediately waited on Mr. Secretary
Forward, informed him of Ihe purpose of my visit,
and of the circumstances of the case. He disclaim
t ed any participation or privity in making out the
> lists of those to be appointed and removed, and said
■ he thought if 1 communicated to the President
, what 1 bad to him, he would be satisfied with it.
, Fr>m what I conceived to be the state of things
s at the President’s House, I apprehended that 1
1 might be denied an interview ; hut the Secretary’s
! remark removed the suspicion from my mind. On
y tbe 4th, I attended the President’s anti-chamber
e for sevcial hours, and finally was obliged to retire
t without having an interview. I made a renewed
- effort to see the President in the altemoon, hut the
0 servant even refused to carry my card to his tnas
e ter saying that he dared not do it.
- On applying for admission on Ihe morning of the
h sth tbe porter at the door who know inc,said I
n could not see the President,as be was engaged with
d the Secretary of State, I said I would wait till the
1- Secretary had gone. He then asked me if 1 had
y not received a letter. I answered him in tbe neg
-- alive. He then said one had been forwarded u
o me. I urged an admission saying that my bushiest
:J wa* to see the President. Tho seivanllhcn ad
-7 vanced to the foot ol tbe stairs and seemed to am
-bbnnewapr. to someone above. I went up stairs,
found Be these and the door closed. After
ikaockirsJbM receiving noacswer, I seated myself
sod the, la the passage and remained tlic ic
totinore-t&ti an hour, several persona whom I did
riEfi ViioW’jHbe mean time passii.g in and out cl
'j£e I residewPs room.
I went tffki the ante-chamber opposite and direct-
Bfsia o***m;vant to say to the I’rcsident that I wls
ffewunld' wait his pleasuie. Aftei remain
re time longer till the hour for receiving
expired I was admitted to the Presi- •
aim I found in conversation with an indi
riiom I learned to te one of the Suffiage
Mitel l ft' x .Rhode Island. On retiring, I remark
jWT?-.'*** president that my object was, as my let-
Steis'iiad inti,-rated, to have a personal conference
grith him in relation to his icccnt requisition on
pcev H ♦said he must decline any conference —he
Svi.'*jf(ffcis reque-'t compiled with, it was an order
*1 was surprised” said he “that you demurred”
*n a very guarded and respectful manner I replied.
'H.t*l*c«uldnot conscientiously dowhai he desired
"Ti^iu^'idop^th' o rid w *tb great 'Vehemence *
that as a man of.honor what
.to do. i answered firmly respect-
JWy#* . Picsidiat I cannot withdraw my duty.”
handed to bon and- requested* him to read
veja • tiriilous. and profane letter [toodmpropei-
In iy la-iguage to be inserted here) signed John
Griffin No. 2 Strawberry st., one of the persons
yrhoj* • .-.was ditectcd to appoint, asking him if he
“•*’ ho would write sued a letier
lioßlidence. He reed.u or .ip
retumedit without a remark,
hruptly bow many men there
ie Philadelphia Custom House.
Ig laborers, abou'f one hundred/
‘said he, arc Clay mem” I an
o my avowed
that'l had ioiiowedtus uistruc
lence on political topics. Con*
withdraw,! rose and took bis
seated] and remarked that ibis
SMrjjgwe^ ii,
pty, nortwoUw
y courtesy to one so rmfch his
senior would dictate, and I retired.
On my return to Philadelphia 1 found on my
desk (he following letter signed ‘Ji. Tyler, P. Sec
retary,’ which no doubt was the same which the
porter at the President’s House spoke of. It has no
dale but is post marked May, 3d.
Dear Sir:—The President lias received your let
ter on the subject of removals contemplated in the
Custom House at Philadelphia.
He begs me to say to you, that he cutertaios the
highest consideration for yourself, but thai he
thinks the public service requires that those remo
vals should take place.
He therefore has ordered me to say to you that
he desir s the requisition he has made on you iu
this matter, to be at one e and to Ihe letter, complied
with. With very great tespect,
I am your obt.
U. TYLER, P. Secretary.
Jonathan Roberts, Ksq.
I returned to my post and resumed the perform
ance of my public duties which have been dis
charged, from that time till this with sedultts fidel
ity. During the interval from the first of July when
the Compromise Act expired until the enactment of
the Tariff Act, I have incurred respousiniliiies as
an officer of Government, the nature and extent of
wiiic. no one can deteimiue. No complaint has
ever beer made of my conduct in office. No charge
of official misconduct has been preferred against
those whom I retained in office. Os the intentions
of the President, since wc patted in May last, 1
have had no information. On the morning of the
12lh of September, Mr. Thomas S. Smith called up
on me at the Custom House and informed me that
I was superseded and that the President had ap
pointed him in my place.
I submit this plain statement of facts without
comment to my fellow citizens.
JOHNATHAN ROBERTS.
Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1842.
P. S.—Since the above was in type, the follow
ing letter has been received by me. Though dated
the Kith of September, 1842, it was not mailed un
til the 12th, and did not reach me until twenty
four hours after Mr. Smith had in person informed
me that 1 had been removed from office.
Tbeasurv Department,
10th September, 1842.
Sir—l am directed by the President to inform
you that he has appointed Thomas S. Smith to bo
Collector of the Customs for the District of Phila*
uelphia, in your place.
1 am, very respectfully,your obd’t serv’t.
W. FORWARD.
Secretary of the Treasury,
Jonathan Roberts, Ksq.
Laic Collector, Philadelphia.
For the Chronicle y- Sentinel.
Mr. Clay and Dr. McWhorter.
In a late number of the Constitutionalist, the
Doctor replied to my previous communication,
and if I had written it with a view of bringing
from him a powerful defence and splendid eu
hjgy of Mr. Clay, my object would teayo
more than accomplished by his reply. Hear
him !!!
It is certainly not new to this community,
that I have long admired Mr. Clay for many
splendid traits of tharacter, for independence as a
statesman, for love of freedom that mounts in
him into a passion, and for that brilliant elo
quence, which has made his country’s lame a
“ gloty,” wherever that name is spoken. Twice
too has this statesman saved his country from,
blood—when Missouri was admitted into the
Union, and when South Carolina was appeased.
South America made the Andes reverberate with
a voice loud as their volcanoes, when she shouted
the name of the fearless assertor of her claim
to be the mother of independent nations ; and the
once glorious hind of Themislocles smiled in her
despair, when the eloquence of Clay wafted the
voice of American sympathy to her desolated
shores. America has been by him rendered the
dearest name in that classic clinic, next to iiui
which the very children in Grecian hovels reve
rence as their God. Shall I not honor such c,
man I Have 1 not al .vays sq honored him i ’
Now let this be eoiitrasted with what the Doc
tor said of Mr Calhoun, not a groat many yea.s
since, when editor of the Courier. I cannot
quote him literally, for I have not access to (ha
files of that paper, Hut if I misstate any Long,
the Doctor has it in his power to make the cor
rection, by referring to his files—and no doubt
many will be glad to see thet-xact language then
used by him. _ - ■
TV hen the Globe dubbed "Mr. C. “ John fir
aline Calhoun,” the Doctor thought the name
very appropriate, and was much struck with
Ihe aptness of similitude between the Roman
Conspirator and the Great Nullifier. He even
went further, and compared Mr. C. to a modern.
Irailoi—the evor to be detested Beneiiict Ar
nolo.
Has the Doctor changed ] If not, how can he
hesitate between Clay and Calhoun I He can
not oppose the patriot and support the traitor—
and I say to him again, “ Grenadier follow your
General.”
As the Doctor has a horror of Yankee, “ ques
tion-asking smartness,” I will inform him, that i
am not of the origin he suppoaes, having been
born anil reared South of Mason and Dixon’s
1 Line. In assuming a GrcciJn nanqe, I did no
[ more than be did, when under the aigflhtore of ~
’ “Arisubxs,” he so justly scouted Ae prelen
[ «iotrt*ef Colhuitt, Cooper and Buck, and
f reprimanded his party for nominating'them far
! Congtess, Themistocles.
From the Boston Daily American.
Hon. Daniel Webster.
A large number of the citizens of Boston, desi
, rous of testifying their regard for the eminent and
' patriotic public services of Mr. Webster, have
tendered him the honor of a public dinner. To
j this Mr. Webster replies as follows:
Boston, Sept. 9, 1842.
Gentlemen —I have received your letter ol the
Bth inst., inviting me to a public dinner, and am
duly sensible of the value of this proof of your te
gaid. It will give me great pleasure to meet all
my fellow-citizens, who may desire to see me; and
* the mode of such meeting I should leave to them,
with a preference, however, on my part, if equally
8 agreeable to others, that the dinner should be dis
• pensed with, and that the meeting should tie had in
such a manner as shall impose the least restrie
’ tions, and best suit the convenience of all who may
' be disposed to attend it.
' s 1 am, gentlemen, with very sincere regard, your
obliged tclluw-citizeu and obedient servant.
DAMtL WEBSTER.
’’ To Messrs. H. G. Otis, J, Mason, Wm. Sturgis,
> Josiab Bradlee, CbailesG. P. Cuilis,
' Win. Appletsn, Abbott others.
* The Cincinnati Enquirer, speaking of the re
quisition of the Governor of Rhode Island upon
s the Governor New Hamshire for the person of
1 the fugitive Dorr, says,
s “It is believed that Governor Hubbard will
a pay no attention to the requisition, us i! has been
r made by a nation of heatlian and savages. To-
wards that little despotism, the republican Stales
e of this Union acknoweledge no relationship what
, ever.”
How beautifully that would read side by side
e with the extravagant and fulsome compliments
I that all the I.ocofoco presses of the country paid
h 10 the intelligence, the patriotism, and the free
fi P‘ r t of Rhode Island, when that little Stale
happened, in a moment ol supineness, to fall into
■o thc I'-cofoco ranks! “ghe is small,” exclaimed
is the Washington Globe, “but her spirifis as free
1- as the unchained winds and and aa boundless as
i- the universe!” —Prentice