Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 183?-1864, January 27, 1864, Image 1

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I||£c | C |^ 15V N. S. MORSE it CO. TERMS. Till: mkli.ia nmiiMci.n « Seuimx la I'Ul'.l.l-.. EVERY WEDNESDAY AT FOUR IMILLIR* FOR MJt MOM lla. Ai.V. A V-. 1.1 AIM AM E. M 1,1.1. IM \ 11V Kit MalMi K \TBa. Oinniwi tkuvtt.l ••.«*:> J* pub'i»h<-i! in the Weekly wll be «•*' * ha* «r»cli insertion. br*n *i. Hun r.i w... -A ■ *w. Noth nnontdoHarrarh Oairt-enrPluii. • ;.«ly< it.!., per line for onelnaettlop In •itber v. • W >ri OMlrmir Kotke w«|«b- I IH.I I.:i ; OX I)IK ’IIWKK A profo . ul gloom overspreads tlie country. There id courage, there is fortitude, there id In' 10 | ( . purpose lint tli. ro is now it full appreci .lti:.n ot the of the in wfovh wo are engage.l• The Ucpwhlic is in dang. . . l.otwe inuHt not despair of it. When eighty thousand Roman soldiers lay Weeding on a dis astrous Ik-lil, whore the eagles of the Legions Ikuio beaten down, and Hannibal was thun dering at the gates of tlie Capitol, there was no panic within its walls. The war in which we arc engaged is agigan • tic one it is unlike ino-t wars. It is not waged so vindicate a principle nor to win ix lew miles of disputed territory; nor to settle the claims of a dynasty. Rut its object is the subjugation of a whole peoide. A single battle cannot decide such a contest. Nor arc we in vaded by an iiowarlike or enervated people.—* It is no mtifteiing of Persians which da.kens our lines; nor a fair weather licet which swarms on out coast. The armies which confront ein li other uve eontpiMid of men who compre hend tho M;hmcc of war. and who possess the physical and moral qualities, which constitute the highest material id military oigffhiz-iUoris. So tar, then, as hum Ml streoglli avuijs to de dde this contest, it i.«nt at last*hi- detei mined by the extent of the resources of the respective •belligerents by numbers, and by the power of Subsisting them in the field. If the great quar rel could he settled in a single pitched battle, it would be wise to raise the levy en masse. — So, too, if a single campaign could tyiminate tho struggle. When the Duke of Wellington was conducting military operations in tu ■ Pe ninsula. ho expended human life with a prodi gality that appalled his own veterans. Rut in reply to their r. inonsti'anu s, he said that alter all, his system saved men, for I*y pressing upon the enemy and storming their fortresses, he could end tho war in a single campaign. This is not our ca e. To slake everything upon a single campaign, might, bo to lose everything. Tiie Congress is about to commit a grave er ror. It is proposed to extend tho military au thority ovt-r 111 * whole population. It would arrest the whole movement oi civil life, and not only pm aiv. o commerce which some might think well < iinugh— but leave the fields unc itivoted. Coro lias already passed tho „).‘uc of'live dollars per lm tiel, and Hour will picseo.ly sell for more than one hundred tlol ’ •pm barrel. Pul ailtlio able bodied men ill tho field, and in x' l-'all lamine will lie add ed to the horrors of war. Already too, the military domination in tho country is quite as great as it should be. To sacrifice every principle of liberty in the pres ent contest, is not the most hopeful road to per manent independence. To tie foundations of the Republic in the ruins of popular institu tions, is not very encouraging for the future. The subordination of the military to the civil authority, is an organic principle in every free governpiont. Yet a Senator at Richmond pro poses the levy oi »»ss; and another Senator proposes to suspend the writ of Habeas Horput. It is time that the people looked to their gov ernment. It was a great blunder to organ bo a permanent government until we had fought out the war and ascertained our limits, and comprehended our status among nations. A pro visional government war all that was wank'd. It conducted our ancestors through the great revolutionary struggle. It is too late now to recall that ; but it is not too late to guard our government ti cin mi abuseof powers ol course there must be in llio midst of war, hardships and sacrifices. But civil life must not l>e ob literated. It is to lie hoped that the legislation of Con gress will not trench any further on the or dinary mu suits of life, than the exigency de mands. A calm, resolute, wise government, is far more powerful than an excitable, impulsive, and erratic one can po-sibly ho. TKACIIIMis OH TtIK KSKMY. The New York Times of the Ist inst., ex presses the following views: “There is no maxim of government better settled than that the torco and capacity for endurance of a coun try in war, depends not so much on the number ol men it can put into the army, as on the ex tent to which it leaves civilians .free and undis turbed iu the pursuit of their or iinary avoca tions. ’’ We accept as true the ancient maxim, that “ it is lawful to bo taught by an enemy,” and we have therefore no objection to repro duce and endorse the views of even so radical an abolitionist as the editor of the New \ovk Times, on a poiut on which vve believe his rea soning terbe philosophical. The passion among u* at the present time seems to be for large armies. The idea has been taken up in *>veral quarters, especially among some members of Congress, that if vve can immediately muster into the service the whole tittle population from the boy of fifteen years up to the old man who finds locomotion difiieult vvitliout*avtificial.aid, we shall be able to deliver a blow to the ene my which will speedily turn the tide of victory in out favor. Nothing iu the history of nations lias been more uniform than that the number of men in the field cannot exceed a certain limit without damage to the cause. Before youihsfcttuin the age of eighteen, their physical development is too immature for the severe and exhausting du ties of military life. Alter torty-tive the infir mities of age begin and the body is incapable ot the fatigue and exposure which it might have borne without serious injury at an eiftlier pe riod. For physical reasons, were there no other considerations, no camp serv ice should be re quire.! of the population outside of these limits. But other reasons concur to have these limits respected. Trior to eighteen the youths of a country cannot be prepared for that calling in life! whether professional, mercantile, me chanical. agricultural or military, to which they may propose to devote themselves No respectable College allows students to glad* uate before they have completed their eigh teenth year. \Ye are struck now with the fact that most of the Colleges in the Confederate States bav e been closed tor nearly three years ihe pupils who arc ordinarily* within their walls having entered the army. We shall need educated men to take elnnge of t.ie interests of the country. But if the war continues, and especially if the proj- t«l conscription bill be comes a law, where shall such men be found? f jten, its to the men beyond the usual military 1 age they will find abundant occupation in sup porting the interests of civil attiety—tlieir du ties being largely increased by the absence of their juniors in the field. Thus both ecosomi ' cal and physical reasons concur for the relen , tioti at home o! a force strong enough to sustain I the vital interests of the country. We have already in the field a powerful ar my soon to be augmented by the abolition of the substitute law and the repeal of exemptions to tlie number at least of one hundred thousand men. If -these tbaus inds cin be kept together j under calutary discipline, we may hope to re lit. with the blessing of Providence, any as sault 'v!iich the enemy Can make upon us. If this •rrea! b.elv of consumers is increased whilst the producers are correspondingly diminished, we 1 see not bow it will bo possible to furnish them j with the necessaries of life. Tlie disproportion | between the army and its support is is already ■ ■ gi cut as to be almost without a parallel.— The Revolutionary war showed nothing like itj Tii j State of Georgia has to day in the field a larger number of troops, twice told, than were furnished at any onetime by all the colonies during tho revolutionary strug.le. France, under the First Napoleon, was not nearly so stripped of its male population as would be our country under tlie system which has been re commended by respectable authorities. We have now as many men enrolled as we can feed and clothe, and as we can handle judiciously. When this number is augmented from those sources to which we have already referred, and when tlie whole is compacted by a discipline which shall keep men in tlieir places whon they are needed, our independence we may hope will be put beyond any conjecture. TUB CURRENCY. We arc engaged in a struggle which net only requires men in the field, but food to subsist them. Tlie Government wants money to main tain the war, and to carry on its operations ol every kind. Gold and silver no longer euter into the trmsaclious of commerce. They form no part of our circulation. They do not even constitute its basis. They have disap peared except from brokers’ offices, where they are bought and sold at enormous rates, for pur poses scarcely legitimate. - A deluge of paper money has been rained upon the country.— Even bank bills have ceased to enter into gen eral circulation. The currency consists of notes issued by the Government, and dependent for credit solely upon tlie good faith of the Govern ment. It is essentially paper money, it is de clared to be fundable in, stocks or bonds of the Government, and receivable for all public dues except export duties. It- has found a wide cir culation, mid a soul of national sentiment has been invoked in support of it. Hie protracted war has produced a general feeling of uneasi ness in regard to our money. Something must bo done for it. Tho Secretary of the Treasury is alarmed at the extent of his obligations.— lie invokes aid. He seeks counsel of the great merchants. Rankers assemble to ste what can bo done. A gigantic scheme is projected, the country is to bo rescued from its financial trou bles, and a circulation given to us, which we shall all feel to be equal to gold and silver. Rut unhappily for the projectors of the plan, the people exhibit stvopg signs of distrust.— They feeui to fijpr that Hie splendid scheme, while it might possibly relieve tlie Government, would certainly serve to solidify the vast pack ages of paper money wind* the bankers have aceumu aled, and which fill the strong boxes of the great merchants. That it would operate sorely to tlie disadvantage of tho great mass ot tho people, who have sold their produce for this money. That to require taxes to be paid in coin or its equivalent, would be to plunge a person accustomed to tlie fervors of a tropi cal climate, suddenly into a Russian bath in mid winter. The banks we are assured would come forward to the relief of tho people.— They would advance money to invest in tlie bonds of the Government. They would simply require a mortgage ou real estate to secure the loan; the result would be that presently tlie banks would hold the titles to all the real prop- erty in the country. The scheme conducts us back to remote antiquity. r J he prime minister of the King of Egypt, gathered the corn of the country into the royal granaries. Tho peo ple could got it; but they must yield tho titles to their lands to Pharaoh, 't hat was all. For tunately for the country, splendid scheme of the bankers finds no favor with Congress. But Congress is invited to adopt a measure not less disastrous to the people, but if possible still more discreditable to the government. It is proposed to repudiate the pit-sent circulation. Holders of notes are required to fund them.— Tho bonds are to be of two classes. Six per cent, bonds may Vve bad, subject to a tax. Four per cents may be had never to bo taxed. Those who decline these tempting offers are to be pun ished by a total rejection oil tho part of tho government of tho notes which they hold, not withstanding tho pledge on the face of them* A heavy tax is to be laid, and the old issue of uotes will not be received for it. It will not be taken tor government dues. It is certainly a modern idea for a government to tax its own securities. Unhappily it is not a novel thing in this country for a government to repudiate its contracts. Sidney Smith declared in his high resentment against Pennsylvania for refusing to pay her which lie held, that he bad !osg all faith in Republican securities; that he should sell out all be held, and invest iu Turkish three per cents. The inducement to the new investment was confidence in the honesty of the govern ment, even if harems were known in the land, and the bow-string did its office iu a somewhat Aimmary way. Integrity is the basis of all respectability—personal or national. Let the government maintain its integrity. Our armies may be beaten; our coasts swept by hostile tieets ; our country overrun by the myrmidons of power—but 1J the government keeps its faith, it will rally its whole people to its Aipport. and sooner or la er plant its victorious standard up on. a redeemed and regenerated land. The government must not repudiate its currency. Another part of the congressional programme is to limit the circulation of its notes heieafter to two hundred and fifty millions per annum. Admirable self denying ordinance. It reminds one of the solemn resolution of a protligate at tempting a reform. Headache aud merciless creditors force upon him excellent resolutions. He calls for a bottle of soda water and vows to live temperately ; to contract no new debts ; and to limit his expenditures to his income. No matter how urgent his wants, or how slen der his means, he will not go beyond a certain sum. The good resolution is about as efferves cent and enduring as his soda. What is to be done? It is plain that some, thing must be done. Simply this—let Congress prepare a sound, comprehensive, well adjusted tax bill: a bill that will yield a sufficient reve nue for the wants of the government. Let it cease to undertake any new schemes for fund ing. Let it solemnly declare its purpose to re deem all its pledgee. Let it inspire confidence in the integrity pi the government. Let it provide AUGUSTA, GA.,. WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 27, 1861. for the acceptance in discharge of all public dues of its notes now in circulation. Let it ad here to a syst -ra. Let the government earn a claim to popular support. Let it purge itself from the least taint of repudiation. Nothing is wanted hut a deep faith in the heart of the people; a profound trust in the integrity of tho government. The people will then ask for no better money than the notes of tlieir govern ment. — p POLITICAL SI’tUATIO.Y. A complete tiiumph of arms on the one side or the other, in the present gigantic war. is haully to tie expected. The overthrow of the party at the Not tii waging war against us. is the great object to be attained. If that can he accomplished, some mode of pacification may be found. So long as the dominant party holds the supreme power in the United Stati s. [K-acc is not to be hoped for. The programme is war; and it will be adhered to. ihe parti sans of the Executive assert that he has in re serve three millions of men who have never drawn a trigger. War is not only a sentiment with that party; it is a policy. It is more—it is a necessity. Lincoln may exclaim with Macbeth, “I am in blood, stepped in so deep, lie', urail g, were us tedious as go o’er.” Returning is not to be thought' of. Lincoln is like the aspiring youth who stood among the gods, and begged of his father the privi lgve of driving tho chariot of the sun for a single day. Ho seized tho reins, the wild steeds ilew from his feeble hand and a confla gration of tho universe was threatened. Ja nitor launched a thunderbolt from his right hand, and hurled the charioteer from his seat. Order was restored. There is a moral in the mythological stoi y. The true so’ution of tlie present struggle lies in the overthrow of tlie Black Republican party pi the United States. We have ou onrpait committed a great blunder. This is no time for crimination or re-crimination among our selves. But it is tiue, a great blunder has been committed. We have, under the lead ol those who are called statesmen, consented to accept Lincoln as the North. W r o have looked to iiffii As tlie impersonation of the sentiment of the North. Wo have ignored every other party but the Black Republican party. We have sneered at the idea oi there being any other party. We have taunted flic true, con servative men ot" the North for resort ng to any policy in their efforts to resist Rlack Republi can dAnimation. W'e have insisted upon treat ing the great North West as hostile to us. Even our Iriends in the city of New York have been tired upon by us, as constituting a part of tho force of tlie enemy, Never was a greater blunder committed in statesmanship since the dawn of civilization. There is to-day in tho United States a numerous and. powerful body of men utterly opposed to the measures of the Administration. Utterly opposed to the policy of the Black Republican party. Every State drained by the Mississippi is our natural ally. Thousands in tlie ranks of tho Federal army arc opposed in heart to tlie policy ol the Ad ministration. Tlieir pride is aroused. Their amour propre impels them into active partici pation in the all engrossing scenes moving about them. Our statesmanship lias alienated many others who were our true friends. YVe have treated want of power as a crime. We have hurled our indiscriminate denunciations against brave, ardent, men, full of sympathy for ogr cause, because they were impotent to stem the torrents of parly power which for four years must sweep over the country'. To he weak was in * yes to be criminal. In short, we have sutfi red a false issue to be made. No man comprehends this better than Seward, the Mephistophiles ot this country. Wo have suffered him to lay down the pro gramme ior us. The result is seen to day'. Vallandigham is in exile and defeated. Sey mour of Connecticut is unable to rally his par ty in its lull strength. The Woods—in Con gress, aud atthe head of the press—are fighting like true kuights surrounded by hosts of foes. Franklin Fierce utteis from his home in New Hampshire a tone of remonstrance against the uaduess and wickedness of tho Administration, clear as the tones of a trumpet. But we still accept the dominant idea ot the Seward pro gramme that Lincoln is the impersonation of the sentiments of the North. Abroad we lisrtre so conducted our diplomacy as to have no friends. There are people who love constitutional liberty, and who admire a heroic spirit, who do sympathise with us. But not a single government in all Europe wi4J lilt its voice in our behalf. Such is the situation ; we mean the political situation. We arc not now dealing with the military situation. We may undertake that hereafter. What then is to be done ? First, and above all things, we must let it be under stood that we regard the accession of the Black Republican party to power, not as the legiti- mate triumph of the sentiments cf the North. The result of the late Presidential election at the North was one of those political disasters, that resembles tho loss of a field where a good understanding among the commanders of the several corps composing the defeated army, would have ensured a crowning triumph. We had the strength—the moral, the numerical strength; but we were in confusion. Lincoln is what is called a minority President. The Presidential canvass will soon rc-open in the United States. It ought to be distinctly understood there, that wo shall hail the tri umph of the opponents of the administration with real satisfaction. That we are not indif ferent to the result. That we look to the suc cess of the friends of the old, dishonored Con- stiluion—glorious iu its early morning, and towering in peerless majesty in its noon day tulliH’ss —as tho beginning of the solution of this great trouble. This monstrous war—that asserts the right of the central government to compel States into obedience, by sword, aud bayonet, and cannon—would not lie prosecuted bv that party. No matter what some timid leaders may say ; no milter what sometime serving presses may' publish —the defeat of the would be the end of this war. Lot us fill our armies. Let us equip them for the next campaign. Let us be prepared for a heroic defence of our soil. All this is well. But let us assure the North, that we of the South recognize a power greater than that of the hideous administration which dishonors that people by jits monstrous abides, as much as it wrongs the people of these Confeder ate States. A wide spread conviction of that truth, throughout the North, would accomplish more for us than all our armies. Character. —Men are to be estimated, as Johnson says, by the mass of character. A block of tin may have a grain of silver, but still it is tin : and a block of silver may have alloy of tin. but still it is silver. The mass of Elijah s character was excellence, yet he was not without alloy. The mass of Jehu's char acter was base, yet he had a port on of zeal w! ieh was directed by God's great ends. Bad men are made the same use of as scaffolds : ties ate employed as means to erect a building, and then are taken down and destroyed, I .» SERIOUS .MATTER. We fiud in the Macon Telgraph the follow ing letter from a gentleman named Nisbet, which wc trust our readers will carefully po ru.se : When recently with the Army of Tennessee such remarks as these fell from the lips of offi cers and men, viz : ‘-Whilst we are enduring hardships and exposing our lives, men of properly arr sending substitutes to this army, most of whom desert ami leave us to be over run. and murdered by superior numbers. "Our wives write us that corn cribs and smokehouses are locked up, and planters say they have nothing to sell, when, at the same time, they are hoarding up provisions until speculators come along to give high prices. ‘•I have been in all the battles of the West, and wounded more than once, and my family, driven from their home, and stript of every thing, are struggling in Georgia to gtt shelter and something to eat. My pay is a month and little sympathy is shown my suffering wile, and children—tiiey ate charged three prices for what scanty accomodation they get, and often Ai e nigh starvation. Wc mightits well be under Lincoln's -despotism as to endure such treatment. SjJLangmige such as tlie above, too plainly ex plains tlie late reverse at Chattanooga.—Every word is true, and no man can w omler that the army is disgusted and disheartened. Now my appeal is to the people to change this state of things. , I beg you, people of Georgia, to awake to your danger before it is ton late. Next spring au army of invasion will come down upon us, formidable numbers, and ferocious iu its purposes of plunder and devastation. What will your imaginary gains be woith to you. if realized, should that army overrun your State? Where is the wisdom of hoarding up provisions and endangering your whole estate. Be war ned in time, if Georgia be overrun you and your property part, and your families will be brought to abject poverty. Do not delude yourselves with the vain hope that you will escape. No man or woman, or child will escape. One universal ruin awaits ns^ill— mot one thing green sufficient to feed a grasshopper will be left.—The Federals will garrison the cities and villages, and raid the whole country—the plantation of whole acres' and the small farm will alike be scourged. Neither can anything be bid from the invaders —tlieir soldiery .fight for plunder as well as' your subjugation, and they will search diligent !y for tlieir reward. Such has been the case wherever they have gained a foothold, and they avow the intention to be more severe as they come South. On tie mountains of Uupper Georgia they found money secreted in hollow trees, and gold that had been hid by its owner at the dead hour of midnight, without the kuowk-dge of a human being. What I write, I have seen and felt. You will not believe me now. Persist in your course, and you will both believe and sutler it all next Summer. Awake then, from your sleep of death. Strengthen and fed t::e army and soldiers' families as your only hope of salvation. There arc many, very many of our producers of provisions, whojbave done tlieir part nobly in supplying with food and other necessaries of life, the wives and children of soldiers in the field. Were it proper, we could mention the names of gentlemen living within a short distance of this city, who haye disposed of large quantities of surplus provisions to these classes at a'price merely nominal, when they were beset by speculators to sell their entire stock at a high figure. It would bo gratifying to record such instances of generous patriotism. They can find no occasion for self-reproach ill tin- letter of Mr. Nisbet We are happy to know, in addition, that our Legislature at its recent session appropriated, at the suggestion of Gov. Brown, a handsome sum for tho sup ply of the lamilies of the defenders of the State. It is evident, however, from such remarks as Mr. Nisbet repotts having heard whilst on a re cent visit to tlie army of Tennessee, and from other information which is constantly reaching us, that great dissatisfaction exists among the soldiers iu the field, in consequence of the des titute condition of their families. It is to he regretted that there are so maily persons who .ate withholding corn from the people, refusing to tell at any price ; or in other words, waiting for a still further addition to the enormous rates at which almost every article of consumption is hold. The Richmond Sentinel has heard of a farmer who is so indignant because the Gov ernment requires sine-tenth of his produce, that lie has discontinued his farming operations entirely, and hired out his negroes. Another farmer, the same journal tells us, has reduced his operations one-half for the same reason.— We fear that such sordid souls are not confined to Virginia. There is more than ono in Georgia. • What would become of the country if this patriotism—consuming avarice, prevailed among the people •to any great extent ? We shall succeed in this struggle only when the people learn thaft the love of money and the love of country cannot co-exist in supremacy in the same bosom. If we are not willing to bold the passion for gain in abeyance during this war. we cannot be free and we do not de serve to he free. Such a boon is for men who can appreciate the prize and who are prepared to make the sacrifices which are necessary to secure it. We have no doubt if the provisions which ave now hoarded up by those who cannot pos sibly need them for their own consumption, were put upon tire market at fair and remun erative prices, there would be enough to silence immediately all such complaints as those which have'been mentioned, and to diffuse a more cheerful aspect upon the entire situation. If every wan would now form the resolution which we heard expressed by a patriotic friend of ours sometime ago: “I will lay up no mon ey during this war, I shall give away all that I make beyond my current expenses,” it would place the cause on a. vantage ground which it has not yet occupied. And why should not this be the resolution of every one ? Patriot ism—self-preservation demands it. Who wishes to soliloquize in somo fnture day after this sort : “Whilst my country was covered witli mourning and sorrow, I grew rich. Whilst distress and woe reigned in thousands of homes, I was reveiling in the luxuries which wealth could supply. Whilst refugees driven from their homes, and the families of brave men were iu want, I continued to hoard up and en joy nry abundance.’’ Don't tail to Educate your Children.—ls amid the excitement and tumult of war, the education of your children is neglected, the whole nation will reap the bitter fruits of this negligence for many years to come. The boys that are now running wild about the streets, will m a few years have control ot the country, and will have the management of all affairs both in Church and State. Avery heavy re sponsibility then rests upon parents and guar dians of the present day if they do not educate them in such a manner as to prepare ihern for the important places they will have to fill in the future destiny of the country. Education is a companion which no misfortune can de press, no crime can destroy, no despotism en slave. At home, a friend—abroad, an intro duction—in solitude a solacfi—and in society an ornament. It chastens vice, it guides vir tue: it gives at once grace and government to genius. The Federal officers in Memphis still contin ue to pick up all iu that city who do not carry tlie necessary exemption papers. The male por l tion of the population is rapidly thinning out, ; Public Meeting x Washington' County.— j Pursuant to a call -om Maj. Bangs, Govern ment Agent for Washington county, for a meet ing of the Phuitrv. of said county, tlie meet ing convened in : , court house, on Tuesday, sth inst . and at! " disposing of tho regular business, the foilov. a ' preamble and resolu tions were iutrodu < bv Judge Hook, and unanimously adopted Whereas, In the defence of the great princi ples of self-governtmir the people of the Con federate States are in' Jived in a gigantic War, which is trying their powers ( ,f resistance ami endurance to the ufni' -t. and call upon them for the highest di.-i ay of a manly uud unself ish patriotism: Am! whereas, we are satisfied our cause is just, a id -an alone be lost t.y our failure to do our duty as men, as patriots and as Christians, in fundi bin «r needed supplies to the army and otb avis ' giving' eveiy due en eouiagi-ment to tlj-j^gM-nmenl: And wtiie ii.s. led that oi.r gallant soldiers, under God.•wifi prove equal to the groat emergency if they blit receive from the people at home the necessary physical and mo: at support: Ami whereas, it is important that there be concert of action between all the farmers and planters of Georgia, and of yther States of the Confederacy, where it is practica ble, m order to unifoimity in design and prac tice. with reference .0 the end in view. There fore be it— Resolved, That, we recognise in the present cruel and bloody war now iaging between the United States and Confederate States, a conflict between power ami )irinelple. fanaticism and truth, despotism and liberty, and putting our trust in God for the final issue, we will conse crate all we have—property, honor and life to the holy cause, or die gloriously in tho attempt —fetfing that it will be far more noble and glorious to give up all we have and perish our selves ill tlie heroic effort to be tree, than to live the willing, mean and abject slaves of a wicked tyrant, who vould use our propel ty and the profits of our labor to pay the heavy debt, which lias resulted from his outrages perpetrated during this war, upon ourselves, our wives and children, and our glorious gal lant dead ! Resolved, That flu mars and planters of thq Confederacy c.m. and with the blessing of God, will make provisions ample for tho army and the home supply ; and ought, and doubtless will—if proper concert of action can be ob tained— put their proilu Is at such reasonable prices as will enable the Government to pur chase without embarrassment, and thus large ly reduce national expenditures and restore confidence in onr currency and our cause! And to tins end we suggest' that a.Convention, representing Ihe producing interests of Geor gia, lie held in the city of Maron on the day of February next, to determine upoil uni form prices to be asked for corn, pork, bacon, peas, fodder, &c., tic., while the war Unfits. And we hereby appoint the following delegates to represent this county in that Convention, sbofild it be held, pledging om selves in good faith to abide mid b ; gou-rued by the action of said Convention. Resolved, That we earnestly invite the citi zens of all the other counties to hold similar meetings. And in the tivent of five counties concurring in the plan suggested, we ask his Excellency Joseph E. Blown, to publish an ad dress to tlie Planters thioughout the Sta'e, urg ing them to appoint delegates to meet in con vention as proposed, on such clay in February next as his Excellency shall fix, that prompt steps may be taken to meet the great emergen cy, and rescue our imperiUedtJpuitry. And in the same letter, we ask him iri the name of the farmers and planters of Georgia, to invoke sim ilar action in tfte other States of tlie Confeder acy. Resolved, That we deem action of this kind as demanded by every motive and inducement that can influence rational minds and animate brave hearts; but it is peculiarly appropriate, since it is apparent that the Government, our glorious cause and all we hold sactud, are at tlie mercy of the heartless speculators aud ex tortioners, who by concert of action can make and establish “Market price" tosuit their own selfish purposes, unless the take the matter into their own, hands aud themselves regulate price- in such manner as that the Gov ernment shall not be-banimipted, the poor not cry for bread, and our cause shall not perish. Tho movement of the Washington county planters is a patriotic one. It is a movement in the light dhectio.i. If the plan they pro pose is adopted and carried out by planters in other sections of our State and Confederacy, it will have a tendency at once to lower the prices of tlie necessaries of life. Such a move ment will benefit both tlie producer and con sumer, aud will destroy the occupation ot the food speculator, who is prowling about and doing all the mischief he can lo our cause. The provision question is now the question with the people of these Confederate States. As to the enemy, We fear them not. Our forces in the field are more than.a match for them. Our greatest enemies aie now at home besieging our very firesides. '1 he brave men in the ranks and tlteir families must be provided for. The thing can he done easily if there is only a con cert of actiou on the part of the pioducers of the land. It is now incumbent on them to take the matter spoken of into their own Lands, and keep iu check those who have proved themselves to be our worst foes. Let the planters of the country now do their whole duty at once. Come to the rescue, gentle men, and by concert of action establish uniform prices, and save tlie cause from the vortex in which a reckless and disgraceful avarice is about to plunge it. Let us use Discretion. —Mechanics are as essential to the South in her present struggle as soldiers, and no law should 1 e enacted to drive them away, or force them into the field. Many of the best mechanics in the Coufedera cv are men from foreign counlries, who have settled he:e to make money, and who have very little care as to the result of the present struggle, so long as they are not required to march to the battle field. They arc willing to work for the Confederacy as long as they are paid, and many of them are willing to contri bute ot their means to our cause, hut will not go to war under any circumstances. These being the facts, is it not had policy to drive them away—to deprive railroads, cotton iac tories, arsenals and foundries of their skill and labor, when we have no men of our own to supply their places without detailing them from the army • Borne of the railroads find great difficulty now in keeping up their rolling stock, and not a few important fa'-tories have lost large numbers of their best workmen, who have lied tlie country to escape the conscript officers. Sound discretion is necessary at this time to keep the Government machinery in mo tion, and we trust it will he exercised. In a blind zeal for our cause, let us not com mit acts that will injure us in our great strug gle-acts that may perhaps vitally affect us. There are undoubtedly many men whose ser vices are of no account to the public good— tares that have been flourishing in our midst since the commencement of the war. It would be well for us if men of such a stamp were not with us, as they a-e not of us nor are they of any use to us. But let us be careful while we are ridding ourselves of the tares that we do not destroy much wheat also. Retirement. —“There arc minds,” says Jeff erson, “which can be pleased by honors and preferments'; but I see nothing in them but envy and enmity. It is only necessary to pos sess them to know how little they contribute to happiness. I had rather be shut up in a modest cottage, with my books, my family, and a few old friends, dining on simple bacon, and let the world roil on as it likes, than to occupy the most splendid post which human power can give." VOL. LXXVJII. —NEW SERIES VOL. XXVIIL 4. Tax Repeal of the Exemption Law. —The Richmond correspondent of the Petersburg Reg ister thiuks that tae efforts to repeal Ihe exemp tion law by Congress will be a dead failme. There is no mistake on one point. The law ought to be modified sc that tlie many abuses that have crept under it can be remedied. The shoemaker woo does not make three pair ot shoes a year, ihe blacksmith v.ho does not shoe more than two horses during the same length of time—iu fact all whose trades are mere sub terfuges, and who have skulked behind exemp tions, should be ferretted out flow their hid ng places, and forced to make up for the time they have stoh n from their country'. Such legislation, -so far from being objectionable, is imperatively demanded. But a law that gives one or two officers the power of exemption is wrong. And the representative who advocates such a dan gerous measure—thereby consigning his con stituents and the country to nothing l.ss than an odious despotism, destroying the freedom of the overthrowing the independence of flic judiciary—should be doomed to oblivion. The people should brand the originators and supporter of such a measure as enemies of civil liberty—men totally unfit for any public trust. There is a wide difference between calm, delib erate, wise and judicious legislation, and hot headed, blind, zealous fanaticism. The former is acceptable to the community and the latter is not. It is high time our Congress understood this thing. For without the hearty support of the people our cause will suffer. Our law ma kers at Ricbmon l should shape their course in such a way that they will gain the confidence of the people. But if some of them do not show more wisdom soon, what little confidence the people have ever had in them will be lost. Federal Oppression at Vicksburg. —A reign of oppression lias commenced at Vicksburg. The kindness that has been exhibited towards the inhabitants by the Federals was merely the fur that covered the tiger’s claws. J'he unfor tunate people who are obliged to remain there will find the tyrant’s grip tightened daily, un til it becomes unbearable. Here is an account of an outrage committed recently in that un fortunale city: ■ - On Now Year’s day the Yankees contented to allow Parson Fox, of Warien county, to open the Episcopal church and have service, omitting the prayer for the President of the United States. With this understanding, the church was opened and a great number of the old citizens repaired ihore at the usual hour, to attend divioe service. As Mr. Fox was about entering the pulpit, some Yankee officers ad monished him as he valued his life not to omit the prayer for Lincoln; the old gentleman, . being at their mercy, in the course of the ser vice prayed for the President of the United S’ates; whereupon several ladies left the church. This of course, infuriated the Yankees, and two hours afterwards the provost marshal informed the ladies that every one who left the church would be allowed forty-eight hours to lcavethe town, and if caught there after that time they would be remanded to the county jail. The ladies immediately prepared to leave, and, at the expiration of the time allowed, every one of them was out of the lines. Gen. McPher son caused printed placards to be pasted all through the city, warning the ladies of their banishment and the time given them to get away. What can be more infamous than the war the Federals are now carrying on where they have the power, against defenceless women and children. Treachery, deceit and brutality, ap pear to be tbe most prominent traits of char acter in most of their commanding Generals. The Confederate Income Tax. —The Com. missioner nP Taxes has issued the annexed ad ditional instructions in reference to the income ax, to collectors and assessors of Confederate taxes : 1. The income of farmers and planters de rived from the saie of products not taxed in kind and produced by themselves, will bo liable to tax without any deduction, provided their taxable income, from all sources, is over SSOO. If a farmer or planter has no other taxable in come than thatdorived from thosaleof poultiy, mutton, butter, eggs, and other of his products not taxed in kind, and such income does not amount to more than SSOO during the calendar year, such farmer or planter wilt not be subject to any income tax. 2. If the producer sells during the calendar year 18G4, products that were produced prior to this year, such produce will be considered as capital on hand on tbe Ist day of January, 1803, and any advance on that capital Is income of 1803. Take cotton for instance : If the value of cotton on hand on the Ist day oi January, 1803,. [in the hands of the producer,] be de ducted from the sales of it during the year, the balance will be income. If the cotton sold was held by the seller on the Ist of July, and he paid the tax of eight per cent, he should be al lowed to deduct this, as well as other expenses incurred on it during the year 1803, from the 4>ro(ceds of sale, and the balance will be the net income subject to the tax. 3. Where real property, purchased prior to 1803, lias been Improved by the creation of buildings, mills, factories, or other machinery attached to the freehold, the property shall be valued v> Ith reference to the Ist day of Janua ry, 1863, and the valuation at that date shall be deducted from the proceeds of its sale during the said year, and the balance shall be deemed the profits upon the same which are t j be taxed as income. But if no improvements have been made of the character mentioned, upon real property so purchased, the actual prime cost only shall be deducted, and the balance shall bo prolits to be taxed. .4. If the real prop rty sold during the year 1803, was inherited by the seller, or acquired otherwise than yy purchase, its value on the 1 t day of January, 1803, and the valuation thus made shall be deducted from the gross proceeds of its sale, and the seller shall be re quired to pay tax on the balance as’ Income. In estimating the profits on all produce, slaves, or other personal property, purchased prior to the Ist of January 18(13, or since, and sold du ring sa'd year, the prime cost and such other items as are allowed by law shall be deducted from the gross sales, and the balance be taxed as income. (!. All vali ations required in ascertaining and assessing income tax shall be made in Con federate notes. .'ljj cai i The Duty of those at Home. —The army must be fed. The families of our soldiers must be provided for. It does not tequire a ' philosophor to determine the duty of those of our piople who are at home and In wealthy or even in easy circumstances. Producers should exert themselves to the utmost to raise those articles necessary to sustain life. Those who are able should give liberally cf their means to those in want. The poor of the country have got to be taken care of some way, and the wealth of the country has got to do it. The only question is simply, that is the best plan to adopt, to accomplish the deserved object. N sws from Charleston by way of tiib North —A conespondent of the New York Times, writing from Folly Island, speaks thus of the effects of the late storm in that section : The obstructions in the channel off Suiter were all waslied’away, and it is bflievod that nothing of that nature now exists between the fort and Charleston. The beach on Morris' and Folly Islands is strewn with -the timber and other material of which the obstructions were composed. Judging from the timber thus dis covered, the obstructions were formed of heavy piles, driven down and then lashed together witli ropes and chains. It would also appear that vessels were sunk in the channel, as por tions of the same have been picked up. The tremendous sea also washed away por tions of the beach near Fort Putnam, formerly Gregg, and exposed to view several heavy guns tbatThe Confederates bad buried previous to evacuating Morris’ Island, A Recoup of Yankee Atrocity and Tkeach kp.y.—The Richmond Examiner says the cor respondence between the commissioners of ex change of prisoners, &c.. reported to Congress, is very voluminous, covering nearly one hun dred octavo pages of printed matter. It, how ever. affords a summary of great historical in terest, with reference to the conduct of the Yankees in the war; and with a t vie\v to this interest, we enumerate the points made by Commissioner Quid in the correspondence. They constitute a text for one of tlie most stri king chapters in the history of the war: 1. The arrest and detention of the non-com batants.—The Yankee authorities have persis tently refused to observe any reciprocal rule as to sue!', parties. Tlieir military command ers have been permitted to make arrests of the j non-combatants, without regard to tlieir age, | sex or situation. Afterwards, they have ben tbtmwo into prise•. anti there inoemiitely re tained in most cases, without charges. 2. The retention of exchanged and tinex chaiiged officers and men.—There are officers arid men now iu Federal prisons who have been there ever since the adoption of the car le!. Commissioner Ouhl has brought to the attention of the United States authorities again and again (he names of some of tlie parties who were confined in violation of tlie exchange agreements. In some cases, after long delay, the parties were released. Others, however, arestil languishing in confinement. 3. The general orders of the enemy, and their connection with declarations of exchange. So anxious lias the Confederate Government remove all obstacles for a general ex change of prisoners, that when the esmputi# lion and adjustment of paroles was made a subject of difficulty by the enemy, we prorgpt ly agreed to determine tlie whole matter in ac cordance with the general orders issued at Washington. This very liberal proposition lias not been accepted by the Federal authorities. 4. The confinement of General Morgan and his officers in the penitentiary at Columbus, Ohio. 5. The detention of Surgeons. Before the date of the cartel, surgeons Were uncondition ally released after capture. ’That rule was lirst adopted by the Confederate commanders, and was subsequently followed by the Federals.— Smile time ago one Rucker was indicted by a giand jury in Virginia for several felonies.* Al though Rucker was never a surgeon in the Fed eral service, the enemy held surgeon Green, of the Confederate Navy, in retaliation. 'lbis caused retaliation on our part, in return, and surgeons were afterwards held in captivity on both sides. In this instance, the Fedeial au thorities proved that they were ready to sacri fice their own medical ollieers in an endeavor to se:ure the release of a felon in no way con nected with tlieir medical service. 0. The capture of persons upon our rivers and tjie high seas. By agreement made with the Federal agent of exchange, all such who were captured before December 10th, 1862, were declared exchanged. In spite of “that agreement, some of our pilots and sea captains ■ were kept in confinement. The correspond ence fully shows the refusal oi the lederal authorities to adopt any fair aud reciprocal rule as to the further exchange of such persons. This record should be preserved and illus trated for history. If is the iocontestible evi dence of the brutality aud faithlessness of the Yankees, contained in the records of an official correspondence, and is, so far, superior to those mere rumors and assertions of Yankee villainy which the world has been disposed to doubt, and to attribute to the exaggeration of our own prejudice and passion. firr» «ij- CONFEDERATE STATES CONTJRESS. SENATE —.IAN. 12. A resolution was adopted that the President of the Confederate States be required to com municate to the Senate a copy of the report of Gen. Bragg, of the .battle of Cbiekamauga, with all the reports of subordinates that have been received. The Senate bill to increase the compens ition of certain civil officers and employees in the Executive Departments at Richmond for a lim ited period, was taken up amended and passed, 'as follows : 1. Thai the silanes and compensation of all civil officers and employees in the President’s office and in the Executive Departments at Richmond, whose compensation or salaries do not exceed the sum of two thousand dollars per annum, shall be increased from the Ist Jan nary to the Ist of July, 1804, one hundred per cent., provided the same shall not thereby be increased beyond the rate of three thousand dollars jjer annum, and the salaries of all said officers whose compensation is above two thousand dollars, and does not exceed the sum of three thousand per annum, shall, lor the same period of time, be increase*! fifty per cent., but it is hereby expressly declared that (he increased compensation provided for in this act, shall not be paid to any officer or em - ployee of Government who is Table to per form military duty, or is liable to bear arms in the field, unless such officer or employee shall first obtain a certificate from the head of the Department in which he is engaged that his services are absolutely necessary to tbe Government, and that his place cannot be sup plied by any one known to the head of the De | partment who is not subject to military duty, which said certificate shall he filed with the Secretary of the Treasury before the money is paid ; and it shall be the duty of said Secretary at the beginning of each session, to commu nicate a list of all such certificates to Gongrcs. A bill from the House of Representatives to continue in force the act inci easing the pay of certain employees in the Executive Deartment'* in Richmond, was taken up, and also passed. A bill passed entitled “An act making allow ance to officers of the Navy of the Confederate States under certain circumstances,” and to amend an act entitled “An act to provide for the organization of the Navy,’’approved March 10th, 1801. A communication relative to the employment of persons in the Engineer Department was re ferred. The Senate bill fixing the time for the assem bling of the next Congress was taken up and passed. The blank was previously filled with the “fi:st Monday in May.” On motion, a resolution was adopted tender ing to Maj. Gen'. John C. Breckinride a privi leged seat within the bar of the Senate. • HOUSE. The Speaker submitted to the House a mes sage from the President covering a communica tion from the - Secretary of War, showing the number of men employed in the execution of the conscript actj and another from the Attor ney General, with a statement of an.additional sum required by the llepaitment of Justice. A bill was submitted to continue in force flic provisions of an act therein named. The bill relates to the increase of pay of Clerks in the Executive and Legislative Departments passed at the last session. The bill was passed and sent to the Senate. . i A resolution was adopted, that a Special Committee of five be appointed, whose duty it shall be to enquire into the expediency of au thorizing Hie impressment, for tbenseot tne army, a share of the pork and bacon held y all persons who have a full supply * or ' ‘ ‘ on hand, said impressment to be made> _ to be agreed upon, or to be fixed by local ap praisers, without appeal. tofJe . A bill to authorize commanders of SmSoX «£ to «'* ** «*• An ' ro ' any person or persons to raise new i. 2 _ th> panics, battalions or g raised under such aut on District Attor A of the Confederate States, neysandifa _ bm provi <jicg for a Com moner of Accounts for the Trans-Mississip p! Absolution was submitted that the Commit tee on Elections inquire into tb« expediency of [ authorizing' the citizens of Maryland serving 1 iu the ariuy of the Confederate St ites, to elect ! a delegate to the House, with rights similar to | those conferred on tlie delegates from Arizona j and the Indian Territories, without the power to vote. 1 lie resolution was rejected. I A resolution was passed that the Committee l on Naval Affairs inquire whether vessels con j stvucted for harbor defence are adapted to the j purpose; and if not. whether any steps have | been taken to improve those now in progress j of construction. ; A Dill to allow chaplains in the army to draw forage for one horse, was passed. SENATE — JAN. 13. The following were referred : A communion' tion irom certain general officers of the army relative to tho proposed legislation for promo ting * Inefficiency of the army; a memorial fionv the \ ii Wiia Volunteer Naval Company. Bills were introduced—to impose regulations up; n the foreign commerce of the Confederate States, vr Ito pi- rid - r u thn jniMio i -nce ; to prohibit tho importation ol luxuries, or of articles not necessaries as of common use; for the relief of Wm. M. Bowles—passed. The Judiciary Committee reported back the resolution of the General Assembly ofGeorgia, in favor of the appointment of citizens not lia- - hie to military duty as impressing agents, with the remark that the Committee unanimously approved of the object sought to be attained by the resolution, and hoped the Secretary of YVar would observe the recommendations contained in them. The matter was under the control of the Executive authorities, and could not, there-, fore, be made the subject of legislation. Tha Committee endorsed most cordially the recom tnenda ions that impressing officers be taken from among the citizens. j A .resolution was adopted that tho Judiciary Committee inquire what salaries are payable to udges ot Confederate Courts in Yrirginia, &c. . HOUSE. The following resolutions were adopted: That the Committee on Public Printing furnish a list of reports of battles in the hands of the Public Printer; that the Committee on Ways and Means inquire into the expediency of a commutation of the tax in kind on cotton in money, Ac.; that the Committee on Military Affairs inquire into the expediency of giving Adjutants the lank and pay of Captain of the line; to increase the rank and pay of Sergeant Major to that of Cadet; requesting the President to inform the House what amount of money has "been for warded to the Department, and what means have been taken to adjust claims against the Government, in Louisiana, and other States, for impressments in violation of the provisions of the impressment act; that the Committee of Ways and Means inquire into the expediency of so amending the revenue" laws as to require duties on goods through tha blockade to be paid in specie. The following were referred : A bill to ex plain the Bth section of an act to lay taxes for the common defence, and to carry on th# gov ernment; memorial from the Collector of tho port of Mobile; resolutions of the Georgia Leg islature and a memorial in relation to tbe pay of di tailed men; to authorize the suspension of the writ of habeas coipus in certain cases; to grant free transportation to soldiers on fur lough; in relation to the employment of negroes in the public service: in relation to post routes in Mississippi; joint resolution of Mississippi Legislature in relation the finance; communi cation from Gen. O. F. Strahl. It was ordered that vacancies in the Commit tee on the Medical Department be temporarily filled. Tbe Committee on Mljjtary Affairs reported back a bill to confer u; oik adjutants of battal ions, &c., the rank and pay of captain oi caval ry. Pending its consideration tho House Wont into secret session. ” SENATE — JAN. 14. A bill whs introduced to regulate the salaries of Judges of Confederate States District Court. A bill for the relief of Win. W. Payne, of tha Ist Georgia Regulars, was referred. The Military Committee were discharged from the further consideration ot the petition of certain Dental .Surgeons, asking to be ex empted from militray. duiy. The same committee reported back adversely tbe bill u> establish and’regulate teritorial commands in the army. Tbe Judiciary Committee reported back tho tire bill to regulate the term of office of tha Secretaries or chief officers of the Executive De partment, with sundry amendments, and tho recommendation ol the majority of the Com mittee that the biliaa amended, do pass. Tba said majority also submitted a lengthy report in writing, giving their reasons for favoring the adoption of the measure. A manority re port was also read. The bill and documents were ordered to bo printed. Its further considerations was post poned. v The Senate received from the President sun dry messages to be considered in executivo session ; also a message from the House, noti fying the Senate of the passage by that body of a joint resolution in relation to tte war. The resolution was referred to the joint com nftttee appointed to prepare’ an address on tha stale of the country. The Committee on the Jtidictary, reported back a bill to provide for the investigation and settlement of the transactions, contractors, and‘other financial and disbursing officers, agents aud employees of the Confedeiata States, with a recommendation that it do pass. The Senate resolved into secret legislativa session. house. * The Speaker laid before the House several documents from the President, in answer fa resolutions of inquiry, as follows: In relation to steps taken to prevent tie absence of offi cers and soldiers from the army without leave; a list of persons specially noticed and promo ted for gallantry on the field ; a copy of Maj. Gen. Hindman’s report of operations while ho was in command of the Trans-Mississippi De partment. All of which were ordered to b<j printed and appropriately referred. Also, a communication from the Commission er of Patents, which was ordered to be printed and referred. The Senate bill for the relief of Win. M and Richard Bowles and others, was read a first and second time and placed on the calendar. The House went into Coimnittoo of the Whole on the Ueneral Appropriation Bill. The bill was rejiorted at length, and then by sections, when several amendments vwto made, and this bill was perfected. After several amendments had been proposed and adopted or rejected, the bill wat .read * third time and passed, and communicated tu h A S bmwas introduced to repeal the act for organizing bands of partizan rangers, approved A Tlie Housemen went into secret session* SENATE .IAN. 15. The Judiciary Committee, reported back, with the recommendation that it pass the. bill regulate the salaries of the Judges of tha District Courts of the Confederate States. Tha bill was put upon the calendar. The Judiciary Committee, to whom had been referred the resolution of inquiry in relation t-j the effect upon the salaries of the Confederate District Judges iu Virginia, of the act of tha Virginia General Assembly raising the salaries of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Vir ginia to five thousand dollars, reported a joint resolution deelaiirig that the salaries of tha Confederate District Judges were also raised to five thousand dollars by the aforementioned act of the Virginia General Assembly. Tha resolution'was ordered to be printed. The same committee reported back two bills declaring certain persons alien enemies, with a, substitute therefor, to ire entitled “An act de claring persons owing military service to tha Confederate States, and who seek to avoid such service by removing beyond the control and jurisdiction of said States, alien enemies and subjecting their property to confiscation, I’laced on tne calendar and; ordered to ba printed. The Senate considered and passed, with tha judiciary committee's amendment, the House bill, granting to General W. J. Hardee and S. H. Goetzela special copyright ol “Hardee’s Rifle and lafantry Tactics.’’ On motion the Senate resolved into secret session. IIOUSB. The following were appropriately referred t; A bill to organize the field artillery of the pro visional army of the Confederate States; for tidj