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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. AUGUSTA. SATURDAY MORNING. FEBRUARY 22. Order ol Celebration oif the Twenty-Se cond of Fchmary, 1840. The Committee appointed to make arrange ments for the celebration of Washington’s birth day, have appointed Capt W T. Gould, Mar tha! of the day. At 10 o’clock A. M., the procession will be formed in front of the United States Hotel, and proceed to the Presbyterian Church, under the command of the Marshal of the das', when, after divine service, Washington’: Farewell Address will be read by the Rev. C. Sources, and an Ora tion will be delivered by Wra. R. McLaws, Esq. ORDER or PROCESSION. Ist. Augusta Artillery Guards. 2d. Clinch Riflemen. 3d. Major General and Staff. 4th. Brigadier General and Staff. 6lh. Colonel of 10th Regiment and Staff and Officers of the 10th Regiment. 6th. Officers of Army and Navy. 7th. Orator and Reader. Bth. The Reverend Clergy, 9th. The City Authoritic? 10th. Magistrates of the City and County, 1 Ith. Fire Companies of the City. 12th. Mechanics’ Society. ! 3th. Medical Faculty and Students. 14th. Citizens. The pews on the right and left of the centre isle, will be reserved for the procession. The Authorities of the City and County, the Reverend Clergy, the Members of the Fire De partment, the Mechanics Society, and the citizens generally, are respectfully invited to join the pro cession, in the above order. Salutes will be fired at tu' r «se and at noon, by the Augusta. Artillery Guards. Committee of Council. G. F. Parish, Chas. B. Hitt, Wm. E. Jackson. Augusta Artillery. Clinch Riflemen. John N. Raifohd, Wm. M. Frazer. O. E. Cashin, John A. Skvder. Daniel W. Dill. Wm. McLean. (Tj»No mail North of Richmond last night. Law Decision. Judge Shly decided a fey* days ago, in our Su perior Court, that where a judgment had been assigned and the defendant was subsequently ar rested under ca. sa.—a bond given under the act fur the relief of Honest Debtors, must be made payable to the assignee— and in the case, in which the exception wao taken that the bond was paya ble to the plaintiffs—the defendant and his secu rity were discharged. It is taid that Judge Andrews of the Northern Circuit has made a similar decision. Charleston Races—Fourth Day. Col. Colclough’s ch f Ze:.obia, 11 Col. Sinkler’a ch f Carver, 2 2 Col. McCrae’sch h Datton, 3 3 Col, Singleton’s ch h Lczsdro, distanced and withdrawn. Time Ist heat, 6m 20s; 2d heat, 6m 6s. The Mississippi Senate have refused, by a de cisive majority, to repeal the gallon law. Prentice says, the Harris mi men were so nu merous at Indianapolis during the late session of the State Convention, that it was found utterly in vain to attempt to count them numerically.— i They were counted by the acre. Election of Presidential Electors in Perhstlvania.—The day on which the State of Pennsylvania votes for the Presidential Electors has been changed by the new election law. It will take place on the first Wednesday of De cember, 1840. Phis State will consequently be the last in which the choice takes place. A correspondent of the Madisonian, says it is now supposed that the recent importation of Spanish blood hounds, w'as not for the purpose of using that respectable auxiliary force in carrying on the Florda War, but for Scenting out and run ning down the Legtreasurers. Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. Washington, February 16. Some explanation, respecting the contradicto ry statements of Col. Beaten, in the Senate, and * Mr. Wise, in the House, inspecting the employ ment o t bloodhounds, by the Government, have been recently made. Mr. Wise avers that the Secretary «f War has officially admitted to him that the em ployment of the hounds was authoris ed by the government. The fact appears this: —that the Secretary, some two years ago, was urged by Gen. Taylor, to authorise him to em ploy these animals, muzzled, in following and scenting out the Indians. The general represen ted that it-would be a read} and proper means of ascertaining their hiding places. The Secretary gave his assent to the project, at that time, but it was not put in execution. Subsequently. Gen. Call, it aeems, without the authority' or the knowledge of the Secretary of War, ordered the importation of the hounds now in Florida. Ma ny memorials have been received here remonstra ling against the r employment, and more are on the way, and much politic,l capital will be made out of it, without doubt. Affairs in Pennsylvania are still in an excited and unsettled condition, noth in regard to politics and the kindred subject of banking. The Legi s . lature, it is now thought, mil fix upon the first day of April, for the compulsory resumption of the banks. The banks have had a meeting and iassued their edict on the s übject, viz; that they will resume on the Ist day >i February 1841, and not before. From various sources, we learn that the banks are determined not to resume, but to surrender their charters in preference to resump tion on the Ist day of April or the Ist of May. They threaten to make im mediate arrangements to wind up. Os course, tins will produce much . thstress and pain, whereupon Harrisonism will feed an fatten. It is not at all impossible just now that the great democratic party of Pennsyl vania will be rent in this contest be tween the banks and the people. We shall soon see. The Cleveland (Ohio) Herald supposes that the recent earthquake in the centre of New York was caused by the Whig meeting held on t h Uy. FVonx the CharUston Courier of yesterday. Latest from France.-Direct. The .hip Olympia. C.pl. Gray, arrived ,! this j port yea.erday, from Havre, wnence she Bailed on the 29tb Dec. , e , , i Our attentive eorrtapondenls have forwarded ua our files of Pari, paper, to the 25th, inclusive, extracts from which will hefe®nd below. j Pj.ri!», Dec. 25.— Slock Exchange , Dec. 24, | half vast four.— The maifeet has not been very brisk to day, and the variations of prices have been trif ing.' For cash. Fives have advanced 15c ; Threes have declined sc; Neapolitan 19c; Roman Belgian Fives have arisen Ditto Threes 10c; Spanish are varied. For the end of the month, Fives have improved 95c; Threes 6c; Neapolitan are wnviiried. On Monday, at three o’clock, the King held a Council of Ministers. In the evening, their Majesties received the T uscan Minister, the politan Charge d'Affaires. Marshal Soult, Count Mole, the Count de Bondy, and General Darrieule. The adjourned meeting of the Deputies of the Gauche took place yesterday morning at M. Odi lon Bar-ot’s. About fifty members were present. After a short discussion it was agreed that they should support the same line ©{policy throughout the session, and that they would vote for Messrs, de Sade, Calmon, Gennerson, and Vivien, as Vice R esidents of the Chamber. The Outre Mer states that the planters in the French colonics propose to have a consultation of the French Bar, with a view to establishing their claim loan indemnity, in the event of the abolition of colonial slavery. . The Ministerial Evening Journal, in reference to the article which we gave yesterday from the Temps, concerning the Captain of the Racehor:** and some French colonists at Cayenne, says, “Complaints on this subject have reached the Minister of the Marine, who has at once acted up on them in a suitable manner.” We have seen a letter from a passenger in the Phare, the last steamer that arrived at Toulon from Algiers, staling that Abdel Kadir was at the head of his be *t troops in the recent engagement mentioned in Marshal Valce’s last telegraphic dispatch, and that he lost several thousand men in a regular pitched battle. The 3d Light Infan try was marched off to the Plain as soon as it had landed at Algiers. A letter from Constantinople of the 28lh ult, quoted by the Augsburg Gazette, says: “I he arrival of Prince Woulkouski on the 18th, with despatches for M. de Bountenieff, has produced a great sensation amongst the diplomatists. The English and Russian Ambassadors have been unusually busy, and have had numerous conferences with Reschid Pacha. Soon after wards M. Cadelvene returned from Alexandria;it appears that although holding a mission under the Ottoman Porte at the Court of the Pacha, he has acted rather in the interests of France. He has brought the answer of Mehemet Ali to the propositions of the Divan. The Count de Pontois j imagined that the Porte would find it acceptable, j but on .he contrary it has been repudiat d, and j since then affairs have taken a different turn. A Prussian soldier, who had been a courier of ; Frederic the Great, died a short tune since in the Military Hospital of Berlin, at the age of 107. The American of Brest states that a transport is now fitting out in that port to convey colonists to New Zealand. The vessel is to bear the name of the Comte de Paris. The Debats, in its analysis of the different ac counts from Algiers, observes that the Arabs have not been able to penetrate the Massit in force, and that, as soon as the moving columns were or ganized, the Arabs were beaten on every point.— Even before the arrival of the bulk of the re-in forcenaenls, the French troops bad been able to face the enemy on every point, and to keep him at a considerable distance, so as to enable them to preserve the property of the environs of Algiers from alack, and limit the real losses to the farms which were burnt by the Arabs in the Mitidja.— The Debats adds that it may appear surprising that the small re-inforcement which the army of Algiers had received, should have enabled it to assume toe offensive, when there were previous ly 10,00 U effective men for the field, but that this surprise will cease when it is known that, confi ding in lhe good faith of Abdel-Kader no attack was contemplated, and the army was not provided with every thing necessary for immediate opera tions. It required some days to organize the sup plies. Steam-Boat Accident. — We learn from the Macon Telegraph of the 18th, that while the stea mer J. Goddard was on her way down the river, some considerable distance from that city, she met the Steamer Davy Crockett, and in their attempt to pass each other, a collision took place between a low boat attached to the Crockett and the J. Goddard, which broke into her hull, and caused her to rink in 15 feet water. No persons inju red. Shiiwreck. —The schr. Financier, Butler, (of Charleston,) from Matanzas, for Charleston, with a cargo of Coffee, Sugar, and Fruit, was lost, on Sambrero Key, 13th inst., at 3 a. m. Part of the Cc ffee, sails, rigging, and crew saved, and taken to Key West by wreckers. Vessel totally lost. Vessel and cargo insured. From the Cincinnati Republican. “The Sponge Law.” —The Council of the Territory of Wisconsin, which is of the “Simon pure” loco-foco stamp, has, in compliance with the lecommendations of their loco-foco Governor, passed what is there called," /he Sponge Law,” —that is to say, a law to wipe out all debts. It is s fact worthy of notice, that wherever the agrarian and loco-foco doctrines establish a foot- J hold, they carry in their train outrages upon the constitution, violations of the obligations of con tracts. and almost every species of dishonor. A Wisconsin Correspondent of the 6t. Louis Republican thus notices the passage of the Sponge Law:—“Our Legislature have decreed that ail debts am to be blotted out; and in case a man sue his neighbor for debt, under any circumstan ces. the plaintiff shall pay the costs (the Dutch practice, would have l>een better—the Constable p»ay cost.) Our citizens are getting up pe'tions to Congress, praying the disapproval of these ob- i noxious laws ; but acts of our Legislature are f inding', until disapproved by Congress ; there- i fore, there are swarms of insolvents around the proper officers, paying their debts as fast as oaths j can be administered. No collection can be made I after the oath, under any circumstances. Our Legislature are all loco-focos—Governor and all.” ! Cabh age and Tailors—The Roman name i brassu a came, as is supposed, from prceseco, | because it was rut off from the stalk : it was also called caulis in Latin, on account of the goodness ! its stalks, and from which the English name | C° le - Colwort, or Colewort, is derived. The word 1 cabbage, by which all the varieties of this plant are now improperly called, means the firm head or ball that is formed by the leaves turning closely j j over esitch other: from that circumstance we say , the cole has cabbaged. From thence arose the cant word applied to tailors, who formerly worked at the private houses of their customers, where they w ere often accused seriously or jocularly of i cabbaging; which means the rolling up pieces of cloth i istead of the list and shreds, which thev claimed as their due. > “It lakes me to lick lasses” as the Yankee j chool master said whan baaowbided the gal. Speech of Sir. J. C. Alford* or CEOKOIA, OK THE SUBJECT OF ABOLITIOK PETITIOSS* House of Representatives, Jan. 22, 1840. Mr. Speaker, lam pleased that I have at last obtained the floor, and have an opportunity of expressing ray views in this Halt on this most important question—a question to my constitu ents of the deepest interest; one that strikes at | the existence of the Lnion. I will not evade the question. If my friend from i South Carolina (Mr. Thompson) does not intend I bv his proposition to reject the reception, I will i offer an amendment that shall bring the question ' directly before the House, and compel this body to decide whether they will or will not receive ■ those petitions. The gentleman signifies his in j tention is to refuse to receive these petitions; such was my opinion of the object of the resolu | tions, and under that vie.v of the question I sup* j port the amendment. I will meet this ques!ion at once on what its i friends are pleased to call in this debate high con stitutional grounds. Congress has no constitu tional right or power to receive these abolition petitions; and let me say to gentlemen, in all truth and sincerity, that if they decide, in viola tion of that sacred instrument, that they shall be received, I will say to my constituents from my heart and soul that they have no longer any use for this Union. It will then be t> them an en gine of the most diabolical oppression. I am ready to say this to them whenever gentlemen are ready to decide the question in favor of reception. I place the issue on their reception, and will pro ceed to demonstrate, on constitutional principles, that Congress has nought to receive, to consider, to repot t upon, or to grant the prayer of these petitions. What is the object of these petitions? What do they pray for 1 Some of them go to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District of Co lumbia ; some to abolish it in the Territories, and some in the States; and some p-ay that no new State shall be admitted into the Union if the Constitution authorise the instiiution of slavery. It is in this broad sense lam about to consider the proposition. What says the Const.tution ? | Let us look to that. I have not come here to ap- I peal to the North, the East, or the West, as i men. to protect our rights. I appeal to no men. or set of men—to tio party, Whig or Democrat— but I plant myself upon the Constitution of my country, the only basis upon which I am willing to stand. Were it not for this Constitution, I would advise my constituents to go back to first principles ; were it not for the protection guaran tied to them by this Constitution to enjoy their rights of property, as well as their private and po litical rights, I should tell them to protect them selves with their own strong arm. And if gen tlemen doubt our ability to do so, let them look at this right arm of mine. I3ut we have this Con- I stitution, and gentlemen say they claim the right j to present and consider these petitions under that clause which provides that “Congress shall make ! no law respecting an establishment of religion, | or prohibiting the free exenrse thereof; or abridg ing the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievan ces.” I will not say that one man cannot peti tion as well as another, b it I do mean to say that | every one must petition for his own grievance; ; and I contend that slavery is no grievance. And i if it were, it is no grievance of these petitioners, I living as they do in States where slavery is not tolerated by law. Each State of the Union has a Constitution of its own ; and in the Southern States slavery is authorised by law. Each State legislates for its own people; and the people of one State have no interest in or right to control the legislation of another State, in regard to this question especially. The right of property held by the master in his servant in Georgia, according to the laws of Georgia, can be no grievance to the citizens of Maine; nor is there any thing repugnant to this right of property in slaves in the Constitution of the U. S.; but, on the contrary, the Constitution of the U. S. fully recognises this right of proper ty in slaves, by just and ample provisions for the protection of our people in their domestic tran quility. And, to insure the blessings of the rela tive condition of master and servant to us and our posterity, the framers of that intrument inserted a clause which authorised the importation of slaves into this country for many years after its adoption. Let the Constitution speak for it self: “The migration or importation of such per sons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to year eighteen hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.” Thus it seems the Constitution contemplates the existence of slavery in the Stales through all time; and who now can say in truth that it was ever contemplated by the framers of the Consti tution that the people of any part of this Confed eracy—the ladies of the North—would send to Congress petitions to interfere with our domestic tranquility—to interfere with our right of proper ty, and claim that privilege of intermeddling in other people’s business upon the ground that our lawful and constitutional rights are a griev ance to them ? The absurdity of receiving these petitions is obvious to all. To me the proposi tion seems to violate all the principles of consti tutional law, as well as every sentiment of hu manity and religion. This question can only be the legitimate subject of discussion among the slaveholding people themselves. The General Government has no power, by the Constitution, over the subject. To receive these petitions would imply the power to grant their prayers. Congress has no such power. Hence the absur dity of their reception. j Not only did our fathers provide for our do mestic tranquility— not only did they authorize the importation of slaves into the States but, knowing as they did, and believing as they must have believed, from the facts and circumstances of the times in which they lived, that the happi ness of our people, their security, and the perpe tuity of the Union, depended upon the preserva tion of the institutions of the South as they found them when they formed the Constitution of the United States, they, with that patriotism and wis ( dom which disting;'.! hed them above all other • men who lived before them, or will live after them, I incorporated into that Constitution a clause decla j «ng that three-fifths of this property shall be rep , resented in the Congress of the United States. What would the honorable gentleman from I New York - (Mr. Granger,) with all his know i ledge of the Constitution and with his ability in I argument in favor of the right of petition on this question, think of a petition sent here from citi zens of the South, praying that Congress would abolish the right of representation in New York the empire Slate, and, if the gentleman please, m his own district ? Yes, sir, what would he sav if the ladies of the South were to petition Con gress to infringe the right of representation in New York, to diminish the number of their Rep resentatives, and disfranchise his constituents ? j I cannot foretell the kind oi power of the resist ance the distinguished gentleman would offer to I such a palpable abuse of the right of oetition, and I such a violent ir action of constitutional law. ■ Vet such is the course pursued towards the South and the arguments of gentlemen on this floor jus tify it. and amongst these champions of the right of petition in this sense is to be found the honor able gentleman himself. As I sat out to defend the interests of my con stituents on constitutional principles, and as I de clared in the outset that I would risk every thing t with the Constitution. let us read it again, and see if it is not truly the ark of our political salvation : i “ Representatives and direct taxes shall be ap portioned among the several Stales which may be I included within this Union, according to their i respective members, which shall be determined by ' adding to the whnle number of free persons, in cluding those bound to service for a term of years, i and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons The abolition of slavery would, therefore, re duce the number of Representatives from the South to a very great extent, and would be a de- ( nial of the right of representation, a positive in fraction of the right of representation authorized by the Constitution of the United States, exactly in proportion to the number of slaves represented upon this floor. Gentlemen complain that, by reason of this rep resentation of slaves, the South has a preponder ance in the political scale. Is this the reason that thev favor abolition ? Is this the reason they vote to vole to receive these petitions ? If so, they seek to rob us of our constitutional rights by un constitutional measures; and the only means left us to escape the consequences of such a measure would be to go over to Mr. Van Buren’s princi ples, and advocate the right of free negro su iVage; a measure which I detest, and one which my constituents will never submit to. I ask again, is it right to receive petitions here which strike at the foundation of federal repre sentation ? which go to dissolve the body politic by an infringement of the high privileges express ly secured to the South in the Constitution ? This principle of representation has been held sacred by the People of this country from the adoption or the Constitution, and by none more cherished than by the freemen of Georgia. The history of Georgia politics p aces this right of representation in a strong point of view. By reference to the Journals of the House, there may be found a bold and eloquent argument in the case of Jackson against Wayne, made by James Jackson of Georgia, a hereof the Revolution, and the father of the Republican party in Georgia, in favor of this sacred constitutional right of sentation. I cannot recur to a name so illustrious, to a man who fought so long and so valorous for freedom, to a Whig of the Revolution, without remember ing one of the prominent causes of that Revolu tion—a denial by the mother country of the right of representation ; and shall we be less tenacious of the right than our fathers? Shall we surren der to a few fan tries, urged forward by an unholy zeal, a principle which our fathers refused to sur render to the arms of Europe, and maintained at the cannon’s mouth ? Never, I hope. God for bid it. The member from Vermont 'Mr. Slade) made one admission which is fatal to his abolition doc trines—his tight of petition. He says there are some things it would not be proper to petition for. One of his cases is, that it would be improper to petition this body to hang an abolitionist, I doubt not the gentleman has some forebodings of what his fate might be if he were to carry his principles into practical operation ; in throwing this shield around himself, he has conceded the whole ground. And let me ask the gentleman if it would be less lawful or religious to hang him up to one of these pillars until he was dead, dead, than it would be to arm an incendiary with a torch in one hand, and a dagger in the other, to burn my house and murder my family 1 Yet such is the criminal denunciation of some of these petitioners. They have had the madness to say that if they cannot abolish slavery by law, they will do it by the sword, or, what is worse, they send incendiary pamphlets into our country to excite our slaves to deeds of insurrectionary war fare. Mr. Speaker, three years ago about this time. I met the honorable gentleman (Mr. Granger) on this floor, and when I attempted to reply to his defence of the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) I was gagged down with the pre vious question. The gentleman, if I remember right, asked us to let them fight our battles at the North. [Mr. Granger denied he had ever claimed to fight the battles of the South.] Mr. Alford said, lam glad of it. I would not trust him or any Northern man to fight our bat tles with the abolitionists alone. Let those who w ould fight for us there, fight with us here. But I fear they are all Whigs, all Democrats on this subject at home; all against slavery in the abstract. The South has been gulled long enough with this of petition so sacred to the honorable gen tleman. Os one thing I am certain : he said then, as he says now, that the North has rights and dare maintain them. Theacccption of these petitions under that clause of the Constitution already alluded to, which secures the right of petition for the redress of grievances, is not one of those rights to which his declaration applied. He should maintain no such a right. What are we to understand by this threat, that the North “has rights and dare maintain them” 1 We are to be taught, I suppose, that under the authority to petition Congress for a redress of their griev ances, they will force upon us a reception of abo lition, and trample under their feet our rights of property and representation both. They charge us with having mixed the right of petition with the question of abolition, and i say that they will dare maintain that right, al though they admit that they cannot abolish slavery at all, so long as the Constitution is in force. If they have no right to abolish' slavery at all, what right have they to trouble Congress with these petitions l The argument is absurd on the face ol it. W hat means this declaration—this threat—that they dare to do such deeds ? Does the gentleman intend to carrv this measure by force of arms ? Are we to be swept away by the power of the North as the besom of destruc tion ? Is the South to fall by force without re sistance ? I cannot contemplate the possibility of Con gress entertaining these doctrines without feelings of horror. If ever this power is once carried out effectually, it will raise a fire of discord, it will light the torch of civil war, and the consuming element will sweep over this nation as the t m pest sweeps over the ocean, as the ocean sweeps over the earth when driven by the fury of the warring elements. Before the howling of the tempest shall hush, and the fne of war blast out the last son of the South shall perish a martyj to our constitutional rights. Mr. Speaker, I now have in my eye the hon orable gentLmu , from New York who did say three years ago (when. Democrat as he he stood by his colleague. Whig as he is, in defence of Mr. Adams) that the South should let the battle be fought at the North. [Mr. Vanderpocl inquired if Mr. Alford al luded to him.] Mr. Alford said, I allude to the leader of the Administration forces in this House, to him who ieads with a whip, to the gentleman who repre sents Kinderhook—it is unparliamentary to call members by name—l allude to hi.n who, when New Jersey was stricken from the roll of States stood upon this floor and thanked God that the vaice of Democracy was triumphant in this House ; that the voice of the Democratic party in New Jersey had been heard in this Hall.— Yes, Mr. Speaker, the voice of Democracy has been heard, and the gentleman rejoices at the fact, and speaks of regenerated States. That voice of Democracy which hails from New J er . sey is not the voice of her people, but it is the voice of aliens carted about by Van Buren men to raise the hue and cry of modern Democrat of O'Connell democracy. Yes, sir, to raised tumultuous shout of alien, O’Connell, democratic triumph over the native citizens and legal voters of a gallant Stale, speaking as they did in favor of the Opposition cause by their own neonle through the medium of a constitutional Govern went. But sir, tbe voice of the sons of New j Jersey cannot prevail; right yields to force, and t the voice of law is drowned by a wild and dis- t orderly shout of the mob, which is called here j the voice ot democracy—a voice that comes from £ the land of O’Connell, that breaks upon the , shores of New Jersey, that rings through the soell-bound regions of the “enchanted moun- ( tains,” that wakes up the drowsy inhabitants of , “Sleepy Hollow,” and they too hail the triumph of this cause of regenerating democracy , and join the shout of that democracy, echoed here by the “leader” of “the party” in this Hall. [Mr. Vanderpool asked Mr. Alford to yield for an explanation.] , . Mr Alford said, alter I- am done. I found it too hard to get the floor to give it up. I cannot let my grip until I have said what I have to sa y” j C an tell the gentleman that, unless lam mistaken in the signs of the tfmes, this modern democracy will soon come to an end. J his \an Buren-Calhoun-Bentonian -Buchanan democracy will blow up at the end of Mr. Van Buren’s eight years, if he is re-elected, I “ guess. The Speaker interposed, and Mr. Alford said, sit si 'll, Mr. Speaker, I will go back to argument. I hold in my hand the most eloquent and con clusive argument in favor of the constitutional rights of the South on this question of slavery, and against the course pursued by these fanatics, I have seen or read; and, what is astonishing to all lovers of truth and justice, it is the very speech of William Henry Harrison from which garbled extracts have been made to prove him an aboli tionist, and for which he has been doomed to en counter the united opposition of the whole South; and this same speech is now published in the Emancipator, under a long editorial denunciation of General Harrison as an anti abolitionist, and declaring that no abolitionist can support him for the Presidency, because he goes with the South. And I am happy, sir, that whilst I use his speech to prove the truth of my position,! am but doing an act of justice to a statesman and patriot, atriend of the South, who has been misrepresented and belied. Let not gentlemen suppose that I am about to become the advocate of General Harri son for the Presidency. Georgia stands on neu tral ground. We have a man of our own—the immortal Troup —who is better qualified to ad minister the Government, in my opinion, than Harrison and Van Burcn both put together. I go for Troup, sir; but if ever he is out of the question, I have a right to enjoy my own opinion, as between the other two; and 1 am willing to judge them by their own acts, and choose be tween them upon their principles in regard to this very question. I will now give Gen. Harrisen’s views as au thority on this question. Hear them : “ Extract from remarks of General William Henry Harrison at the Public Dinner given to him by the citizens of Vincennes, Indiana, on the 25 th May, 1835. “ I have now, fellow citizens, a few w ords more to sav to you on another subject; and which is, in rny opinion, of more imoortance than any oth er that is now in the course of discussion in any part of the Union, i allude to the societies which have been formed,, and the movements of certain individuals in some of the Stales in relation to a portion of the population in others. The con duct of these persons is the more dangerous, be cause the object is masked under the garb of dis interestedness and benevolence, and their course vindicated by arguments and propositions which in the abstract no one can deny. But however fascinating may be the dress with which their schemes are presented to their fellow citizens; with whatever purity of intention they may have been formed and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which it is probable some of the projectors and many of their supporters have never thought of; the latter,the first in the series of evils, which are to spring from this source, are such as you have read of to have been perpetrated on the lair plains of Ita ly and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of Attila and Alaric, and such as most of you apprehended on that memorable n : ght, when the tomahawks and war clubs of the followers of Tecuniseh were rat tling in yoilr suburbs. I regard not the disavow als of any such intention upon the part of the authors of these schemes, since, upon the exami nation of- the publications which have been made, they will be found to contain every fact and eve ry argument which would have been used if such had been their objects. I am certain that there is not in this assembly one of these deluded men, and that there are few within the hounds of the State. If there are any, I would earnestly entreat them to forbear, to pause in their career, and de liberately consider the consequence of their con duct to the whole Union, to the States more im mediately interested, anc to those for whose ben efit they profess to act. That the latter will be the victims of the weak, injudicious, presumptu ous, and unconstitutional efforts to secure them, a thorough examination of the subject must con vince them. The struggle (and struggle there must be) may commence with horrors such as I have described, but it will end with more firmly riveting the chains, or in the utter extirpation of those whose cause they advocate. Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, in applying the terms weak, pre sumptuous, and unconstitutional to the measure of the emancipators 1 A slight examination will I think, show that lam not. In a vindication of the objects of a convention which was lately held in one of the towns of Ohio, which I saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing more was intended than to produce a state of public feeling which would lead to an amendment of the Con stitution, authorizing the abolition of slavery in the United States. Now, can an amendment of the Constitution be es. jcted without the consent of the Southern States ? What then is the pro position to be submitted to them ! It is this. The present provisions of the Constitution se cure to you the right (a right which you held be iore it was made, and which you have never giv en up) to manage your domestic concerns in your own way, but as we are convinced that you do not manage them properly, we want you to put in the hands of the General Government; in the councils of which we have the m ority, the con trol over these matters, the effect ofwhich will he virtually to transfer the power from yours into other hands. Again, in some of the States, and in sections of others, the black population far ex cel ds; tof the white. Some of the emancipa tors propose an immediate abolition. What is the proposition then as it regards t.mse States and parts of States, but the alternative of amalgama tion with the blacks, or an exchange of situations with them 1 Is there any man of common sense who does not believe that the emancipated blacks, being a majority, will not insist upon a lull parti cipation of the political rights with the whites and, when possessed of these, that they will not contend for a full share of the social rights also * What but the extremity of weakness and folly could induce any one to think that such proposi tions as these could be listen d to by a people so intelligent as those of the Southern States l Fur ther, the emancipators gen .ally declare that it is their intention to effect their object (although their acts contradict the assertu n) by „o other means than by convincing the slave holders that the im mediate emancipation of the slaves is called for both by moral obligation and sound policy. An unfledged youth at the moment of his leaving (in deed, in many instances before he has left) his 1 neological Seminary, undertakes to give lectures upon morals to the Wythe, Tuck er, Pendleton, and Lowndes, and lessons of polit ical wisdom to States whose affairs have so recent ly been directed by Jefferson and Madison, Macon and Crawford. Is it possible that instances of greater vanity and presumption could be exhibit ed ? “ But th ® cours « pursued by the emancipator. is unconstitutional. IdonM say that there ar e any words ift the? Constitution which forbid * discussions as they say they arc engaged i n . j know that there are not. And there is cv en dn article which secures to the citizens the right t 0 express and publish their opinions without re striction. But in the construction of the Cotisii tulion it is always necessary to refer to the cir cumstances under which it was formed, and t 0 ascertain its meaning by a comparison of its p ro . visions with each other, and with the previous sit. nation of the several States who were pailies to it. In a portion of these slavery was recognised and they took care to have the right secured to them to follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives to other States. The laws of Congrp Ss passed under this power have provided punish merit to any who shall oppose or interrupt the ex ercise of this right. Now, can any one believe that the instrument which contains a provision of this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue his slave into another State, take him back, and promises a punishment for any citizen or citizens of that State who should oppose him, should at the same time authorize the latter to assemble t O . gether, to pass resolutions and adopt addresses not only to encourage the slaves to leave their masters, but to cut their throats before they dosol I insist that, if the citizen of the non-slavehob ding States can avail them.-elves of the article of the Constitution which prohibits the restriction of speech or the press to publish any thing inju rious to the rights of the slaveholding States, thev can go the extreme that I have mentioned, and effect any thing further which writing or speak ing could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these are not the principles of the Constitution. Such a Constitution would defeat one of the great objects of its formation, which was, that of securing the peace and harmony of the Slates which were parties to it. The liberty of speech and us th e press were given as the most effectual mean* to preserve to each and every citizen their own rights, and to the States the rights which apper tained to them at the time of its adoption. “It could never have been expected tnat it would be used by the citizens of one portion of the States for the purpose of depriving those of another portion of the rights which they had re served at the adoption of the Constitution, and in the exercise of which none but themselves have any concern or interest. If slavery be an evil (and no one more readily acknowledges it than I do,) the evil is with them. If there is guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither the States wnere it does not exist, nor the Govern ment of the United States can, without usurpa tion of power and a proper violation of a solemn compact, do any thing to remove it, without the consent of those who are immediately interested. With that consent, there is not a man in the whole world who would more willingly contri bute his aid to accomplish it than I would. If my vote could effect it, every surplus dollar in the treasury should be appropriated to that ob ject. But they will neither ask for aid nor con sent to be aided, so long as the illegal, persecu ting. and dangerous movements are in progress of which I complain ; the interest of all concern ed icquires that these should be immediately stopped. This can only be done by the force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon lie brought into operation. Every movement which is made by the abolitionists in the non-slavehold ing States is viewed by our Southern brethren as an attack upon their rights, and which, if per sisted in, must in the end eradicate those feelings of attachment and affections between the citizens of all the ‘States which was produced by a com munity of interests and dangers in the wars of the Revolution, which was the foundation of our happy Union, and by a continuance of which it can alone be preserved. I entreat you then, fel low-citizens, to frown upon the measures which are to produce results so much to be deprecated.” Without entering into a full detail of the mer its of tbe gentleman at the head of this Govern ment, I turn to the supporters of the Administra tion, and ask them, if they please, to show me wherein the present Chief Magistrate ot this Union ever held such language as this 1 Has he ever declared that the abolition of slavery would be unconstitutional ? On the contrary, has he not declared and admitted that, with the lights before him, he could not say but that it might be abolished 1 Has he ever said that the “ efforts” of these petitioners were “ weak, inju dicious, and unconstitutional?” Has he ever “entreated them to pause in their career 1” No men can answer in the affirmative to tnese ques tions for Martin Van Buren, with truth and sin cerity. What has he said—what has he done 1 “Let us render unto Caesar the things which are Cae "ar’s. ’ In that great and truly alarming agi tation of the question of slavery as regards the State of Missouri, Mr. Van Buren proved, by his vote that he was opposed to slavery ; and not only that he was opposed, but that he would re fuse to admit a State into the Union rather than that her people should judge and act for them selves in the question of slavery. He voted in the Legislature of New \ ork to instruct an ultra (Rufus King) to refuse the admission of Missouri into this Union it her Constitution recognised slavery. Ido not give the words of the resolu tion, but the substance. Where was old Tippecanoe at that-vastly im portant crisis of our affairs 1 Side by side in I this House with those that led the van in favor of slavery—side by side with the republicans of the he made a full and glorious sacrifice of himself for the people of Missouri. He votoJ to sustain her constitutional right of slavery, and was beaten out of Congress for the part he took in behalf of Southern interests and Southern in stitutions. Is the gentlem in from Missouri in the House 1 Oh, Missouri! (Oh, Misery!)— A M hat has Mr. Van Buren done for you 1 If Mr. Van Buren had done as much for us as Genera! Harrison,! would not hesitate to marshal myself in his ranks at once, as he now pretends to be so much of a Sta e rights man ; but still 1 fear his measures. His mes.-age r -commends strict economy, (good,) but he intimates very plainly that, after all the economy he recommends has been used by us, there will still be a deficit of revenue, and leaves us to infer, as I understand him, that more will lie wanting. How we are lo raise it under the plans in his message, without an increase of tariff duties, is not for ms to say. The South may look out. I pass over many of his acts, and come down to his last public act by which he proves himself to be now what he was in early life—the constant, uncompromising enemy of Southern institutions. I mean bis vote in regard to slavery in Florida. On every occa sion where he has voted on the que.slion of sla very, he has voted against it. Extract from the Senate Journal. “ The Senate resumed, as in I ’omraittee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill for the es tablishment of a territorial government in Flori da ; and, the bill having been amended, it was reported to the House accordingly ; and, “ On the question to concur in the amendment to the 11th section, to strike out , after the word ‘freedom,’ in the 14th line thereof, the residue ot said section, as follows : No slave or slaves shall, directly or indirect ly, be introduced into the said Territory, except by a citizen of the United States removing i n!o the said Territory for actual settlement, and be ing, at the time of such removal, bona fide own? of such slave or slaves; or any citizen of tbe f' States travelling into the said Territory with » D - V servant or servants, not exceeding two ; and c ve ' ry slave imported or brought into the said'^ 111 " tory, contrary to the provisions of this act, shall* *. thereupon, be entitled to and receive his or bet freedom.’ “It was determined in the affirmative: caß 23, nays 20^ “ On motion bj Mr. Mills, tbe yeas and na>*