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CHRONICLE AM) SENTINEL.
AUGIjTA.
___ 4
THURSDAY MOANING, MAY 21.
Cy’ The crowded stahj of our columns to-day
will be a sufficient apology for the absence of our
usual variety.
CCj’lt is proper to reipprk that an error occur
red in the advertisementjof the Augusta Bank
■dividend, which appearedfhi yesterday’s paper.—
It should have been Forfi instead of five dollars
per share. ?■
Judge Celqoitii’s Circular.
In our columns will be found tliis ex
traordinary document w;hich we noticed on its
lirst appearance, with our comments interspersed
-and included in brackets* We have also taken
the liberty to supply *oipe omissions which the
honorable gentleman unf-wtunately made in his
desperate struggle ia pijesent an “ unvarnished
talc, in order that our readers may airive at
truth. In our notice oi this Circular, we have
xio animosities to avenge*, and if we should han
dle the gentleman with Igloveless hands, it will
only be in the discharge, of what we regard an
imperative duty to the qause of truth and the
principles we advocate, f
We have in a formerhiotice of this Circular,
t ’
said, that it garbled speeches and letters, that it
not only suppressed truth, but that it suggested
falsehood.—These assertions, bold as they may
have been considered, v-erc not made without
due reflection upon tfeieir|import. But we now,
without intending ar’y dffence to the honorable
gentleman, go still further and assert, that he
makes statements whid[j are positively untrue,
■and it the honorable gentleman merits the char
acter for intelligence, wi£ich he has acquired in
Georgia, he knew' to he such. This, we are
•aware, is strong language, but it is such as the oc
casion demands, and weiinakethcm in no unkind
feeling towards one whijm we have contributed
our humble efforts, to eljvafe to the station he
now occupies, but we he|e pledge ourself to prove
to every candid mind a!l|tbat we say, if we have
a patient and attentive gearing. We therefore,
invite the most scrupulous investigation of the
new allies of the honor ilfle gentleman, as well as
that portion of his lornter friends, who believe
him incapable of attempting to misrepresent or
suppress facts. We doraot ask you to accept as
sertion for the truth of w:aat we state, we are well
aware, that assertion is hne thing, and proof is
sometimes a very different thing, but we ask you
to scan closely, the documentary evidence we
shall present—and somejof that evidence, too, the
very documents, which jiihe gentleman has gar
bled—in order to prOvjo that, which he knew
could not be proved, if* he had not suppressed
material parts. . '<
Although we do not profess like the honorable
gentleman to have lie.® “ born ” a Republican,
we think we shall be,able to show, that in the
support which we, ia| common, with the State
Rights party in Georgia, are giving to Harrison
*md Tyler, are quite asiniuch in accordance with
sound republican principles, as his efforts to de
feat them ; howevc r, “\ionorai)le'’ the means he
n&es may be. And aery, we will take occasion to
remark that, the hoponible gentleman would have
occupied a much higher stand in the public esti
mation, if he had, on this occasion, resorted to no
other than “ honored) e] means” But as we do
not pretend to know w'hat he regards as “honora
ble means,’ we are certainly unable to determine
whether he has vio*a|ed in this instance, his
pledge to use that rigs* alone.
CIRCULAR OF 31R. COLQUITT.
To the People of Georgia, and Especially
to the State Rights Party,
Fellow Citizens I feel it a duty I owe mv
self and yon, to calmly and dispassionately present
my views ot men and measures. Unaccustomed to
die language of flattery and dissimulation, I shall
mr.ke no apology fu- t ini) style in which my temarks
will appear. By birth,* by education, by habit, and
by principle, a Reul ljean, you will not expect me
to play die courtier. : \ few years ago, when prin
ciples marked am! djaraeierized the Republican i
party of (ieorgia, (a party fur which 1 have always
done battle.) members bit:* would itself have been t uf
ficient to afford prunajpeie evidence-of sound faith
and action. From it? Federalism received no counte- |
nance; and the me b suspicion of its taint was a suf
ficient signal for our urifled opposition. But, under
the mighty workitga of forac extraordinary influence
recent occurences demonstrate that its odium is "one
and that our ancient adversary is hailed as a boon’
companion. Alter iffUlfat had been said and done by
my party friends ui th| Slate, 1 had no riaht loan
ticipate any liaving (or its o?.ject tlie
.committing of the pcjr.vy to the support of (General
Harrison. lam nchv. satisfied that I relied with too
much confidence <m t ;ie uncompromising consis
tency of those wit h vvjtom I have acted, and their
readiness to make sacrifice in order to sustain
long cherished doctr ,esu The mee ings in Mon
roe and Bibb; the moling in Columbus ; the meet
ing in Augusta; thoi If iter of Col. Dawson; and
the zealous manifestation of feeling that seems to
prevail favorable to thd nominating and supporting
a Harrison ticket m! Georgia, have made it neces
sary for me to pen iblU: aduress before the anticipa
iea June Convention,, j In differing with strong, in
fluential arM worthy rffen . whose gudance I have
long followed, lam uoapprised of the shareof
odium I must bear fitqu those whose friendship T
Jmve long coveted nhj enjoyed But a 8 lam not
prepared to rally unujir tt.e banner of Gen. Harri- I
son, and shall feeiat .njy duty to use every honora
ble means lor tut,, det-ai, 1 solicit the attention of
the honest and .rnlepehdft.il while I assign the rea
sons for my course*, s
1 cannot give hi mi my support, because he is a
Federa list; that /■£ Ortpjrorted the black-cockade ad - 1
ministration of the idler Adams ; that he supported
the administration of He younger Adams ; that he i
has nev r c> angedikigiFideral notions; that he is
still a Federalist; aid must derive his main sup
jwrl from that party\ |
"So matter how Ijtt’le the establishment of these
charges may oncral'elujion the minds ot others, I
trust they will he stsfpeient to screen me frem their
sneers. It is a thinjj so easy for any man to be
branded as a deserts| from Ins par y—for his name
to be subjected to infamy— that VPry-many choose
father to ti at with iff© tide of public opinion, than
investigate their pitJ iion and resist its current ;
but it lam enabled;l|s prove that (den, Harrison is
a Federalist, has <; r r,Uf,j/s acted with that party, and
is iww their canilidyti, we have always proteised
•vainly in Georgia, i; fve give him our support. 'This
I w 1 now proceed tit d,>, in a plain and intelligi
ble manner ; nor uwl I leave room for a doubt on
ill* mind of any unprejudiced man.
My fellow citizen! will remember, that while
John Adams the eldwas President of the United
States, during his administration the Fe 'eral par v
passed the Alien c.nf! Sedition Lous, which gave
rise to the Kent iicM* and Virginia resolutions of
1793, 99 During tne.se years there were no neu
trals in puhln, ite ;Hi was a time of severe party
conflict, and pary bjies were vc ry distinctly draw n.
1 have belorc ineiJe Ist volume of “Executive
Journal,’ whe-o; -at page 282, it is recorde
that on the 20i off June of that ever raemorahff ’
I ear, 1798, John Admits the then President ol tiie U
; i
States, conferred upon General Harm on the office
of “ Secretary of the Territory northwest of the
river Ohio.” Would not this appointment it
self afford strong presumptive proof that General
Harrison was a member of the Federal party ?
Take into consideration the year, me time and the
circumstances, ti e proof would hs sufficient to
shift the onus ct least. Bot the proof shall pro
ceed. General Harrison was a delegate from the
Nonh-'.veft m Territory, to the Douse of Rep
resentatives ot the United States during the ses
sion of 17yy and 180.); during the sesssion of
that Congress and before its close, lie was ap
poin’eii by John Adams, the Preaiden , Governor
ol ihe Territory ot Indiana. (See Executive Jcur j
nal, vol. 1. p. 353.)
Now when we renumber that the election for ,
President took plac? tiiat same year (1800,) and ;
when vve recollect the great excitement that pre
vai’cd between the partiei, and how bit.crly Jes ]
lerson was denounced by the Federalist ot that day, |
and the uncorapromis ngspirit that prevailed,where I
jistt e men that would dare believe ( hat John Ad - ms, :
I who lr d bestowed on Harrison a prior appointment !
j and who now was enabled to j udge ol Isis Iriend- j
I ship by his Jicts while at Congress uut 1 the time I
of Ins appoinimem, on the 12th day of May of |
that session, would have made hra Governor of
Indiana, if 1 e had not been his friend and a mem- ;
her of his party, opposed to Mr. Jefferson and his '<
pmty ? No man can doubt. But be it further
r m< mbered, that a majority of the Bonafe were
Federal, who had K> ratify the appointment; and
this too, when universal proscription was the or
der ot the day, and the celebrated b ack cochide she
badge of Federal devotion.
It would not seem necessary to produce other
evidence ; but as it is convenient, I would call your
attention to his own admissions as late as 1826
In the the U. States in that year (1826)
as may be seen in the “Congresssional De .ates, ’
by Gales and Seaton, in the first part of 2d volume,
and at page 359, John Randolph ot Va. said, that
the difference between himself and Gen. Harrison
was vital ; that they differcvl ** lundnmentalfy and
totally,” and did when they lirst took their seats in
Congress. Speaking of Harrison, he said; u He
was an open , zealous and f/unk supporter of fthe i
sedition-law and black-cockade administration ; and
I iras as zealous, frank and open <pponent of the I
black-cockade and sedition la w adm inist ration. lie
differ fundamentally and totally; ue never can j
agree about measures or about men Ido not mean ;
to dictate to the gentleman ; itt us agree todiffer as :
gentlemen ought to do,especially natives ofthe same
Blate, w ho arc antipodes to each other in poli’-ics.” j
Now this specific charge was made by John Kan- 1
dolph on the 20th ot March, 1826. ’I he reply of
Gen. Harrison is reported in the same volume of j
Debates, and at page 361 and ’5, in which he said,
“he could not refrain from making his acknow 1
lodgement to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr.Rvn
dolph) for the notice he had been pleased to take
of him. He had been pleased to say, that in the
administration of Mr. Adams, I was a Federalist :
and he comes to that conclusion from the course
oursued by me in 1799 and 180a.” I wish it borne .
in mind that Mr Randolph charged him to his face |
with being a zealous, open trunk supporter ofthe
sedition-itw and black-cockade administration. He
then proceeds in ieply ; “At that session, the gen
tleman and myself met for the first time ; lie in the
station of Representative from Virginia, and I in |
the more humble one ot Delegate from the North
western Territory. Having no vole I did not think |
it proper to take part in tiie discussion of any ofthe i
great political questions which divided the two par
ties. My business was to procure the passage of
the bills which I had introduced, for the benefit of
the people I represen.ed. The gentleman bad no
means of knowing my political principles, unless
he obtained them from private conversations. As I
was on terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is j
very probable then he might have heard me express |
sentiments favorable to the then administration. I I
certainly felt them —so far at least as the course pur
sued by it in relation to the government of F rance.”
The charge is made direct and unequivocal ; and
the answer does not deny, but admits, the charge ;
hut insists he made no public speech to that effect
in the House of Representatives, inasmuch as he
had no vote ; and that Mr. Randolph must have
heard it from him in private conversations. Yet he
admits the charge true. In the sam? speech he j
says : “ For Mr. Adams I entertained at that lime,
and have ever since entertained, the greatest respect.
I believe him to be an honest man and a pure patriot;
and his conduct during that session proved him to be
such. This opinion I know was entertained by
those two able and upright statesmen, John
shall and James A. Bayard.**
[Here, gentle reader, you who are seeking after
truth and desire a plain “unvarnished talc,” let us
give you the first evidence of the honorable gentle
man’s capacity to garble the Speech of General
Harrison, which is in the following Avoids, to which )
we invite your careful attention, and will only re
mark that the honorable gentleman, as you will
perceive, in his great effort to suppress nothing
true, stopped his quotation in the middle of a para
graph :]
“ .Vlr. Harrison said, that he could not refrain
from making his acknowledgements to the gen- |
tleman from Virginia for the notice he had been i
pleased to take of him. He has been pleased to
say, that in the administration ol Mr. Adams, I
was a Federalist, and he comes to that conclu
sion from the course pursued by me in 1799—1800.
i At that session, the gentleman and myself met for
1 the first time—he in the station of Representative |
I from \ irginia, and I in the more humble one of
Delegate from the Northwesfem Territory. Hav
ing no vote, 1 did not think it proper to take part
in the discussion of any ofthe great political ques- !
J tions which divided the two parties. My business
! was to procure the passage of the bills which I in
troduced for the benefits of the people which I i
1 represented. The gentleman had no means of
knowing my political sentiments, unless he ob
tained them from private conversation. As I
j was upon terms of intimacy with the gentle
man, it is very probable that he might have heard
me express sentiments favorable to the then ad
minlsration. I certaisily felt them—so far, at
least, as to the course pursued by it in relation to
the government of France. Nor, said Mr. H. f
was I unsupported in that opinion by those who
had a control of my actions, if not rny opinions.
In no part of the country were those measures ;
1 more decidedly approbated than by my immedi
ate constituents, the legislature of the North west
j ern Tenitory, as the address of that body to the
president, during that session, will clearly show. (
F'or Mr. Adams, said Mr. 11. , I entertained at that
time, and have ever since entertained, the great
est respect. I believed him to bean honest man
1 and a pure patriot, and his conduct during that
session proved him to be such. This opinion, I
know, said Mr. H., was entertained by those two
able and upright statesmen, John Marshall and
j James A. Bayard. [Fo the question asked by
.Mr, Randolph, whether Mr. H. recollected a con-
I versation between Mr. Nicholas and himself, in
relation to the negroes and politics of Virgina,
Mr. H. answered] —I recollect it perfectly w'dl,
but can that he adduced as evidence of my favor
ing the Sedition law !”
It is important to note here, that the above ex
tract, which is only about one half of the speech,
i as reported, has been published in many of the
Van Burcn papers, among which are the Rich- 1
rnond Enquirer, Nashville Union, Acc., as proof
that Gen. Harrison admitted the charge to be true, i
They have wilfully and designedly led astray
many a “youthful orator” by withholding that
part of Gen. Harrison’s speech, in which he ex- \
phcitly denies the charge of Mr. Randolph. By s
■ this unfairness and disingenuousness, on the part
of the loco foco journals, many an honest, well
meaning loco fuco orator, is induced to make a
charge which cannot he sustained, and by an ex
hibition of the whole speech, is made to appear |
in a supremely ridiculous light before his fellow I
citizens. The conclusion of the speech, as re
ported by Gales & oeaton, is as follows :
“Mr. Nicholas was my relation and intimate
friend; the conversation was entirely jocular, and
so considered by that gentleman at the time, and
ever after. I will never resort to any one to sup
port an assertion of mine in a matter of fact. But,
if I choose to do so, the gentleman from Mary
land, who sits opposite to me, and who was the
brother-in-law of Mr. Nicholas, knows the undc
viating fiiendship and support which I received
from Mr, Nicholas, through his whole political
life. Mr. Jefferson was at that time Vice-Presi
dent of the United States, and was upon the most
intimate terms with Mr. Nicholas, lie took his
seat as President of the Senate within filleen
minutes after the conversation alluded to had
passed. If it had been considered in any other
light by Mr. Nicholas than a joke, Mr. Jefferson
would certainly have heard ot it, and would cer
tainly have withheld those evidences of his confi
dsnee and regard which I received from him dur
ing the whole course of his administration. But,
sir, said Mr. Harrison, my opposition to the
Alien and Sedition Laws was so well
rr)
' KNOWN IN THE J EURITOBT, THAT A PROMISE
WAS EXTORTED FROM ME BY MV FRIENDS IN THE
Legislature, nr which I was elected, that
I WOULD EXPRESS NO OPINIONS IN PHILADEL
PHIA WHICH WERE IN THE LEAST CALCULATED
TO DEFEAT THE IMPORTANT OBJECTS WITH
which 1 was charged. As I had no vote, I
was not called upon to express my sentiments
in the House. The Republican parly were all
in favor of the measures I wished to have adopt
ed. But the Federalists were the majority. Pru
dence, therefore, and my duty to my constituents,
rendered it proper that I should refrain from ex
pressing sentiments which would injuriously af
fect their interests, and if expressed, could not
have the least influence upon the decisions of
Congress.”
What think you, reader, of this “unvarnished
tale”! Do you see this admission of Gen. Harri
son, which the honorable gentleman boasts of with
so much apparent complacency ? On the contraiy,
do you not see the most posit ve, unequivocal de
nial of the charge, in such terms as overwhelmed
even John Randolph—who did not even have
the hardihood to reply, much less repeat the
charge.]
The Judge continues —These are tie expres
sed opinions of General Harrison, concerning
John Adams and his administration, in his speech
of 1826. Take the charge made by John Randolph,
which he knew to be true before he made it ; the
acknowledgements of General Harrison —his high
esteem for the polity and patriotism of the elder
Adams ; and his receiving the appointment of Gc -
vernorof Indiana from ins friend and patron. Jf
he were now upon his trial lor Federalism, he
miaht (tick hisown jury, and they would find him
guilty. It may be proper to remark that John Mar
shall and .las, A. Bayard, to whom he refers lor proof
of old John Adams’ patriotism, were just as good
Federalists as himself; doubtless they all entenain
;ed the same opinions. John Marshall received lbs
appointment of Chief Justice ot the Supreme Court
from John Adams, in 1801, just before he went
I out of office; and the other gentleman, Janms A
Bayard, a Representative from Delaware, voted fir
: the Alien and Sedition Law, as the Journal ot the
House of Representatives will show. The elec
tion ot the younger Adams (John Q.) is much more
fresh in your recollection, and rendered memorable
; bv two circumstances ; the first that Georgia had
a favorite candidate in llie field, (Wm 11. Craw
ford;) and, second the election of Mr. Adams, by
what lias so frequently been called the coalition
| with Mr. Clay. About the coalition I know noth
ing—Clay made Adams Brcshient, and, as was natu
ral enough, Adams made him Secretary of Stale,
j At the first session of Congress alter this celebrated
[ election. General Harrison was a member of the
j tSenaie ; and the journals will show that his votes
j stand recorded upon all leading measures with the
administration. It was during this administration
l hat, in the Senate, John Randolph made the charge
I have quoted, showing from his first acquaintance
with Hamsun, up to that lime, they had always
I differed, and that they never should agree about
j men or measures; the one being a Federalist, the
j other a Republican. The appendix to the Senate
Journal of 1826 and 1826, will show that General
Hamsun voted lor that much abmed, wild and
visionary measure, the Panama mission. On the
4th of March 1829, the administration of Adams
closed ; but before he quit office, he was not un
mindful of the friend and ally of his father, and
the coni inued?supporter of himself. On the 22d
day of May, 1828, he appointed General ifarri-on
minister to Colombia. \V hut other or bt t er evidence
could he wanted of his being a Federalist of the
old and new school ? He was the Iriend, the zeal
ous supporter and admirer of the elder Adams and
his black-cockade administration. He was the
| friend and supporter of the younger Adams’ ad
ministration, and from both the lather and son re
ceived the rewaid of faithful services, by receiving
appointments from their hands.
But, fellow-citizens, if Mr. Webster is a Federal
ist (and ihis is not denied even hy himself,) we
have other proof of his Federalism, and of later
date. In his Cheviot speech, of which so much has
: been said to further l lie claims of General Harrison,
I delivered on the 4th ot July, 1833, he remarks: —
“ 1 hava thus, fellow-citizens, en leavored to ei-
I plain to you the principle upon which the govern
j mentoi our Union is formed. I recommend to you,
however, the Proclamation of the President ol the
! United States, issued on the 10th of December last,
and the speeches of Mr Webster, delivered in the
Senate of the I niud fetates, at their last session of
Congress, in answer to the arguments of Mr. Cal
houn, as containing the most eloquent ami satisfac
tory exposition of those principles that have recent
ly been published. By issuing that proclamation,
1 think General Jackson has rendered a service to
I his country of greater magnitude fhan his splendid
victory at New Orleans.” What think you of his
j opinions ol the construction of the Constitution ?
If Mr. W ebster is latiludinous and Federal, so is
General Harrison; lor he lauds and commends rho
former as an eloquent and satisfactory constitution
al expositor. But what will the members ol ihe
£tate Rights Party say of his high commendation of
the Proclamation? a paper that the friends of the
President have tried to modify and explain. Re
cently, iMr. Wooster, in order to aid General Har
rison in his election and to correct a falsehood
I which he says had been circulated, among other
things, makes the following remark :
“ He (Gen. Harrison,) has now been selected hy
the general voice of those whose political principles
agree with his own , to go to the head of the column,
and to hear up and advance the. flag under which it
' is hoped these principles may be maintained and de
fended.’'
I have now shown you that General Harrison
was a Federalist in 1798, in 1826, and in 1833, and
if Mr. Webster is authority, in 1840. But the Com*
1 mittee who have charge of General Harrison and
hts opinions, confirm the same thing, m the follow
ing language:
“ The General’s views in regard to all the impor
tant and exciting questions of the day, h ive hereto
fore been given to the public fully and explicitly ;
and that those views, whether connected with con
stitutional or other questions of very great interest,
j have undergone no change.”
I have noticed, among the resolutions submitted
' hy the committee at the meeting in Macon, that it
is stated tbat “ on the foirnation of the Indiana Ter
ritory he was appointed by Mr Jefferson and by
j Mr. Madison,Governor of that large ai d interesting
dependam yot the Union.” The committee will
i perceive they have made a mistake, as 1 have alrea
jdy shown. Instead of having been appointed by
:Mr. Jefferson, he was appointed hy the elder Adams,
i Mr. Jefferson found him m office when became
I into the Presidential chair, and did not remove him ;
so did Mr Ma-ison. Mr. Jefferson found nearly
] all the offices filled by Federalists, very many of
; whom he continued. This circumstance cannot
weigh a feather favorable to his being a Republi
j can. If any testimony could be brought to show
that tie ever claimed to be a Republican, it would
but afford evidence of his being a tergiversater, and
unfit to be trusted. But ihe truth of his being a
Federalist is so well established, that no unprejudi
' ced mind can doubt.
i Who, then,are the present supporters of General
i Harrison? No one can doubt that master-spirits
of the party are Webster, Clay, and Adams; and
ah hough there are now among hts supporters some
who have professed and acted with the Republican
party, yet by farthe majority of his supporters are
Federalists; and it he is elected, the Government
the will be under the control of that party.
\ Here let us calmly and dispassionately examine,
jhese charges. We pass by the insinuation against
the character and motives of those patriots of the
■ revolution, John Adams, and John Marshall
as being worthy a place only in this “ unvarnish
ed tale, ” —men whose motives and whose devotee
patriotism have never been questioned. And what
ever may have been the errors of the elder Adams
the subsequent fiiendship which existed betweer
I him and that apostle of Republican principles, I I
Thomas Jefferson, to-the latest moment of their
existence, as well as the deep national grief which
a nation felt at their death on that day which was
doubly consecrated by their demise, have entirely
removed any odium which ever existed as to his
motives. But it is a damning sin in the estima
tion of Judge Colquitt, that Gen. Harrison should
believe the elder Adams “an honest man and pure
patriot,”—the man who on the ever memoiablc 4th
of July, 177 C, declared, in his place in Congress,
‘■Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish,
Igo for the Declaration.” That man, who, in
his dying moments, on hearing the report of can
non, exclaimed almost with his last breath, “This
is A glorious DAY.” Os the same character, too,
is his attaek upon James A. Bayard, the man ap
pointed by Mr. Madison to conclude a treaty of
peace with Great Britain. But the honorable
gentleman has been peculiarly unfortunate in se
lecting the appointment of General Harrison by
the elder Adams as evidence of his Federalism. —
The history of the government at that day attests
that appointments were not made as the reward of
partisan services. The only questions which were
asked were, “is he capable —is he honest .” T hese
were passports to confidence. General Harrison
had, long prior to his appointment by the elder
Adams, received an appointment from the hands of
the Father of his country, the il ustrious Washing
ton ; and had also shared the confidence of that
brave and generous patriot, Anthony Wayne, in
whoso military' family he occupied a distinguished
, and prominent station, and according to the record
ed testimony of that brave General, had shown
himself not only' valorous, but gallant and worthy,
in the great battle of the Miami, which vras fought
in 1794. His first appointment, then, as Secretary
of the Northwest Territory, which was
better evidence of the confidence in his honesty
and capacity, and a reward for his services in the
memorable battle of the Miami, than a reward for
partisan services. While occupying this station,
Gen. H. was returned as the delegate of ihe Ter
ritory in Congress ; and during his term of service
in Congress, the office became vacated, and he
Governor. Now, we ask, who was
more fit to fill that office, or who had the Presi
dent a right to expect would give greater satisfac
tion to the people of the Territory', than the man
whom the people had sent to represent their inter
ests in Congress. None, we unhesitatingly answer,
and such will be the reply of every honorable man.
But we have said the appointments of the elder
Adams were not confined to his partisans, as is as
serted by the honorable gentleman; and if he had
consulted the very same Executive Journal from
which he quotes, a little more closely, he would
have discovered that the elder Adams appointed the
illustrious Patrick Henry of Virginia, ana that dis
tinguished and devoted republican Elbridge Gerry,
who lived and died in the faith ; and there are
many other appointments of the same character,
but we mention these two as being prominent men,
whose principles were known from one end of the
Republic to the other.
Equally unfortunrte has been the attempt of the
honorable gentleman to fix the charge of federalism
upon General Harrison, because of his approval of
the policy' of the administration in relation to the
French question. It is known to every man who
has made himself familiar with the history of those
1 days, that that policy was almost universally ap
proved by the Republican party'. We will only
give a single instance, which was or ought to have
been known to the honorable gentleman. During
the pendency of that important cabinet question, a
i meeting was got up in Georgia, at which that dis
tinguished son of Georgia, William H. Crawford,
, was present and participated in the proceedings,so
far as to present to the meeting, and support with
’ all the powers of his vigorous intellect, resolutions
sustaining the policy ot the administration on that
identical question, and pledging themselves to sus
[ tain the administration in its views. And in 1824,
when Mr. Crawford was a candidate lor President,
. the party with which Judge Co’quitt is now act
acting, and which hails his circular with the ut
most joy—charged him with supporting the admin
, istration of the elder Adams, and cited as evidence
! the proceedings of this meeting. What was Mr.
. Crawford’s course on that occasion ? He met the
’ charge like an honest man ; he met it as General
Harrison d’d. and not only' admitted its truth, but
justified his course. Will the honorable gentleman
have the hardihood to attempt to fix upon William
1 H. Crawford federalism, because he approved of
this policy of the administration of the elder Adams.
Without, however, noticing upon whose authori
ty the honorable gentleman has based this charge
made in the Senate in 1826, or insinuating that the
L Georgia Legislature considered John Randolph of
, Virginia so obnoxious to the charge of federalism
in 1812, that the name of the county of Randolph
was changed to Jasper county, we will pass to
other proof to show that General Harrison was
considered not only worthy but a republican by
Mr. Jefferson, but also by Mr. Madison, if the gen
tleman’s doctrines as to appointments be true,
which was much more so in relation to Mr. Jeffer
son than to the elder Adams —for it is a well
established fact that Mr. Jefferson did remove nu
merous important officers, because of their oppo
sition to him. And heie let us remark, that the
honorable gentleman has been guilty of slating
what we assert is not true, in saying that Mr. Jef
ferson never appointed Gen. Harrison, but found
him in office, and continued him there, as did Mr.
Madison. The first proof that we shall adduce to
establish this position, is the third clause of the
Ordinance passed by Congress in 1787, for the gov
ernment of the Northwest Territory, which we
find in Graydon’s Digest, page 137 of the Appen
dix, and which is in the following language:
“ Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid.
That there shall be appointed from time to time,
by Congress, a governor, whose commission shall
continue in force for the term ol three years, un-
I less sooner revoked by Congress: He shall reside
in the district, and have a freehold estate therein,
in one thousand acres of laud, while in the exer
cise of his office.”
This then establishes beyond the possibility of a
i doubt that the Governor could only be appointed
1 for three years ; now, as Mr. Jefferson served as
’President eight years, and had the only appointing
1 power, and as General Harrison continued Gover
-1 nor of the Northwestern Territory', it is only' rea
sonable to suppose that Mr. Jefferson re-appointed
\ him. But we will not content ourself with this
i deductive proof—we will prove by this same Ex-
L ecutive Journal, from which the honorable gentle
man has been aided so much in his
glc not “to suppress truth” that Mr. Jefferson
did appoint General Harrison Governor, which
e may be found at page 441 of the 2nd volume
1 and at the expiration of his term of three years he*
again appointed him, bu“; we have not the Journal
d to refer to the page and volume. Rut again, Mr
Jefferson appointed him sole Commissioner to
s, treat with the Northwestern Indians, an office of
n almost unlimited powers. The following extract
from tlie proceeding'of the Legislature of the Ter
ritory, of 1809, will show in what estimation he
was held by that body.
They (the House of Representatives) can
not forbear recommending to, and requesting of,
the President and Senate, most earnestly in their
own names, and in the names of their constitu
ents, the re-appointment of their present govern
nor, Wm. Henry Harrison. —because he posses
ses the good wishes and affections ol a great ma
jority of his fellow-citizens ; —because they be
lieve him sincerely attached to the Union, the
prosperity of the United, States, and the admin
istration ofits government; —because they believe
him in a superior degree capable of promoting
the interest of our terrritory ; from long experi
ence and laborious attention to its concerns, trom
his influence over the Indians, and wise and dis
interested managament of that department; and
because thev have confidence in his virtues, tal
ents, and rkpublicanism .”
But he appears also to have shared in an emi
nent degree the confidence of the Republican ad
ministration of Mr. Madison —by whom he was
appointed Governor of the Tcrritary of Indiana, at
every expiration of his term of oi'Rce, an office
which he filled for thirteen successive years.
Reader, do you wish more proof? We could
give you the oft repeated declarations of General
Harrison himself, but lest that should be regarded
as not strictly within the rules of evidence, we
will present what the honorable gentleman wi\l
perhaps, in his new situation, regard as good testi
mony, it is taken from the file of the Richmond
Enquirer in IS 13, and is as follows :
“The Federal printers are impudent enough to
claim all the laurels of the war, by denominating
the most distinguished of its heroes as Federalists.
Hull, say they, is a Federalist, and so are Chaun
cey, Decatur and Harrison ! Oh no, not Harrison,
because the Federal Republican has very lately call
ed 'iim the ‘■Democratic General .*
“But how can those men be ca’led Federalists,
according to the definition of the Federal printers ?
A Federalist, now-a-days, is synonymous with a
friend of peace .”
Again in 1522, (Oct. 14th,) the political opinions
of Gen. Harrison, who was then a candidate for
Congress, were published with high commendation
by the same Richmond Enquirer, as “ Republican
Doctrines .”
But hear Gen. Harrison himself. On the 11th of
Nov. 1809, when Madison was elected President
by the Republican party, Gen. Harrison wrote to
Dr. Brownly as follows :
“Irejoice sincerely in the triumph of the Repub
licans of Maryland L I have written to my friend.
General Smith, to congratulate lam on his appoint •
ment to the Senate without having any other evi
dence of it than the success of the RepuhlicanT icketd
Again in 1822, Gen. Harrison said, in an address
to his constituents, “I deem myself a Republican
of what is commonly called the old Jeffersonian
School.”
Let us now give you the testimony' of Judge
Burnett, of Ohio, who has known General Harri
son for near fifty years, a man of the highest char
acter for veracity. It is in these words :
Cincinnati, Feb. 27, 1840.
Mv Dear Sir: —I remark, in reply to y'our let
ter of this morning, that during the contest be
tween Mr. Jefferson and the elder Adams. General
Harrison and myself were residing in the North
Western Territory, and of course had not the pri
vilege of voting. At that time, I was in habits of
great intimacy with Gen. Harrison, although I was
a Federalist (honestly' so,) and he a Republican of
the Jefferson school. I supported Adanjs warmly',
and he, witn equal warmth supported Mr. Jeffer
son.—During the controversy from 1796,
I conversed and argued with him times withou,
number —he sustaining Mr. Jefferson, and I Mr.
Adams. You may' assure your friend, that there
was not a more consistent,decided supporter of Mr.
Jefferson, in the North Western Territory, than
Gen. Harrison. For the truth of this declaration,
I most willingly pledge my reputation.
I slate to you wh'at I saw, and heard and know.
When the Alien and Seuition law passed, the Gen.
was not a member of Congress. He neither voted
nor had an opportunity of voting on that law.
Your friend, J. Burnet.
Hon. Wm. Southgate.
Hers we might safely close, but let us “ pin the
basket” with the testimony of Major Joel Craw
ford, whom y u all know.
“ His political principles are understood to be
in strict accordance with those taught by Thomas
Jefferson, for whose able and successful adminis
tration I have jfften heard him express great ad
miration.”]
I will beg leave so present another subject to your
eonsideration, worthy of your serious regard —a
subject of vital importance to the w hole South—l
mean the subject of Abolition. It is the blindness
ol stupidity, or the madness of party, for any man
to doubt that the nomination ot General Harrison
was made with the view and for the purpose of
obtaining strength by procuring the votes of Abo
litionists. Ihe friends ol General Harrison say
that he was nominated because it was thought he
could obtain ihe most voles. Os this 1 have no
doubt; but the reason for believing that he could
procure a belter vote than Henry Clay, was. that
he might get* the strength and influence of this sup
port, which Clay cou;d not. '1 here are some facia
which 1 know, and a few others to w hich 1 w ill re
fer, upon this subject. I know that no petition
having for iis object the abolishing of slavery in
the District of Columbia, in the Slates or Territo
ries, has been presented this session, but by a Whig.
1 know that no speech has Peen made in favor of
Abolitionists, this Congress, but lias been made oy
aVV big. 1 know that upon ihe final vote, to ex
clude, by a ruleoflhe House, the reception of these
petitions, but one Whig from a non-slaveholdmg
State voted with us, while four Southern Whigs
voted against us, among whom was John Bell, of
Tennessee, the W l.ig candidate for speaker. 1
know that at least two of the Democratic party're
fused to he made the instruments of presenting
such pennons, and one of them, a Senator from
t hio, a non slaveholding Slate, where the aboli
tionists are numerous. Mr Tappan said :
“Ohio will do unto others as sh? claims that
they should do to her. As she will go\, permit any'
interference with her own institutions, .*o she will
not permit her servants to interfere with the n.s i
tutions of other Slates. 1 know her will upon ttiis
mailer, it is clear and unequivocal. Resolutions of
tier assembly have repeatedly' declared her senti
ment upon rtie subject maiti-r of these petitions,
and her dec ded opinion that ihe attempt making oy
these petitioners “ is hostile to the spirit of the Con
stitution, and destructive of the harmony of the
Union ;” and a recent and more iiumerom a sem
hlage of Democratic delegate in a State Conven
tion than has ever before met in that State, with
but three dissenting voices, adopted the following
resolutions ;
“ Rvsoloed, That, in the opinion of this Conven
tion, Congress ought not without the consent of
the people of ihe District, and of the States of Vir
giniaand Maryland, to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia ; and fiat the efforts now making
for that purpose, by organizing societies in the Irea
States, are hostile to the spirit of the Consiiiutton
and destructive to the harmony of the Union.
*• Resolved , That, slavery being a domestic insli
tution recognized by the Constitution of the United
States, we, as citizens ol a tree Slate, have no right
to interfere with it; and that the organization of
societies and associations in free States, in opposi
tion to the institutions of sister Stales, while pro
ductive of no good, may be the cause of murh mis
chief ; and while such associations lor p.dhical
purposes ought to be discountenanced by every
lo\er ol peace and concord, no sound Democrat will
have part or lot with them.
“ Resolved That political Aboluionism is but
ancient federalism, under a new guise, and that
the po>iiical action ot anti-slavery societies is only
a devise lor the overthrow of Oemocrocy.
“I know, sir, ilmt these resolutions express the
deliberate judgment of the Democracy of Ohio; as
to the sentiments of I he opponents of the Democrat
ic party, the Harrisonians, I know less. Their
conduct is open to observation. By that, it is well
know n that they hold m their fraternal embrace
the enure abolition pan of the population of Ohio.”
These facts have occurred during the present ses
sion of Congress, and yet very many Southern
members shut their eyes to these siartling truths
and are glad at heart* that the Northern Democrats’
. will lose strength in their respective District* tnr
giving us their aid. Much pains have been taken
to throw popp.es over th 3 eyes of the So ah, by at-
tempting to prove that General Ha
not an Abolitionist; bur officiil l e i- e IS ° n him,*
es ihw-iluu he t« .. pp , Jße(1 l
desires it abolished. As lam writi-,„ i aver )’, j<Wi
did corisiueraliun an unvarnished i,7 j-’W. Wr
your attention his circular, winch !,»’ ) V|ll c s p c : c(
.•the purpose of satisfying the dis,,i\
abolitionists : * C| atire u j *
“ Fello.v-citizens: Being called Sll < ‘ XC<
to attend my sick family, 1 have but < en! f k P 0 * 0
answer a lew of the ‘ calumnies’ u) a K ' rn °«nr n *
cutai ton concerning me. 1 illn actus/ 1
friendly to slavery. From my earlier? of W n
present moment, i l ave been tu e « r .i ! ‘k•
I human liberty. At the age of ei o-h t _ ° r,t wh<
j number of an Abolition Soc cty, t-stablYl nish
! moiid, Va.,lhe object of which Whs a, * spe«
! ihe com! ii ion of slaves, and procure it aiße l«h *
Iby every legal means. My venerable!? K ne< *’
G itch, of Clermont County, was a! s ) ent pu*l
this Socieiv, and has lately given wri
i feat I was one. 'ihe obligations 10, ce %
der, I have faithfully perlornted.” ien ca <#th. on
[Again gentle reader let us aid the H on „
man in presenting an “ unvarnished t ■,
• • ” | cll3
lie might easily have done by public:. ■
ance of the speech of Gen. Harrison w ; ,-T
• Ull
below, commencing immediately where th ?u P
tleman left off, in the middle of a but
here let us remark that he has not min
proficiency in garbling as his noble brother- *' 'I
the Editor of the Federal Union, who 'I
sentence at a comma, but Judge Coiquitt fa* H ' nv
to a period, altho he has not published the line
thing. Gep. Harrison’s address is as folios frit '
“Fellow-citizens ;—Being called sa'c. *?’
home to attend my sick family, I have bi,'
ment to answer a few of the liat
in circulation concerning me, " pan
“I am accused of being friendly to . ..
From my earliest youth to the present mot? the
have been the ardent friend of human />, t ipi
At the age of 18, / became a member ofan f m ' il
tion Society established at Richmond, Vi? 1,110
the object of which was to ameliorate the l!,0i
tion ot Slaves, and procure fheir freedom llvl
ii \r ii r ■ . m lua
legal means. My venerable friend Judge d t hn
ot Clermont county, was also a memlter 0 f s l«
Society, and has lately given me a certificate 4,1
I was oe. The vbl gallons which I then -
under I have faith fully performed. I have t* h?i
the means ofltberaling many slaves, but r, iitu
placed one in bondage. I deny that mv v < - ,eil
in Congress, in relation to Missouri and Ark® !
are in the least incompatible with theseprin- .
Congress had no more legal or constitutional n* we
to emancipate the negroes in those sections' be<
Eouisana, without the consent of their, o wr> : fail
than they have to free those of Kentucky. Tk 4 '* u
People were secured in their property by a <
emn convenant with France, when the cow- sat
was purchased from that Power. Toprohibr fee
emigration of citizens of the Southern Staten be
the part of the country, the situation and din; pg(
of which was peculiarly suited to them, w
have been highly unjust, as it had been purr:.- m a
sed out of the common fund; particularly, tlu
when it is recollected that all the immense::-, ren
tory to the northwest of the Ohio had lieencL- ! ,e<
by Virginia, and that, with an unexampledfe
ality, she had herself proposed, by excluding llo!
ry from it, to secure it for the emigration oftta sta
Stales which had no slaves. Was it pro> qu
then, when her reserved territory was in anas
ure filled up. to exclude her citizens front e<r
part of the territory purchased out of the coni
fund 1 I was the first person to inirodmr B la
Congress the proposition that all the mite Fo
above Missouri (which, having no inhabits * e
was free from the objection made to Missouri:
Arkansas) should never have slavery admit: lnj
into it. I repeat what I have before said,:; by
as our Union was only effected hy mutuals wc
cession, so only can it be preserved. |"i
“ My vole against the restriction of Missoar.
forming her constitution was not a condor
one. There would have been time enough, ha
continued to he a member, before thequesli.
was decided, for my constituents to have inslrtt op
ted me ; and I should have tejoiced in anr
portunity of sacrificing my seat to principles,r !ul
they had instructed me in opposition to my cot
| struct ion of the Constitution. Like many otto mi
members from the non-slaveholuing States,? pa
whom I mention Shaw, Holmes, Mason of Ms f ,[
sachusetts, Lanman of Connecticut, and Bi. lr "
! win of Pennsylvania, I could see nothing in li
Constitution, which I had sworn to support, 1 t h<
warrant such an interference with the right!£
the States, afid which had never before beens> ari
! tempted! And where is the crime in one set:
| men not being able to interpret the Constitutor j n
< as other men interpret it! As we had alhinr,
ito support it, the crime would have been inpr of
i ing it a construction which our consciences wr t® l
not sanction. And, let me ask, for what gw er l
! is this question again brought up; It has beet
settled, as ail our family differences havetwr p 0
settled, on the firm basis of mutual comproroi* {V
j And patriotism, as well as prudence, dewteii - A
j effects of that awful discussion to eternal obliviffi-
Is it not known that, from that cause, tbegra:
fabric of our Union was shaken to its foundation j )(
Is it not known that Missouri would not haft ve
submitted to the restriction, and the other slave h>
holding States had determined to support her b-
Hut for this compromise, the probability i* :: J‘
at this moment we might look upon the t j,
shore of Ohio, not for an affectionate sister fi® in
but an armed and implacable rival. Whatp*® - "
otic man would not join the gallant Eaton io f3
ecrating the head and the hand that
and execute a scheme productive of a calataitp |u
awful ? r>
“ Upon the whole, fellow citizens, our pto \V
a plain one : it is that marked out as well by
inanity as duty. We cannot emancipate
slaves of the other States, without their con* c Ju
but by producing a convulsion which wouh® j
do us all.
» ♦ * * * I,€1 ,€
“William Henry Harris 0 -'’-
But lest sceptics should asser‘ that tins‘ h-
tion Society” which existed in Richmond Urg- y (
mark the place reader, was a most diabolical auA tw
we give you the testimony of Tarlton VV. Pfe ea "
who also happened to be a member of this so-
which held its meetings publicly in RicbnuW 1
ginia. to
“ In the year 1798,1 was a member of a
ty in Richmond, called the “ Humane oCI ®V (M
Robert Pleasants of Curies, was President 8)
Society. Tlie object of this association | v ,’ ,P 1
conjunction with the parent Society in f 1 "
phia, to aid in abolishing the slave trade,“
I assist negroes who were illegally held ni (i(
to obtain their rights the Courts ot J° stl j, ~.
w r as once a delegate from the Society u>
| mond, to a Convention in Philadelphia, 311 it
were delegates from the diflerent d<
sylvania. New. York, New Jersey anJD a . 11
Dr. Benjamin Rush, James I odd. VV’illiara
Dr. Wtstcr, Tliomas P. Cope, and °f“ ers u
from Pennsylvania ; Mr. Boyd, from New
Richard Hartshorn, from New Jersey; "
Rodney, from Delaware; and many ot^^ rS ’ ( j lsC t!'
names Ido not recollect. A very l® n S* *- v Cf
sion took, place upon the slave trade in ■ t p,
William Rawle, Urs. Rush and lister F il
larly distinguished themselves. Dr. h la
one of the most elegant speeches I eve , r . )n ,fD- Jj
This was the principal subject before ppjtai a
lion. If the Abolition of slavery in ,ie
States were alluded to at all, Ido not rC^ rel ji( n
Thomas P. Cope and Timothy
Secretaries to the Convention; 3110 . p ur ni3b» ?
doubt, either »>f them, if living, woul
copy of the Constitution, if written to
self. I have no recollection that 11
son was a member of the Richi»a |V ,#r?'
Society but I have no doubt this "^ s
Society of which lie was a member, 3 ’ pyt.dk m
so much has latterly been said in