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J. W. & W. S. JONES. PUBLISHED DAILY, TP.I-WEEKLY, aNC WEEKLY On Broad street 1 T E H 31 S ptily paper, Ten Dollars per annum advance. Tri-weekly paper, at six dollars in jut vance,or sevon at the end of the year. Weekly paper. Three Dollars in advance,or Four at the end of the year. To the People of Georgia, ajid Especially to the State Right?’ Party. Fm.f.ovv Citizens: 1 have read with unfeigned riegret the Circular Jitter of the Honorable .Air. Co-qult-t. If I mistake not, he will ere long experiences this same feeling in a greater degree than Ido now. vV hen he comes 10 see die universal reprobation which it has receiv ed from those, with whom he ha«f;n*?n hitherto po litically associated, and the shout op exultation with which it lias been welcomed by lihcse who have heretofore denounced him, lie vj *>e constrained ,n his moments of retirement, campy to review the course w hich he has pursued. Swell a scrutiny cannot fail to awaken feedugs of poignant regret that he has thus exposed himself' to t fije leluciant, but delusive censure of his friends, and|to the still more unwelcome approbation of those;, >{•■ wliorn the par tv to whim, he was attaciied lout; been heretofore denounced as the advocates of trcifc nt. As one of the State flight’s party ot Georgit!, to wliorn this letter is addressed, 1 make the remarks which fol low rather in sorrow tlran in anger. Mr. Coquitt is a man of respectable talents—.is i have always understood, of private worth—and.,-as I have had to know, zealous id itjis assertion of his political opintons. How such; a man repre senting the State Right’s parly of (Georgia, in tne Congress of the United Stales, coiifd have brought himself to avow to them his deteriijioation to sup port iMr an Buren for the Presidency, is a mys tery to which I pretend not to solve. I only know, for the evidence is before me, that in the letter in question, be has dealt unjustly w ith bis political as .suciaies, and has evinced a want of candor, or a misconception of facts, which it ut painful to no tice, hut impossible to overlook. ( The avowed object of Mr. Coli'plilt’s address to the Stale Rights Forty of Georgia,’is to announce Ins secession from them on the Presidential question, audio assign the rea ona for his course. His pur pose >s to convince them, that they are wrong in supporting General Harrison, and |t this may not he, that with his views, he is in opposing lam. Such a purpose pursued in k spirit ot frank ness is perfectly unobjectionable fit is, however, not merely open to scrutiny, by Dfose to whom it is addre.-sed—hut it invites it. In Ihe effort to establish his own consistency, Mr. < 'olquitt necessa rily imputes its opposite to those vvi’.h whom he has hen to I or.' acted. Confining hno.it If vvuhin the limits of Icgifmaie self defence, it in therefore the right of each member of that party,; however, hum ble his position, for himself and ids associates to repel the charge, lit doing ih si t do nut. pro posed offer an elaborate vindication of Gen. Har rison’s quid fication lor the f’re.-idenf y Thai would occupy an undue portion of a d|i!y paper—and more appropriately belongs, so foil as they may deem it necessary, to the Co u venalon, wliich is shortly to assemble at Milledgevflj;. 1 have ano ther reason wiih h, with inn, tsevciji more influen tial THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA HAVE TAKEN THIS MATTER INTpITHEIR OWN HANDS. Arou-ed by the calm.biles which had been circulated among them, ag insiiu citizen grown grey in the public service, ami Ivjiose patriotism and integrity, even bis accusers u*i| not venture to question, they have conn to the respite. They have learned the story of his eventful nfe, from the mo ment when in ilie spring tide m yioulh, he first drew Ids sword against a savsgo foe, to ihai in which he now reposes in retirement, a pt ijcaful cultivator of the sod, which h's valor had defended. They have tr iced him through more th ih forty years of public ccmce,and have found no single blot on his escutcheon 'I h?y have consulted; «>ur public an nals, and have seen the recorded evidence that he has umformh enjoyed the confidtmfe of those, who themselves stood highest in Ihe cowfidenco ot the country—and yielding to the just aid generous im pulses of their nature, as a meet; reward for deeds id noble daring, in the field, and for.laithlu! and ef ficient service in the cabinet, they.have hailed him by acclamation, as THE P.-UFcE’S CANDI DATE, determined to coaler upotiUhe patriot sol dier and sage, - “ The proudest meed which freemen may accord. The unbought homage of the b rave hi id tree.” Even while I write, thousands c.|f our country men on our mmtains, in our midhinds, and along 1 our whole Atlantic border, are proclaiming their i high resolve. Jt would be worse .join idle, ibere j lore, fora bumble individual like rtiyself, before a people thus awakened, to enter open a labored de tail of Gen. Harrison’s qualifications for the Presi dency. They know them by heart already. And the attempt io change or resist iheitirnnt of popu i iar feeling and opinion, w hich is hairing him on in triumph to the I’resideniial chair, is a still more bootless task, even to me enjoying, us Mr. Colquitt docs,; be advantage of high officii u .station. Still it tt due to the Stale Rights’ Party, tin* Mr Colquitt’a appeal should be met. Justice to ihcpu requires that 11 should tie weighed in the balance, jA’ith ihe frank ness wiih which it professes to have, been written. As a t associate in seasons ot past po t.cal slnle, and with the feeling of auld lin'd syne, w hich that as sociation recalls, I sincerely hope th-it the process may not he entirely useless to himself Mr. Colquitt's address has two gcAcral divisions. In the first, he specifies the reasons: why he connot [rapport Gen. Harrison. In the s-cdu‘t ,ho staes the considerations under the Influence As w hich lie has [endeavored to reconcile to himsqllj the support, [ winch alter many qualms of feeling.iu not of con science, lie lias resolved to give to Mr. an Buren. Wc have now to do with tne first \ Mr. Colquitt’s first charge against', Gen Harrison 1 1!i , that he is ‘ u Federalist.' Ido fv.t stop to weigh I die degree of criminality w hich th-s.charge implies, | but proceed directly lean examination ot lire proo! I by a releronce to the Executive J ■it-v.nl, Mr. Col I quill has found that Gen. Harrison was appointed ■ Secretary of the North Western i erruory in 1798, land Gov of Indiana in the session of fT99, and 1800 l r n! that both these appointments v.ore made by ■ John Adams. Mr. c olquitt Dutiful these afford puch decisive proof that Gen Hmns Vi is a Feder alist, that ‘no man ran doubt ii he so convinc ed of this, that he considers it unn gessory to pro duce any other evidence, and only do»Js so, *as it is >'( nvenient.’ 'fhe propositon wiih Which lie at 'runls the intelligence ot DieMiate Riights’ party of murgn, is that a man appointed to office, must, [neces-sardy, have held the same political opinions jWiih the President who appointed pliim. I may [concede to Mr. (’olquitt the iru’.h of Ijia proposiiion, ‘1 he will limit i’s npplica: ;on, as i pnnals «j! >»ur [country will limit it, to the proei t qud preceding r 1 minis (ration* of’ the general goyertfnienl. They, d have acted upon the principle,; publicly pio claintoc by one of their partiz itis.thaj the offices of R free people, are spoils, vvhieh belong to tne v ictors 1[ » polnical strife. Rut the concession stops lu re, arul in making it, I must remind h:m);hat tins very abuse oi 1 xecutive patronage is I'.te ot those e:i| jrmiucs, which have at length ajwakened our ccuntiyni 'n to the necessity of their-interposition. Mr Colquitt will consult the Executive Journals °§ain,h« will find 1 vol. p 269, the nomination by -Mr. Adams, to the office of Governc?ir of the Mis ►fsirpi lerntorv, of that gallant soldicnof the Rev olution, who was presented by Ge«. Washington to [ 16 f fench minister, as a man iha was; proof against bayonet wounds. I refer to Gen. John;Matthews, of Georgia W** |, e a federalist? It he w-ili refer to page Ot the same journal, he will fifdjthe nomina u,il h . v -Mr, Adams to one of the hii jicst offices in • ' g» of E.dndge Gerry. Doe* Mr arolquht know ••Cl har.f ■ ii i that distinguished *5 filwntui 1 Dues ,tj know ‘iini he was a oi fcbt Roptihlu iin f 11 1) in Massachusetts, the competitor and rival ot “' J '- burring, who wns the '•hampioiGol the leder- I party m that tMiie? If Mr.Coiqai?| will careful .• eiani|| ie tins same Journal, he wi.l lend other in besides that of Gen. Harmon,! and those “irh I Uavnmentioned, in which Mr.. Adams ap | nnted kepuhlicr.ns to office let |u|i recur tiow p' ‘ e specific case. The proof ot Gep Harrison s is that he was twice appointed to office by John Adams. To ascertain this Mr. Colquitt ttas referred to the Executive Journals. In the same vol. pp. 85 and 132, it will appear that this same Gen. Harrison was twice appointed to office ny t rr>sMcnt VVashington— at oage 44 I, that he was apponted to two distinct offices by President Jeffer son— i.t page 4-t, of the second volume, that he was again appointed to office by the same President Jefferson at pp. ]3J, 300 ar.d 329, that he was three times appointed to office, by President Madi son. Here let us pause fora moment. In a dehb crate appeal to the people of Georgia, on a most mo mentous and exciting question. Mr. Colquitt ad i.ueesas a tact, which he deems important in its de cision, the charge that Gen. Harrison was a Fed eralist, and in proof of it he refers to the Executive Journal of the Senale, to show that he was an painied to office by John Adams. Did he not know mat the same Journal would prove that he was twice appointed to office by Pre-ident Washmgt jn, thrice by I resident Jefferson, and as many times bv resident Madison ? Looking to the argument ut.icb he was urging to the people of Georgia, w as U right to suppress these facts? Now that the ex cifement under which I trust this appeal was penn eri may in some degree have subsided, does he himself think that he has made a fair s aiernenl ot the contents of the Executive Journal ? Mr. Col q iitt was not. ignorant that Gen. Harrison had been appointed to office by other Presidents besides the r At * ams - H e proves this, in a subsequent [.art of his address, in an attempt to correct an alled<*ed error of the committee of the citizens of Macon, in doing which he falls into a much greater error him self. They had stated that on the formation of the Indiana territory, Gen. Harrison had been appoinied its Governor by Mr Jefferson, and Mr. Madison -Mi. Colquitt asserts that “instead of bavin" been appointed by .Mr. Jefferson, he was appointed by the elder Adams He says Mr “Jefferson found him in utnee, when became into the Presidential chair, r.nd did nut r-movehim; so did Mr. Madison.’’ And he proceeds to say, “ this circumstance cannot weigh a feather favorable to his being a Republi can Phe plain and dir,ct assertion here, is that Gen. Harrison was not appointed by Mr. Jefferson, or Mr. Madison—that they found him m office,and’, only suffered him io remain there not removing him Now mark the lucts The appointment which Gen. Harrison received from Mr. A tarns expired on the 13lh May, 1803, t fie office being held for three years, Ist Executive Journal, p. 441, and Mr. Jefferson appoinied him for three years more. That appoint ment expired in 1806, when Mr. Jefferson again ap poinied him -and his third term of office expired on the iGth of January, 1810, when Mr. Madison re-appointed him to the same office, 2d Executive Journal, p. 130. If Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison had desired to get rid of Gen Harrison, it was not necessary to ‘ remove,’ him His T erm of office ex pired twice under Mr. Jefferson, and once under Mr. Madison, and they recalled him to office by new appointments. Thus the Macon Committee are substantially correct, certainly more so than Mr. Colquitt. Rut this is not all. Both Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison gave him original appointments to office which had not been conferred upon him by Mr. Ad ams. Will that “ weigh a feather?” On the 4th of February, 1803, on a distinct and separate ori ginal nomination by Mr- Jefferson, he was ap pointed “ a Commissioner to enter into any treaty or treaties, which may be necessary, with any Indi an tribes, North-West of the Ohio, and witbin the territory of the United States, on the subject of their boundary or lands”—one of Ihe largest commissions ever granted to an individual, and from which im portsnt benefits have resulted. Ist Executive Jour nal, 441. Mr. Madison did more. In 1812, While Gen. Harrison was still Governor of Indiana, under Mr. Madison’s own appointment, he nominated Wm. Henry Harrison to be a Rrigadier General, ami in 1813, to bea Major General in the army of the Uni ted States —2d Executive Journal, pp. 300, 329. '1 he questions heretofore proposed, now recur. Adverting to the statement made by Mr. Colquitt, and the argument which lie founded on it, was it fight to suppress these latter facts ? Calmly rev ow ing that siaiement and argument, does he himself think that he nas dealt fairly with Gen Harrison, or with I fie islute Rights’ Party of Ga. in this regard? Has he acted in conformity to that golden rue, which in private life he would delight to exempli fy ? Nay, has he not in Ins remarks on the statement of the Mi con commmitltee, fallen ..nnintentionanlly of course) into a plain and palpable error of fact ? The statement which we have thus examined, seemed so conclusive to Mr. Colquitt, that he tho’l no man could coubt. Hedtem°d it unnecessary to produce any further evidence, but as ii was ‘con venient’ he calls “ oar attention to his (Gen Ham son’s) own admissions in 1826.’ I enter upon this part of the subject with great regret. The object of Mr. Colquitt here is, to prove that Gen. Harrison was by his own admission, “a zealolous,open and frank supporter of the Sedition law, and Black Cockade administration.” lain not going tospeak now to the question of fact. That is settled beyond controversy, by the testimony of Judge Burnett, who being himself a Federalist, and in habits of friendly intercourse with Gen. Harrison, has given the most direct and unequivocal testimony of the fact, that he was the uintorm supporter of what was called the Republican party, at tlie head of which was Mr. Jefferson. The knowledge deriv ed from such intercourse, could not deceive, and Judge Bin nett is incapable of deceiving. If Mr. Colquitt has not read lliat letter, I recommend its perusal. If he is unacquainted with Judge Bur nett, there are*many around him who will satisly him, that the Judge’s character for veracity, is as unquestioned as it is unquestionable. Meamime 1 present the following extract from the letter. Speak ing of this charge of Federalism against Gen Har rison, Judge Barnett says, “It has been asserted entirely at random, that he was a federalist of the black cockade order, in the time of the elder Adams. A more unfounded falsehood was never invented. My personal acquaintance with him commenced in 1796, under the administration of Washington. The intimacy between us was constant,and from lhal time nil he left Cincinnati, I was i.i the habit of arguing and disputing with him on political subjects. 1 was a federalist—honestly so, from principle, and adhered to the party till it dissolved, and its ele ments mingled with other parries formed ot differ ent principles. 1 can therefore speak on this point W:tb absolute certainty, and I affirm most solemnly, thatunder the adm m>tration of Washington, and the administration of the elder Adams, U ilitam Hen ry Harrison was a firm, consistent, unyielding re publican ot the Jefferson school. He advocated the tdeciton of Mr Jefferson, and warmly maintained hi* claims against Mr Adams.” But to Mr. Colquitt’s argument- -He refers to the second volume of Congressional debates to prove that Mr. Randolph charges Gen. Harrison, with he ing “an open, zealous and frank supporter of the Sedition laws, and black cockade administration,” which charghe says Gen. 11. admitted. In proof of which lie quotes a part of tit * reply, in w hich Gen. Harrison says .Mr. Randolph heard !*.im express sentiments favorable to the then administra tion, and adds” for 1 certainly felt them, so tar at least as the course pursued by it in re ution to the Government oj France ” This Mr. Colquitt says is an admission of the charge made by Mr. Ran dolph (fen Harrison in common with Gen. M ash ington, and the most distinguished patriots of that day, approved of the conduct of Mr. Adams’ ad minis!ration in relation to the government of France —and this .Mr. Colquitt says is an admission that he is a supporter of the Sedition laws, and of the Black cockade administration. Does he deceive himself when he resorts to such an argument?— But General Harrison was gudty ofthc inexplica ble sin of acknowledging that he fell the greatest respect for a revolutionary patriot, one w ho did not merely sittn, but nobly sustained the Declaration of our Independence, and who was then our Chief Executive Magistrate repelling the aggressions upon our rights, of Revolutionary France. He approved Mr Adams’ conduct in relation to that Government, and therefore was a zealous supporter of the Seth lion ln\v y qikl ins whole tidminisinilion- Is this Imr.* Can such an argument deceive any body ? hen the movements on our Canadian border threalentd a short lime since to involve us in difficulty with Great Britain, I, in common with many other oppo nents of the present administration, approved ot the conduct of .Mr Van Buren, and fret I y expressed my approbation. I pray 10 be protected troni the inter ence which, according to Mr. Colquirt s sysiem, ot logic, may be drawn from this face that I cm therefore, a zealous supporter of Mr. van hu ALG( STA. GA-, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 16, 1840. rem’.s administratioH sub-treasury abuse of patron -1 d * al 'a 8,,t >ir - Col q‘«tl in referring to Gen. I Hamson ■ admission, that he hail express.d an whlch n ue V h ° l ° Ms AdW admunstratiori, v. orrt ii h | a ' e SGPn Was to its conduct to- I wards Rerolut.onary France, omits to quote the | jo flowing sentence which immediately follows ir Aor was I unsupported in that opinion br those, who had a right to control my actions if not my opin ions. In no part of the country were those meas ures (relerrtng to the measures of Mr. Adarm’ ad ministration in relation to France, which he Gen Harmon had approved) more decidedly approbated than by my immediate constituents, as the address of that body to the I’resident during theses-ton will snow. Here in this sentence in the same speech from that which Mr. Colquitt quotes, Gen. Harri son says that the limited apptobation of .Mr. Adams’ administration which ne feft, and expressed, was in conformity to the expressed w ill of his ow n imme diate constituents. Why did Mr. Colquit omit this , s j’ ntenr ’ c ; I hat which immediately precedes, anJ | that which immediately follows it, are inserted I in las address. Standing by themselves, that may be misinterpreted, as Mr. Colquitt has prov v \ aken in connection with the sentence which he has omitted, the misinterpretation is corrected. 1 tuts taken the declaration of Gen Harrison amounts simply to this : I did express sentiments favorable to Mr. Adams’ administration, so far, at least, as io me course pursued by it, in relation to the govern ment of France—ami induing this 1 uttered the expressed opinions of my own immediate constiiu ei.ts. u 1 %i lli^ v ! eu ’ 13 uu&vorahle to the argument urged by Mr. Colquitt, and founded on lien. Gen Harri son s own admission, that which follows is more j Let . llis assertion he borne in mind, that Gen. Hamson m 1826, admitted that he was a supporter of the Law and black cockada admimstra turn. Io prove this, he quotes so much of Gen. Harrison s speech as be supp. osed liable to this in terpretation, omitting that which would have entire ly rc j u v e] , lL Those who will refer to the Uegts ter of Debates, will find at the print where Mr Colquitt s quotation ends, the following ; “ (To the question asked by Mr. Randolph, whe ther Mr. ii. recollected a conversation between Mr. Nicholas and himself m relation to the negroes and politics of Virginia, Mr. H. answerer)—] recollect it perfectly well, hut can this be adduced as an ,vi dence of my Java ring the Sedition Law? Mr. Nich olas was my relation and intimate friend ; the con versation was entirely jocular, and so considered by that gentleman at the time, and ever after. I will never said Mr. H. resort to any one to support an assertion of mine on a matter of fact. Bui if I choose to do so, the gentleman from Maryland, w ho sits opposite to me (General Smith) and who was the hi ot her-tn-la w of Mr. Nicholas, knows flic tin deviating friendship and support, which I received from Mr. Nicholas through his w hole political life. .Mr. Jefferson was at that time Vice President of the United States, and was upon the most intimate terms with Mr. Nicholas. He took his seat as Pres ident ot the Senate within fifteen minutes after the conversation had passed. If it had been considered in any other light by Mr. Nicholas than as a joke, Mr Jefferson would certainly have heard of it, and he would as certainly have withheld (those evi dences of his confidence, and regard wdiich I re ceived from him during the whole course of his sub sequent. administration. But sir, said Mr. H. my opposition to ihe Alien and Sedition Laws was so well known in the terntoi y, that a promise was ex torted from me by my friends in the Legislature , by which 1 was elected, that I would express no opinions in Philadelphia, which were in the least calculated to defeat the important objects with which I was ch irged. As I bad no vote, 1 was not ca led upon to express my sentiments in the House. The Re publican party were all in favor of the measures, 1 wished to have adopted. But the Federalists were the majority. Prudence therefore and ray duly to my constituents, rendered it proper that 1 should refrain from expressing sentiments which would in juriously affect their interests, and that if expressed could not have the least influence upon the deci sion of Congress.” Now remembering that Mr. Colquitt refers to this speech for the purpose of prov ing that Geu. Harrison by his own admission, was a supporter of the Sedition Laws, and of Mr. Ad ams' administration, how does he justify himself in the omisson to quote those parts of it, in which Gen. Harrison den es ihe charge, and not only as serts his opposilion to ihe Alien and Sedotion Laws the prominent measures of Mr. Adams’ adrninis traiion,but more over declares that, this opposit'on on liis part Was soJvveJl known to his constituents as to induce them to exact from him a promise that he would not injure them by the expression of his opin ions in Congress where the friends of Mr Adams bad majority. In the face of these declarations, which ore contained in tnis same speech to which Mr. Colquitt has referred could he have ventured to say that Gen Harrison has admitted himself to have been an advocate of the Sedition Laws and of Mr. Adams’administration ? Most certainly nit. Did he then overlook the concluding part of the speech, that which follows after ilie question put by Mr. Randolpn ? I trust so—and will ih -relore dismiss this part of the address with the expression of the dvppe that in the spirit of that singleness of heart, and sincerity of purpose which Mr. Colquitt has endeavored to bring to the discussion of this sub ject, he will not only cease to urge upon others, but will pause himself in adopting conclusions which are not morely not sustained but which are rafut ed by' the very references which he makes to sup port them. Thus far .Mr. Colquitt is evidently at fault in his attempts to fasten the charge ot Federalism on Gen. Harri-on. His references to the Panama question, and to the administration of the younger Adams, are equally futile and may be more briefly disposed of. If Mr. Colquitt withholds his support from Gen. Harrison in consequence of his vote on the Panama question, he will he equally embarrassed in bis new association. The present Vice President with whom he is about to ally himself, voted on that question with G®u. Harrison, though unlike him, he joined with the opposition in the effort to defeat it, by voting with them on all the preliminary ques tions, but ranged himself under the standard of the administration on the final vote, as the Executive Journal will prove. As to the administration of the younger Adams, it is known that before he came to the Executive chair, he had quarrelled with, and as they said, be trayed his le-!eral friends, lhal, he had made his peace with Mr. Jefferson—had been appointed Minister to England by Mr. Madison, was the Sec retary of Stale of Mr. Monroe, and that he placed at Ihe head of his own cabinet the great champion ot the Republican party in its strife with Federal ism. The truth is, the administration of Mr. John Quincy' Adams, like his mind, was ot theconiposhe order, a medley of parties, and was supported and opposed indiscriminately by all- Nothing is is to inferred therefjie in proof of General Harrison’s federalism from his support of that Administration. It was probably owing to the belief that Mr City would give tone to its measures. That gentleman had long been the champion of the Republican party, the supporter of Mr. Jefferson and Mr Madi son. Between him and Gen. Harrison there had been an early and continued community of political opinion, and of private feeling, and to tins cause the younger Adams was indebted for the support which his administration received from General Hamson. Mr. Colquitt’s next evidence of the Federalism of Gen. Harrison is his approval of the prorlaraa.ion issued by Gen. Jacsson. On this subject, ibere can, with the Stale Right’s Party of Georgia, he no paltering. For one, I would not yield my opinion of this measure, to effect the election of Gen. Har rison to the Presidency ot the I nited States, as highly important to the interest and prosperity ot the Union, as I consider it to be. If Gen. Harrison entertains iho opinion exrcssed by him in his Che viot speech, I differ with him ioto ccelo, but 1 do not believe it. The prophecies of an anonymous wri ter have little claim to public confidence, an t yet 1 will venture to predict, that “ the sober second thought ” on which Mr. Van Buren so much relies, will induce Gen. Harrison to recall the approbation expressed on that festive occasion, it he has not al ready done so. At present, however, we must deal -with facts as they now appear. Giving then to Mr. Colquitt, the full benefit of his quotation.*! in vite hit attention, and that of the reader, to the fol lowing considerations. This Proclamation was issued by Gea. Jacison, ot a moment when Mr i Van Buren was the man of his counsels. If it did not originate will, him. it received his cordial c«n -IIV r. | U rta - 1 or *?‘ n * s *° be found in Die dead v houihty of Gen. Jackson to Mr. Calhoun, in wtucb f- e, »n ts Mr Van Buren cordially ayro; a thiz d with his “ illustrious predecessor.” The I nion party of Georgia, those with w hom Mr. Cos quitl is on account of Gen. Harnw.n * approval of 1 i'\lJ V^nT’ 011 abom lo unite in the support hr-ir-t. ni ii ° ren *- ' vere 80 * ar from taking urn hra = e ,t this act of despotic power, that ihev~iom eo m the exuiimg shoot which emanating from ,n e | ,BIC Chamber, was reechoed by the w hole rank and file of the party 'Fhe Pro clamation notwithstanding, tliev continued to he the devoted supporters of Gen. Jackson, u ; , to the moment of his retirement to the Hermitage. \VI«m m obedience to his mandate his mamb was cast upon ihe present incumbent, who was lot »nd part in i.io original conct>ciiou of this measure, and piecged to tread in the footsteps of hi* predecessor, tuey gave in their adhesion to him Still M» Col quilt declares his deierminaitou to unite with the Union panv in support of Mr. Van Burvn. He refuses to act wiih his political associates who are rallying around Harrison, because he has expicssed an opinion favorable to the Proclamation—and throws himself into the arms of his political oppo nents, to unite with them in the support of ont of the original contrivers of that very measure. Os sneb a course, under the influence oi such motives, I ran say truly, non toh idem, in video, set I miror mngis Buch, in relation to this Proclamation, has been the course of the party with w bieh Mr. Colqmtt is about to unite. J Hat from which he is separating himself, has not lietn without its own difficulties, i lie hostility of the State Rights partv of Georgia to the Proclamation of Gen. Jackson, is abiding, universal and uncompromising. Mr. Colquitt can not express bis own leehngs in relation to it, too strongly, to find a cordial response in the bosom oi every State Righis’ man. He certainly finds it in mine. If that party could see among tks candidates for the Presidential chair, one w ho would faithfully carry out their principles of State Sovereignty, they would fly to his standard with all the enthusiasm of their revolutionary sires. That is indeed a con summation devoutly to he wished, but for which they have hitherto looked in vain What then— must they therefore disfranchise themselves !—fore go their rights as American citizens, and leave the Republic a prey to the spoilers ? EVERY CON SIDERATION OF PATRIOTISM FOBIDS IT. It vve may not infuse into the Administration of the Federal Government, our own peculiar principles ot -Mate Sovereignty, let us still strive to liave it ad mimstered by honest men. If we cannot proclaim from the Capitol at Washington the eov reiguty ot the States,, let us at least unite with, those who are hkemind-d with ourselves, in cleansing the Au gean stable. Il vve cannot obtain all which we desire by the election of (4en. Harrison, it would still bo unwise to-refuse the good which is within our reach. VV e can by united efforts secure an honest administration of the Executive power. We can stop the abuse of Executive patronage. We can slay' the waste of the public treasure We can restore public confidence. We can re-establish ihe cr dit of the naiion at home and abroad. We can put an end to an incessant tinkering with the cur rency, which operates a heavier tax upon each of us, than would suffice in the aggregate for the libe ral support of th« Government, properly adminis tered. W n can purge the National Councils, and restore io the halls of Legislation that spirit of de corum without which the high powers delegated by the people to llien Representatives, are incessantly liable to abuse. Finally, we can pcactisallv assert THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE TO SELECT THEIR OWN CHIEF MAGISTRATE, IN OP POSITION TO THAT EX.E XTiVE DICTA TION, by which martin van buren WAS FOISTED INTO THE PRESIDENTIAL CHAIR, ALL UNWORTHY AND UNFIT AS HE WAS. AND IS, TO BE THE RULER Os A FREE PEOPLE. We can do all[this and mure if we are true to ourselves in the approaching Presidential contest; and we ran do it, as I will he easter shew under ihe lughest and most solemn guarantees for the preservation of our ow n peculiar inatitutious. Shall we refuse tne accomplishment of all these desirable objects, because Gen. Harri son may differ from ns on a question of povvei, be tween the Slates and the ronJederacy w hich will not in all human probability again, arise until we are all slumbering in our graves T And for what ? To promote the re-election of a man who has brought countless evils upon the country —who unlike Gen. Harrison in all that we desire, concur red with him in this very doctrine of federal supre macy which we abhor. The Suite Right’s pany of Georgia have not heretofore so thought or acted. At the last Presidential election when the suffer ings of the country were but a tithe of those which we now endure, we gave a cordial, united support to the venrrable Judge While, differing from him as we did on this important question of Constiiu tional power —under the influence of the considera tions which I am now urging, and with far less faborahle prospects of success, we gave the vote of Georgia to Die Senator trom Tennessee. Whore then were the scruples which have driven Mr. Col quitt from his | arty now ? And how docs he re concile his acquiescence in the support of Judge White who had v«ted tor the Force BiU, with his refusal to vote for General Harrison, who at the most has merely ns an individual citizen expressed an opinion in favor ot the Proclamation, and when 100 there is reason u> doubt if lhal opinion be still entertained by him T Let it ever be borne in tnitad, that the State Rights’ party, in the present crisis oi our affairs, are called to decide, not merDy whether they will support Gen. Harrison, but wheiher by refusing to support him, they will indirectly, but practically and efficiently support Mr. Van Buren. They can not if I hey will, be neutral in this contest. If they abstain from voting—it they throw away iheir votes -if they do not immediately rally to the support of Gen Harrisou, the Electoral 'Picket of the Admin istration party will prevail, and the vote ot Georgia will be given to Mr- Van Buren. If they rally as a party in favor of General Harrison, it is already abundantly evident that many ofour Union fellow cinzans disgusted with the measures of the Adminis tration, will flock to the standard, State Rights ’men who are ready like Mr. Colquitt to vote for Mr Van Buren, will of course reject < en. Harrison But, if with a more eorreet view of their own best interests, both as individuals, and as a party--if in the exercise of a sounder judgment upon passing events, and above all with a more accurate knowJJ ledge of facts than Mr. Colquitt has given to them in Ins address, they cannot bring themselves to take the nauseous draught, which he has already quaff ed, then let them come to the rescue, inscribing on their banner Harrison and Reform. ihe next subject presented by Mr. Colquitt to the consideration of the Btate Riglfis’ puny and people of Georgia, is that of Abolition, a fruitful theme, and one which with the except ion of Execu tive patronage has afforded more political capital to Mr. Van Buren than every thing eke besides. Mr Colqu.t! maintains that Gen. Harrison is aa Aboli tionist. that he is tlie candidate of those fanatics, and that if elected to the Presidency he would fa vor th* ir views. To support these charges, Mr. Colquitt raters to calumnies often refuted, as to make it almost a waste of tune to repeat the refutation. It would be inexcus . hie, except to enable the public now, and Mr.Colquitt himself hereafter, properly to es timate the spirit in which his address is written.— He makes assumptions which are merely gratu itous, and sustains his position by arguments so fteble, that to state, is to refute them. Reasserts that “ it is tne blindnessofstupidity.ortlie madness of party, for any man to doubt” that Gen Harri son was nominated for the purpose ol obtaining abolition vote*. 1 pray my ancient associate to recall this expression. I am neither blinded by stupidity, nor maddened by party, and yet I doubt. IJo more—Exercising the right ol freemen, that of judging for myself, I disbelieve- If the fact which is here asserted, were true,w hich is not. would it prove that General Harrison was an ab olitionist? If that hand of fanatics, irritated ty the exposure ot ibeir iniquitous schemes which had been recently made by Mr. Clay, in his able a'ga ment in the Senate of the United State* were more itiflimed against him than against Gen. Hamson w hose denunciations were more ancient and less fresh tn their recollection—and of those who sought to rescue the government from the misrule of Mr. Van Buren, calculating upon this state of feeling had been influenced by it to select General Harri son as their cancfida’e, would this have made h:m an nho.Rtonisi f Pursue this idea lunher. >uppo*e General Harrison should rece.ve the \ote« ofa por tion ot the abolitionists— v we know that he cannot rescue their united vote, fur a pan of them instsis upon nominating their own candidate, while aec ther portion supports Mr. Van Buren)—-uppose cn Harrison should receive* number greater or le.-s of a. olnion votes, would this maK > him an nh- ’ olitioniat 1 When in 1824. Mr. Colquitt’* political 1 opponents and mine supported Gen. Jackson in op position to William H. Crawford, «!<k>B Mr Col quitt believe they were more influenced. (I mean 'hose who reguia ei the movements of the partv by attachment to *tcn. Jackson, or by enmity to M r. Craw ford Mr. ( olquitt has aa extensive cornier lioti, a large circle ol friends, some of whom have differed with him in relation to the local politics <>t the State. If these under the influence of whatever motive, had sustained him in the Congreosional can vass, would it have shaken hta Btate Rights’ prin ciples If ven now as the tew anl of lu-i secession at a moment soopponune to the administration [.arty in Georg;a, w hen ear h man ts ready to cry out “ help (. assius or I sink, if they should (most unexpected ly to Mrt ( olquiit) put h>s name on their Conures- ; sionnl ticket, and in good faith give him their votes, would he theiehy become n subnisstonisi—the j miserable craven he has so often denounced, who I knows no rightful remedy beyond petition and tie ballot box torihe violation of his constitutional rights’ Mr. ( olquitt w ill see, and it in his present slice of feeding he cannot, th? State R phts’ I’arty will see that such arguments are too weak to avail j with any man, who was not more than halt con vinced already. Bui our worthy representative is wholly at fault in relation to the motives of this pre ference ol (ion. Harrison to Mr. Clay by the Con ventional Harrisburg. It w ill be difficult for him, wiih all lii.s advantages of position, in running over the catalogue of American Statesmen, to se lect any two individuals equally distinguished on the theatre of political life, between whom there has been throughout their whole course a greater community of feeling and of opinion, than between Mr Clay and Gen. Harrison. To either of them, the Convention at Harrisburg would w illingly have confided the Execvttve Chair. The motive for (he preference of (foil. Hamson is Uj he found :n their belief, that his popularity with the nation was great er than that of Mr. Clay—that while he would re ceive in the Northern, Eastern and Middle States all Die votes which would have been given to .Mr. (’lay, his commanding popularity in the West, which had been the scene of his military and civil services.would, and it atone could counterbalance the influence of Col. Johnson. Ido nut think that we of the South were taken into the calculation of the opponents of the administration, who were as serr.hied at Harrisburg. It was believed that we were either devoted to Mr. Van Buren, or so entire ly r w rapped up in Mr Calhoun and his phantasies,as to make it hopeless that cither (son. Harrison or Mr. Ci ty would receive suppport from us. That they were right in their judgment of tin Northern, Eas tern and Middle States is already evident, and the tidings which are borne to u» upon every breeze from the West, of Gen. llairison’s triumphant pro gress in the affections of Die people there, attest the correctness of their decision in relation to that sec tion of the Union. If they erred as it is now man ifest they did in their calculation concerning the Souih k-; us not therefore question their intelligence. The revolution in public opinion and feeling which has been accomplished here, even at the moment in which I write, both in its extent and the rapidity w ith which it has been effected, is unexampled in the annals of poliiical history'. It could not have been anticipated by them—since now that it has oc curred, it so thotoughly surprises us. 1 am compelled to take up the charges of Mr. Col quitt somewhat out if their order. This results from the fact that thearrangtment of them is unmethodi cal, manifesting the excitement under which they were penned. 1 pas i then to tfie allegation Dial Gen. Harrison is an abolitionist founded on the slafement that he was a member of au Abolition So ciety in Richmond at the age of eighteen. As Gen. Harrison was born in 1773, this must of course have been in 1791. Now, 1 ask Mr. Colquitt if he does not know that abolition societies are of recent, es tablishment in the United Slates—that they have grown up since the South Hampton insurrection in Virginia, within the last few years—if he was not perfectly aware when he penned this address, that the society here spoken ot was “ The Humane So ciety of Richmond, r ami that its object was the ab olition nolot Slavery bin of th'j slave trade, the im portation of slaves from Africa. If he did not know these fads, which have been promulgated riiruugh oiU the Union, he is obviously u quiufi d for the office of an instructor. It he did prefer Das cl arge against Gen. Harrison, knowing the facts which 1 have staled—but I will not permit myself to indulge such a supposition,or to state the conclusion to which it would necessarily lead. 1 content rnyselt with the notoriety of the fact, that the charge is utierly groundless—Mr. Colquitt still insists that Gen. Har rison is an abolitionist, and in proof of it he gives extracts from 'The Liberator, The Emancipator, and The Ijeroy Gazette, abolition papers Ihe two first ot these express the exultation of the editors in consequence of the failure of Mr Clay to obtain the nomination of the Harrisburg Convention, but they do not manifest the slightest approbation ol the nomination of Gen. Harrison. If Mr Colquitt had not been so very unfortunate on this, as on va rious other occasions, some of which have been al ready noted,ns to meet only what served the pur pose of his argument against Gen. Harrison, he could have told us that the editor of one of these same papers, The Emancipator, is as much dissatisfied with the nomination of Gen- Harrison, as he was pleased with the rejection of Mr. Clay, and that he manifests a decided preference for Mr. Van Buren f ask live perusal ol the following extracts which Mr. Colquitt, has overlooked. Extract from the Emancipator. “Gf.n. Harrison.— Many have supposed that it might bo expedient for the Executive Committee to interrogate (son Harrison, now that ho is the re cognized candidate for the Presidency, with some prospect of election, to learn his views with res pect to Die abolition of slavery. But w here is the use? Il is true we rejoice in the rejection of Hen ry Clay, because he is a slaveholder, and defender of slavery,Gen. Harrison we know is not a slave holder. Neither is Mr. Van Buren. Hut no one thinks it necessary to interrogate Mr. Van Buren. Why? Because his principles are known to bvin favor of the Slave Bower. But are tliose of (son. Harrison any less so ? He is the man of his party, and ihat pany have shown the absoluteness «>1 their subserviency by nominating a slaveholder, a pecu liarly higutted devotee of slavery on the same ticket with General Harrison, and now by electing a nul lifying slaveholder, from slave breeding Virginia lor Speaker. But wo submit, farther tliat Gen. Harrison’s prin ciples are already well known by his deeds, of watch we find Die follow ing summary in the Ro chester Freemm : In December, 1802 while Governor of Indiana Territory, he was president of a Convention of the people of lhal Territory, held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Congress a memorial of the conven tion,praying that the sixth article of the “Ordinance of ‘87,” which prohibiting slavery there, rnmht be suspended. (S«? Am Bate Papers, 1803.) H;s ef forts to make Indiana a slave State were prosecuted for years while he was Governor of that State. In 1819, Feb. 15. Gen. Harrison voted as a mem ber ot the House ot Representatives, against a clause prohibiting the further introduction of sla very' in Missouri: and against a clause lor lurther emancipation (at 25) of slave* born within that f tale. Two days afterwards he voted against a clause prohibiting the further introduction of slavery into Arkansas, and against the further emancipation of slaves bom in Arkansas. So basely did lie bow to slavery, that even Ohio was shocked. He was indignantly rejected at the next Congressional election m 1922 The National Intelligencer of Oct. 20, 1822, says: a lt is confirm ed to us that Mr. GatMy is elected in opposition to Gen. Harrison A friend informs us which vve are sorry to leam, that he was opposed particu arly on account of his au Iterance to lhal principle wt the Constitution which secures to the people ol the South their pre existing rights.” R seems then that Gen. Harrison claimed for the South the right to fasten slavery upon any soil which the nation might have or purchase He ha* had but little opportunity to act m a public capacity upon the subject ol slavery since VOL. 4,-No. 143. that time; hut an nddres* Irom his political friends ta Virginia, tn 1836, says, “ he is sound tJ the core on the subject ol slavery ” Here then we have two abolition papers, the Lmancipoior and I he Rochester Freeman, opposing Harrison's election. Hear the s«nu> paper further “It is true that Gen. Harrison's pi'n-inal demons tration are ipsa recent than .Mr. Van Hurens But they are much stronger, for Mr. Van Buren helped to send Kulu> King to the United '■hates Senate to oppose slavery in .Missouri, and has never attempt ed to extent! slavery to regions w here it was already abolished. And further the demonstration of the H arrisoa party are more recent thatt those of the other. And it it is said that we should give the old Genera I a chance to repent of his pio-slavery, we reply that it belongs to the man who repents to ex hibit his own repentance Certainly there are no circumstances in the case which warrant the slight est presumption in favor of Ins repentance. Let turn or his friends it they choose, show w herein (ns views differ from Uis action* in 180“ and 1810, and 1836 ” When .Mr Colquitt was quoting from Abolition papers to inform us, the people of Georgia, of the views of the hand of fanatics in relation to General Hainson, was it right to withhold from us the ex tracts which you have just read ’ or must we again res>*rt to the conclusion that our worthy represeuta live was himsell ignorant of i lie facts which were necessary to the proper decision of a question, on w hich he undertook to instruct ns. Again, I ask—Hoes Mr. Colquitt know,or has he at any lime heard of The Cayuga Tocsin, a regular an Buren abolition paper ’ l>oes he know \V .O. Duvall, a leading abolitionist devoted to the cause of Mr. \an Buren? lbs* he read his leiter to the editors ol that paper,dated I'ort Byron, 4ih montli, T, 18l0,in which he denounces the speech ot Slade, ot Vermont* (though an abolitionist and in favor of the light ol petition,) as a foul conspiracy lietween ‘*lhe slave holding Whigs of the South, and the office-seeking abohtiunis.s of the .North,” an<l speaks of Gen. Harrison as “the slave holder’s tool /” Still Mr. Colquiit insists that Gen. Harrison ought not to he supported by the South, because Whig mem bers of Congress present abolition petitions, and sustain their right to have them received and acted upon. He has taken the trouble to count the num ber of lhes« petitions which were presented by Whigs in Congret**, from Slates in which they did noi reside, ami finds that they amounted to 1317, while the Democrats ptrsoiued on'y seven. I do not know, and have not just now the means ol in forming myseif which Mr. Colquut has, but he enn tell us, how many ofthe.se 13 J petitions were pre sented by that eccentric gentleman, Mr. John Quincy Adams If Mr Colquitt had given us this information, 1 apprehend the re naming number would have been so small as not to have involved many of I lie Whig members ol Congress in tho crime which he thus charges against tnem in mass. Os M r Adams’ position in relation to the Prcs den tial canvass, 1 know nothing. If 1 understood it now, 1 should not he aide to predict what it would be m November. 1 could not lorsee how it would st md the summer heats There were conjectures ot his disposition to give in jus adhesion to Gen. Jackson at the lime of Mr. Hivis’ election to tho Senate oft he United States, and if he should com plete the mosaic ol the Administration party hy a present accession to it, it would ceituinly surprise some of us at the South much le>s, than the similar movement bl a distinguished Southron, who we once hoped would oe alike without fear, and with out reproaclu I protest, therelore, against General 11 arrison’s lieiiig held responsible ti»r fits eccen tricities. Asa member ot Cungjres, the General sup ported the prominent imasures of his administra tion, without imbibing his notion*. He will not be likely to do so, when their positions are reversed But more gravely. A baud ot fanatics at the North are waging a ruthless war against our pecu liar domestic institutions. One ot their means of warfare is the presentment of petitions to Congress. Some of the Northern Whig members of that body present these petitions and maint nn the right of the petitioners lo have them acted on hy the Na tional Legislature A great maj >nty of these mem bers avow their willingness to unite in a report that the prayers of these petitioners ought not to be granted, but contend that the right to petition is secured by tho Constitution, and cannot he with held by Congress. Now I have no hesitation to declare not merely as a Southern man and as a slave holder, but ns a citizen of the 1 i.iteJ States, look ing to the requirements of the Constitution, that ihis assertion ol the right of petition in behalf of tlu so fanatics, is as wild a phrenzy as ever was exhibited in the halls of Legislation, and 1 venture to say ami think I can prove that such is the opinion of (ien. Harrison. Bui before pi feeding farther in rny remarks on this part of the address, let us pul. ourselves in possession ol Gen. Harrison’s views m relation tot less people and lo ihe oowers of Con gr ss over the subject of slavery. He has spoken freely, and acted decisively. Let ns endeavor to understand him, as Mr. Colquitt’s object is to make the conduct of these NV big members of Congress hear upon the question of Ids election to the Presi dency. Un the 4ibot Ally, 1833, at Cheviot, in Ohio be fore an. audience composed almost entirely of men opposed to slavery, and many oft hem Abol tionisls, he gave utterance to the following patriotic and no ble sentime its ; “■ There i*» however, a subject now beginning to agi ale them, (the Southern Stales,) in relation to which if their alarm has any foundation, the rela tive situation in which they may stand to soma of the States, will be the very reverse of what it now is. I allude to u supposed disposition in some in dividuals in the iion-slavehufding stales to interfere with the slave population of ihe other States, for he purpose o( t >rcing their cimuripotion. Ido not call your attention to tuts subject, fellow-citizens, from ihe apprehension that there is a man amongst you who will lend his aid to a project so pregnant with mischief; and still less that there is n Biuie in the Union which could he bro’t to give it counten ance. But such are the feelings of oar Southern brethren upon this subject—such their views, and just v ewsof (he evils which an interference of thin kind would bring upon them, that long before it would reach the point ot receiving the sanction of Slates, the evil of I lie attempt would he consum mated ,|a» far as we arc concerned, by adtssoluiioa of the Union. If there is any principle of tho Con stitution of the United Slates icss disputable than an other, it is, that the slave population is under the ex ’LUSive control, ot the States which pos sess them. If there is any measure likely to rivet the chains, and blast the prospects of tbo negroes for emancipation, it is the interference of unauthor ized persons. Can any one, who is acquainted with the operations of the human mind, doubt this ? We have seen how restive our Southern orelhrcn have been from a suppose*! violation of their politi cal rights What must he the consequence of an acknowledged violation of these rights, 'tor every man of sense must admit it to he so,) conjoined vviih an insulting interference with their domestic concerns ? “ I will not stop to inquire into the motives of those vho are engaged in Hus jatul and unconstitutional project. There may be some who hare embarked in it without properly considt ring its consequences. and who are a touted hy benevolent and virtuous princi ples. But , if such there are. lam very cert tin that should they continue their present course, their jel low citizens will, ere long , corse the virtues uhndi have undone their country. - Slmiild I be asked u. there no way by which the General Government can aid (because ot eiaan cpaiioß, I answer that it has long been an oh.ect near n>J heart, lo sec the w hole of its surplus reve nue appropriated to that object. W ith the sanction 0 f ihe States fmiding the slaves, there appear, to me ti be no constitutional objection to Us being thus applied , embracing not only the colonization of those tliat may lie otherwise heed, hut the pur chase of the freedom of others. By a zealous pro secution of a plan formed upon tliat basis, we might look forward lo a day, not very distant, when a North Auiertsan sun would not look down upon a slave To those who have rejected the plan of colonization, 1 would ask U they have well weighed the consequences of ( mancipation without it ? How long would the emancipated negroes remain satisfied with that? Would any of tho Southern Slates then (the negroes anue4 and organized; bo able to resist their claims >o a participation in all their political rights ! V% ould it even slop there Would they not claim admittance to ail the s ,c;al rights anu privileges of a community in which, iu