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•ome instance*, they would compos:-!' ibe majority Let those who take pleasure in the c :i« sunt pialion of such scenes as roust inevitably f*»lkm, finish out the picture. % / ‘ b u Jf lam correct in the principle here advanced, I repeat my assertion, th it ■ scuw'so'i of the sub ject of emancipation in the non 'ilaoghetding State* is equally iyuruus to ' he slices and 'heir m isters. ana that it has no sanction in the principles of the Constitution. I roust nut be un-J:tis:ood to say, that there is any thing in that imirurnent which prohibits such a di*cii.»sion- 1 kivifv there is not. But the man who believer that the c-»aira« which his fellow-citizens have upon him are; satisfied oy adhering to the letter ot the poim al compact that connects them, must have a very .ruperect know ledge of the principles upon which our glorious Union was formed, and by which alone it can be maintained.’ The following extract ot a letter Iro n an intimate friend of Cun Hatrison, places his conduct on liiat occasion in a sinking point ul v eiv : “ but hu speech at tAeviot affords still stronger proof on this point. It was delivered, you will re collect, on the 4ih of July ; it was delivered 100 before the very men w ho hod opposed him because of his slavery v tews. Surely, then, he would not now touch this dangerous topic, j The occasion did n >1 require ir ; the occasion, indeed, would hardlv justuy it ilesid-.*, tn stm the first oppor tunity win U di? Gen rai ha. enjov fi since t*l'i of adcresiing the people ; and how eaa/ hi a natu ral it wou d have been, to improve it for his own ends: to seek, by talking of Old lime*, ot his feass of arms, and the giotious West, Ip kindle af.esh those friendly faehop which once l/yrned strongly in his favor ' VS ny not so embrace |t I—V\ 1 —V\ hy, at any rate, discuss a subject which clas full oi ex citement, which might rouse against, him passions that were even then only slumbenrg, wtnch had before, and on that very spot, manped his political pros; ects ? He did it, it is evident,! because a fuul spirit wa- about him, which it’ alloiwed t > spread, would peril ail rhat was noble in the land ; and he forgot himsei t, arid ihonghl only ol hi* countiv, in the effort to destroy that spirit ” j Afterward-, in a speech at Vmcjrnnes, in 1835, he user! ihe following language upon! his sabiect: “ I have now, f’-iiow - citizens, a fif x\ worda more to say on another end w- lech is in my opiriion, of more importance than any other that is now in the course of discussion iamf part of the Union. I allude to the societies w:;.,.'!i hive been firmed, and ihe movements of cericin individuals, in some of the c talcs, in relation to 6. portion of the populaii >n in others. The conducted these persons is ihe more dangerous,because theuf object is mask ed'undcrthe garb of di-interestedml*,; and benevo lence, and ttieir course vindicated pv argurnenia and propositions which in the abstain no one can deny. Hwt however fascinating nja:y be tire dress with which their schemes are printed to their fellow with whatever purity ot intention they may have been formed and ijystained, ihey will be found to cany in their train fluschiet to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which if is probable, some of the £r- jectors, and many of their supporters, have neiiyir thought of; the latter, the first in ihe senes of (fi.fi!s which are to spring from their source, are stich as you have read of, to have been perpetrated cud. ie lair plains of Jia I y and Gaul by the Scythian jui-rdes of Attila and Aiaric ; and such as most c-f ytprapprehended, upon that memorable night when *ih«? tomahawks and war clubs of the followers ol Tecumseh were rattling in your suburbs. I regard ridt the disavow als of any such intention upon the; pe rt of ihe au thors of ihese schemes, since upon ;fie examination of the publications which have bsderi made,they will he found to contain the very nets, and very arguments, w hich would have been;used, if such had bevn iheir object. I arn rerUifi that there is not in tl is assembly, one of those deluded men, and that there are few within the bounds of the >tare. If there are any, I would earnestly e ireat them to forbear; to pause in their career, ari l deliberately consider ihe consequence of their;i yonduct to the whole Union, and to those for whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will he the victims of the weak, injudicious, presumptuous, xinrihistilu ton al efforts to serve them, a thorough eza.ninado-i of the subject must convince them. Ihii; (struggle and struggle there must be,; may coraraei. : .fe with hor rors such as I have described, but it; will end with more firmly rivetting the chains, or in the utter ex tirpation of those whose cause tney -idvocaie. “Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, i\% applying the terms weak, presumptuous, and uiu.'i-.i iututional, to the measures of the emancipators f A sagbl ex amination will, I think, show iltailiyam not. l a vindication or" the objects of a <Jchii sruion which was lately ln-ld in one of the low nAuf Unto, which I saw in a newspaper, it was aarijl- t at nothing more was minded than to prod .(c ii state of pub lic feeling w htch would lead to an. amendment of the Constitution, authorizing the alj> ; itiun of slav er}- in the United Stales. Now, Vyn nn amend ment of the Contsituiion be effected; without the consent of the Southern states ? j'-Cliat, then, is the proposition to be submitted -<i them ? It is this. ‘7 he present provisions of r.|iie Constitution secure to you the right a which you held be fore it was marie, which you have never given up,) to manage your own domestic conchas in your own way; bui a- we are convinced i liiat you do not manage thenr. pioperly, we want ydjq to put in the hands ol the General Government:,!m thecrjuncils of which we have ihe majority, the control over these matters, the effect of winch will be virtually to transfr the power from yours i&to our hands.” “Agr.n: in some of the States, and in sections of otte rs, the black population fat exceeds that of the while. Some ol the emancipators propose an immediate abiKdaS What is the proposition then, as regards these States and parts oi States, but the alternatives of amalgamation war tlfe blacks, or an exchange of s.tuati.ms uiin then * Is there any man ot common sense, who doe* it jot believe that the emancipated blacks, i emg a iajsjority, will in sist upon a full participation of pohjical rights with the whites; 'nd when possessed-bf these, ihey will not contend for a lull shar* of social rights also? What but the exiremil) of weakness and lolly could induce any one to thins: that such pro positions as these could be listeugkj to by a people so intelligent as the Southern S jit<;s? Further: the emancipators generally decia.id that it is their mien ton to effect their obj ct (a!<jsough their acts contradict the assertion; hy no olKci aieatiS than by convincing the sla.ehuiders that ; 1 ike irarnediiie emancipation of the slaves is imed for, both by moral übiigition and sound policy,. AnunfleigeJ youth at the moment of b avingi j ndeed in many instances, before he has left ii) hiai l ieological semi nary, undertakes to give ieciu es? upon morals to the countrymen of W ythe, Tuckefi Pendleton, and Lowndes: and lessons of political Wisdom toSiatcs, whose affairs have so recently bjen dire led by JefferM>o and Madison, Macon a;*i; Cra vfbrd. Is it possib'e that instances of greater, vinity and pre sumptv n could hi exhibitd ? JJif.t'he course pur sued by the emaucip tors is 1 do not say that there are any vvotds ihjfhe Constitution which forbid the discussions theyafire engaged in; I know that tlit re are not. And ;■there is even an article which secures to the ntdijms the right to express and publish tiieic (qdnioap{without res'ric tion. But in the const ruction 01-it-he Con-tituuon it is always necessary to refer to l ike circumstances under which it was framed, a ms: to a.scenain its meaning by a comparison of it,|<provisions wan each oilier, and with the previocij{situation of the several States who were parties tnllil. In a portion of these, hla very was recognized: t and they rook care to have the mht secured t...» st lera, to fi How and reclaim such ol them as werelf hgi lives to other Slates. Ti e laws of Congress vkvtsed under this power, have provided punishmen.jio any who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise of qhis right. Now, can any one believe thit the instrument, which contains a provison of this kind vvaich autliunzes a master to pursue feis slave blip another State, lake him back,and provides a pijtdHiUment sot any citizen or citizens of that State ulfo should oppose him, should at th • same tune a ujhonze the laiter to assemble together, to pass resf-taviona and adopt addresses, not only to encourage Jhe slaves to leave their masters, but to cut their throats before they do so ? : - i “I insist that, if tlie citizens-:;f the non-slave holding States can avail themself of the article of the constitution which prohibits! the restriction of speech or the press, to publish eAiy thing injurious to the rights of the slaveholde r-hates, that they can go to the extreme I have mentioned, and effect any thing further which writing pi- speaking could effect. But lellow citizens, tlies-e are not tlse prin ciples of the Consthuliori. Suchi a construction would defeat one of the great: o;bjeclß of its for mation, which was that, ot securing the peace and harmony ol the States which wiei'e parties to it The liberty of speech and of th:t|press was given as the most effsctu il means to pres luxe to each and every citizen th-tr own rights, atfiaj to the Stales the rights which appertained to th|sU at the time of their adoption. It c uld nevertUa-ve been expected that it would be used by the citnltrn of one portion of the. S a’esfur the purpose of p<rpriving those of another portion of the rights xvhifi they had nserv ed at the adoption oj the coristituf i jn, and tn the ex ercise of which, none but themselves have any concern or interest. If slavery is an evil, Ufa tvil is with them. If there is in it guilt, the guilt is theirs not ours, since neither the States where it does nc* exist , nor the go- comment of the United States, can without usurpa tion of power, and the violation of a solemn com pact, do any thing to remove it w ithout the consent of those who are immediately interested. Bui they wdl ; neither ask for aid, nor consent to he aided, whilst \ the illegal, persecuting, and dangerous movements ! are in prosrress, of wtnch F complain: th* interest of all concerned requires that the*e should be stop ped imraedia eiy. This can only be done by the force of pnbhc opinion, and that cannot too soon be brought into op-ration. Every movement w hich ts 1 made by the abolitionists in the non siaveboldmg j States, is viewed by our Southern breihren as an attack upon tb« ir nahts, and which, if persisted in. most in the c.nd eradicate those feelings of attach ment and affection, between the ettiz-ns or a.I the States, which was procured by a community ol in terest and dangers in the war of the Revolution, wntch was the foundation of our happy Union, ar.d hv a continuance of which it can ai<>ne be preserved I ei.treat you then, to frow n upon the measure? 1 which are:o produce retu ts so much to be depre cated. The opinions which I have now given, I have omtrred no opportunity for the last two years lo lay before ihe people ot ray own State. I have taken the liberty to express them here know ing that if even they should untbrumatelv not accord w ith vours, they wold be kindly received. Gen. Har tson's view* inrelati»n to abolition and the [tower of Congress, over slavery are now before us, and each man can judge for himself whether j , Mr Colquitt is or wrong tn the conclusion to which he urges us to come —whether a man who tas so spoken and so acted as Geu. Harrison has done can as President of the f nited States, minis- ' te< to the views (*f the abolitionists ? 1-et us bear in mind that he was announced as a candidate 'or j tor the Presidency in 1835, and that he was before the people and voted for in that office in 153 c-. Then , let us remember h's efforts in Indiana as early as j | 18d2, continued while he remained ihe Governor of j that term try, lu procure the tepeil of ifee ordinance ! which prohibited the intro faction of slaves there, ' and that in 1320, when Miss >uri was adnnfcd into the L .ion, through a representative from the non s!a eholding Sta eof Ohio, he again advocated the ; rights oil he South by voting against the protiibi-j 1 iior.Jof slavery in that State. Let us pause here a moment, to consder the magnitude of the interests which the South had at stake, when Gen Harri son thus fearlessly stepped forward as oar advocate, i The immense terrilo y known by the name of Lou isiana. (embracing all except the Horidas,) which formerly belonged to Spain, had been ceded by that government to France and by France to us. New I Stales were to be crea'e 1 out of i;. The question ; was whether th y should have a community of inter- | rerest wi, h the n »f. a or with the s *uih; and that crea: question depei ded upm another whether slaver/ should be perraiiled or prohibited here? vitssouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana are n »w Sou hern States |in feeling. What would they have ben if the Mis souri Restrictionists who were opposed by Gen. . Hamson, and supported by Mr. Van lsur;n ha I j prevailed ? 'I hey would have swelled the majority j against us in Congress, and we should have bee i ! i bound hand and ifi*or, by the Northern n.cnahers of the Confederacy—Such was the magnitude of our interest. Le; us sre under w hat circumstances, and : at what sacrifice Gen. Harrison became our ad -1 v.»cate. He was a representative from a non-sla e holding State, ills constituents were in favor of the Mtssou i restriction, of prohibiting slavery there, bur they did not instruct him. He knew for he had been repeatedly warned that by voting in fa vor of the looulh on that question, he would lose his seat in Congress—b it tie did not falter. One of his associates on that memorable occasion has recently told us that on the rep a titionof these warn ings, the very night before the final que-tton on the Missouri restrictions was taken he fearlessly repled. u I HAVE OFTEN RISKED MY LII E IN DE FENCE OF MV COUNTRY, 1 WILL NOW RISK MY POPi LAUJTY IN DEFENCE OF THE UNION.” fle did risk, and did sacrifice that popularity for us; a popularity the result of his many valuable services in the West, winch was greater than that enjoyed by any other min at that day.— He was left out of Congress at the next election lor this cause alone. And this is th° man w hose fidelity Mr. Colquitt would now persuade us to doubt. This chivalric I soldier, this liberal high minded statesman, who so j nobly sacrificed himself for us, is to be told thet we —we the people of the South, who are at tins rai ment reaping the benefits of bis generous seif devo tion, that ,ve cannot trust the gallant veteran—.My longue would cleave lo ray mouth in the effort to utter the ungenerous, the unmanly sentiment. Mr. Colquitt has mistaken the character of his c mstitu ents. They are men, and may he deceived, misled, goaded mto'the commission oi w rong, but they can- . not be induced to withhold the tribute of gra e fui hearts frou services like these. In H 33 he delivered his speech in Cheviot before an audience composed almost entirely of men op posed to slavery, and many of them abolitionists. "i hits had Harrison commuted himself by word and deed on the subject of slavery before he bacarne a candidate far tne Presidency. In 1835 his name was announced as a fit person to fill the office, and he took the earliest occasion lo promul gate his views on that question. His speech at Vincennes delivered in June of that year is before you. From that time, and down to the present year, he has shunned n » occasion to declare his opinions j What are they — That there is no principle of the Constitution less ! disputable than that the slave population is tin- i I der the exclusive control of the States which pos- ! ses-ses them That the dUcossion if the subject of emancipa tion in toe non slaveholding Stales, is equally in- j I juriuus to the slave and bis master. That it has no sanction in the principles ol the I Constitution. That the conduct of the abolitionists is the more dangerous, because masked under ihe garb of dis in'erestedness and benevolence, is injudicious, pre sumptuous and un. (institutional, ana carries in ns i train, mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it. These are the sentiments of Gen. Harrison ex- j pre.-sed and acted on with noble fearlessness in the j midst of abolitionists. Can y,u w ithhold your con- i fidenre from such a man? Can you be per.-uadeJ j (I care not who shall play the orator) to believe ; that tins man will rartrsh the laurels he has won hy the fearie.-s independence which he has manifested j on ti ts momentous question for the list thirty-tight years, by an art of perfidity now ? He goes in o of- * flee if elected under the pledge to re ire front it, at the expiration of the first faur years. Can you oe- ! lieve toat in this last closing scene of his political i care r, he will by betraying your interests which he i has thus pledged bim-elf to support, proclaim the insincerity and disengenuousness of his whole puht ical life ? I have said 1 should shew to you that vve could secure all the benefits which would result from Gen. Harris m's election lo the Presidency, with a perfect guarantee lor the preservation ol our own peculiar institutions. Have i fulfilled the deciara- i lion ? I have told you 1 could prove that General I Harrison could not favor the movements of the a bo- | lilionists inCongres*. Read and judge fur your- i selves. Alter declaring that the “course pursued | by the emancipators is unconstitutional” —alter ar guing tosnewthat although not expressly forbidden by the constitution, it is clearly inhibited by its ! spirit, by a comparison of its various provisions,: and ol the situation of the several .Stales w ho were j parlies to it—after adverting to the laws pissed by ■ Congress authorising the reclamation ot slaves es- j caping from one Jktate lo another—after expressly I declaring that Congress has no right to abolish sla- j very either in the Stares or m the District of Co lumbia, he proceeds lo enquire whether an instru ment (the Con-.tiiutioii) which contains such a pro vision would autaorize the citizens of the non slaveholding States lo assemble together, to pass resolutions and adopt addresses, not only to encour age the slaves to leave their misters, bur to cut their throats before ihsydo so?” He then insists if under the clause w hich secures the freedom of speech and of the f»ress “they can publish any thing injurious to the rights of the slaveholding States, ihey can go the extremes that i have mentioned.” He adds that the freedom of speech and of the press, was given to secure to the citizen his own rigli.s, not to enable him to invade the rights of others, and utters this emphatic declaration, that “neither the States where slavery does not exist, nor ihe government of the United Stales can without usurpation and a violation of a solemn compact do any thing to re move it without the consent of those who are im mediately interesied.” In the opinion of Gen. Harrison then the assemblages of abolitionists to pas* resoluti- ns, adopt addresses and prepare memo rials, fyc.are unconstitutional, and Congress cannot countenance these proceedings, they cannot enter tain those memorials, they cannot * do any thing,” to promote their object, which is the removal of slavery, “ without usurpation and the violation of a solemn compact ” VN ould sue a a man so pledged hy tne acts and declarations of his whole lite—who iu a private station has bearded the aoolitionists to their lace, by denouncing their conduct as violative of the constitution, and hostile lo the peace and harmony to the Union; could such a man be brought hy any counsels to favor the nefarious views ol these fanatics, when elevated by the suffrages of his countrymen, far above the reach of their tnalig- I nant influence * Would he wait anal the.r vile ' purposes hid been so far matured, as to assume the I form of a bill which could only be prevented from becoming a law bv his executive vein? So—ihe j impulses of his feelings, t!ia convictions of his judg ment —his respect for the rights of ills countrymen; | his devotion to the constitution, all wou d u.ote to induce him to frown upon tnese disturbers of tite peace and harmony of the Union He would seize «he first occasion to mark his reprobation ot their con ! duct. His errliest communication to Congress would contain so decisive an express>on ot his views as would silence th.se miscreants at least during his ad.omistrafion. 1 believe there is but oae other reason urged by Mr. Colquitt why the St iles liighis’ party of Geor gia should not support Gen. Harr,son, which may require a passing notice an-l that is, that his election will in the establishment of a Bank of the United Mates. Mr Colquitt declines to argue this question, and I mil follow his example, Ine mai ler to be ascertained is, what is Gen. Harrison s i opii ion, and of this, we have lull and explicit evi dence. In answer to a call made upon him in 1822, he said — ** I believe that the charter given to the Bank of the United Mates was unconstitutional, it no. being ’ one ol tho*e measures cectssary to carry any ot the expressly granted (lowers imo effect.” la answer to an enquiry made by Mr. Sherrod Williams in 1836. w hether if e'ecied, he would s gn a bill incorporating a National Bank, he says: I would if 1 1 wtre clearly ascertained that the public interest, in relation to the collection and disbursement oflhe revenae would maienai’v sut ler without one, and there were unequivocal irniu le&iaiions i f public opinion in ns lavor. I think, howvver, the experiment should he fairly tried, to ascertain wbeiher the financial operations i f the government cannot - be as Well carried on without the aid of a National Bank If it is not necessary tor that purpose, it dots not appear to me that one can be constitutionally chartered. There is no con struction which I can g ve the constitution, which would aa h >riz? it on the ground of affording la cnines to comme*c 'I hose views tt would seem ought to silence all cavil on the part of those who are oppj.ed to a Hank, unoalatabie as they may be to us friends. They are the views of Jefferson in his report to Gen. Washington in 1791—and of .Mr Madison as President in IS 16. If the friends of r, Bank should be induced to withhold their support from Gen. Harrison, in consideration of fuse opinions, their conduct would be more reasonable. So much of Mr. Colquitt's a dress as professes to assign his reasons for preferring Mr. Van Karen, though it covets a go id deal of space, is so scanty in matter, that it need not occupy us long. Mr. \an Huren's claims to the support of th Slate Bights’ party, when they have been careluily gar nered up hy .Mr. Colquitt, are found to consist of the following particulars : Mr. Nan Buren was supported hy the State Rights’ party as Vice President in lS.il and I^3i. He has prim sed to veto any bill which may bo passed foi the abolioon of slavery in the District of Columbia against wishes <>f the slave holding Stares—and to resist the slightest inter.frer.ee with it in the Mates where ii exists. He has declared himself an enemy to a Bank U. Stares- This is the sum total of his claims. Mr. Colquitt can appeal to no acts of distinguished public ser vice He can recall to our recollection no great public nuasnre, on which Mr. Van Buren° has s araped the impress of his name. The record ot his life is destitute of all those brilliant incidents, and efficient public services which adorn the annals of Gen Harrson's eveniful career, lie came to the Presidential (.’hair, not called there hy the peo ple. not by torce of his own merits, or as the re ward of a life of distinguished public servi res, but as one, the measure of whose glory was filled up, by having served under the “ illustrious Chiet,’’ whose appnin’ee he was, and in whose foots'eps he was pledged to wa k. Far, very - far, be it from me to deprive him of lire precious recollection of it, which will accompany him in h;s retirement. But to Mr. Colquitt’s bid of particulars— -1 fie Mate Rights’ party of Georgia voted for Mr Nan Buren as Vice President <n 1824 and 1832, and therefore ought to vote for him as President in 1810. The conclusion ?eems hardly legitimate. Mr. Colquit 1 apprehend voted against him as Pre sident, (the Btate Rights' party certainly did; at a more recent period, in 1836. NV'oild it not be much more fair to contend that for that cause Mr. Colquit should v »te against hi.a now. But does Mr Colquitt not know that the support given to Mr. Van Buren by ihe State Rights’ pany in 1821 was so given, less with a view to his claims than to pronitiaie New York by the aupjiort of one of her citizens for the Vice Presidency and thus to ad vance the elec.ion of William H Crawford ? Has he forgotten that the prominent competitor of Mr. Van Buren was lire bitter enemy of .Mr Crawford,, and not tlren a favorite with any considerable por tion oft lie Shale Rights’ party of Gerg'a, and when he appeals to the vote ot 1824, is he not pe-fectly aware that under the influence of hostility to Mr. Calhoun, the vote of Geo r gia was thrown away upon Mr. Van Buren, not with a view to elect him, h>r no other Mate 1 believe voted for him, hut to express the feeling w hich the 8. R party of Geor gia entertained to Mr (Vhoun. Every man who will recall these circumstances to his mind, will at once peceive how very slight are the cla.ms whicn Mr. Van Buren can derive from them to the confi dence of the Stale Rights’ party of Georgia—and • annot lad 1 should think, to wonder how they could have influenced the discriminating mind of Mr. Colquitt Mr Van Buren’s next claim is founded on his views and pledges in relation to abolition. A* I have already shewn Gen Harri on ss more tho roughly with us on this subject than Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Van Buren was a Missouri Restrictiunist— General Dama n Sacrificed his seat in Congress by resisting it—Mr. Van Buren was the adiocate of th • inhibition of slavery in the territories—General Harrison uniformly opposed the inhibition. Mr. Nan Buren would veto a bill for the aboli tion of slavery in the Diairicl of Couiumbu, bo cause he considers it inexpedient, though with his fuvsent 1 gh's ke cannot deny to Congress the Con stitutional power to pass u bill. General Harrison utterly dunes the pow r —considers such a bill abso lutely unconstitutional , and requiring no further lighis to guide him would at all limes oppose it hy the intervention of the Presidential veto, in ihe legitimate and constitutional exercise of that high power. Mr. Van Buren is opposed to a National Bank— hut he admitted in 1826, that tire power of Con gress in this regard was a successful interpo.a tion in the Constitution.”—He resists it lliereiore on the ground of inexpediency. Gen. Harrison considers a Bank both unconstitutional and inex pedient i nlcss it be clearly proved to tie necessary to the financial operations oi the Government —to th collection and disbursement ot the revenue. From this, w hich i» a lair exposition of iheir re spective views, the Shate Rights’ party ofGeor.ia can readily judge between them. But Mr. Colquitt has not I apprehend placed in the prominent, relief to w hich it is entitled, the pre duminiling motive lor his present change of p si tion. He is the advocate of Mr. Van Buren’s Sub- Treasury scheme which has been repudiated by the State Rights’ party ot Georgia. Hoc ipsuni tst de quo ugehut. Ii ihe State Bights’ party oi Geor gia < an be induced to sup(*ort Mr. N an Buren they will more reartiiy adopt his Sub-Treasury scheme, and thus Mr. Colquitt will rally around him friends from whom he wouid reluctantly be separated and who would (it they could pieserve their ancient connection w i hour such a sacrifice) reluctantly separate fiorr him In their resistance to that mis erable pr.-j-ct they are actuated by stronger feelings than even iheir attachment to Mr. Colquitt, by the duly they owe to themselves, to their lamilies, to their country. In operation, as it has been for some lime past, though without legal sanct on, they have felt ns flighting influence upon all their m tere>is They do not deceive themselves by sup posing that the pnc’ of their great siap'e upon which most of their comforts depend, can de render ed independent of the flucinations of foreign mar kets, by any - regulation o! our domestic currency— but neither will they suffer others to deceive them on this subject. They know that upon the proper regulation «.f that currency depends the reel value of the nominal price w hich they receive lor their cotton—and that in its present depreciated stale they are compelled to pay a tax more than equal to its actual depreciation on all the articles ot their consumption. These indications come from an unerring source 'J hey are the vibrations of the pocket-nerve, and cannot deceive. And now, in the exercise of my right as a Stats Righrs’ mar, and as one of 3lr. Colquitt’s const iiu ems, I have commented on lus address, freely as decame ibe subjc-ciand the occasion but w ith those feelings of respect and good will which are due not loss lo Mr. Colquitt personally, than to our ancient association. 1 trust this address may be received in tlie same spirit by the -State Rights’ party gene rally. Mr Colquitt will be eulogized (he has been already) by those whose opinions he has hitherto held in little esteem, but who seek to use him and bis circular as a highly convenient accession to the political assets of a rapidly failing concern. Let ’ the State Rights’ pony of Georgia not forget the respect which they owe to then-selves by the de nunciation of their ancient associate. If we parr, lit is because hr has decreed the separation Let us | do so with go;*d will—looking rather to the kindlier | recollections of the past, than cherishing those leel ings of hostility which antagonist political positions are 100 apt to engender A ST VI E RIGHTS' MAN OF 1825. j CHRONICLE* AND SENTINEL. AVGU S T A . TUESDAY MORNING JUNE 16- ron PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican— the pattiot Farmer of Cbio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TYLER, Os Virginia; Stite Rights Republican of the school of ’9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriotic statesmen. FOB. ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUN JAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. JOEL CRANVFORD, of Hancock. SEATON GRANT!. AND, of Baldwin. CHRISTOPHER B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. EZEKIEL WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. E. A. NISBET, of Bibb. J, C. ALFORD, of Troup. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. T. B. KING, of Glynn. LOTT WARREN, of Sumpter. R. L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. T. F. FOSTER, nf Muscogee. J. A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. Errata —ln the extract from the communica tion of Mr. Lawson, which was inserted in our no -1 tice yesterday, the compositor committed an er ror which was overlooked by us in reading the proof,—and as it somewhat changes the sense of : the sentence, we correct it—the fourth line of the extract read 44 From the reading of the Minutes instead of 44 From reading the Minutes Review of \V. T. Colquitt's Circular. V, e leel groat pleasure in being able to lay be lore our read -rs in this morning's paper, the very able and conclusive review of Judge Colquitt’s Cir i cular by A State Bights man or 1825.” We hope our readers will not be deterred by its length, trom giving it such an investigation, as its impor tance demands. It may not be improper to remark, that Judge ! Colquitt has in a recent circular, deprived his neiv • friends of the only argument they had drawn from his former circular, by denying that he had charged Gen. Harrison with being an abolitionist, and en ters into a labored argument to prove that he nei ther cailed him an abolitionist, or regarded him as one - —Verily the way of the sinner is hard. i Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot. Washington, June 10. RATES OF POSTAGE. Mr. Webster laid on the table a resolution de claring that the existing rales of postage charged j upon letters carrkd by the United States rnail ought to be reduced and that it is expedient to in quire into the utility of altering the >vstem, so as to introduce the use of stamps, and stamped covers for letters. Mr. U ebster proposed these resolutions merely j for the purpose of drawing attention to the subject, i H is a prevalent opinion throughout the country, and in Congress, that the present rates of postage ought to be reduced. The experience of England ; in us system of penny postage by means of stamps, is greatly deserving of the public attention.— The reduction in the rr.tes of letter postage se cu;es the revenue in Englai d against defalcation. Whether the old system, as used in England, can be applied to our country, deserves*coasideration. He tuought it miffit be sately used. In a revenue point of v.evv, he thought st l9a?t a reduction of the rates of postage expedient. Travellers now go as ;:ast a> the mail ; and much correspondence goes flow by tr ivellers, and pays no postage. If tlie rates are reduced, the temptations tos<nd fcv i private hands will be reduced. In this case, more does not produce more—but less produces more. Mr. Webster also laid on the table a stamp and stamped envelope used in England, according to ; the post office arrangements there. The resolution was ordered to be printed, and I the stamp and stamped envelope were ordered to be engraved for the use of the Senate. One Presidential Term. The great and salutary One Term Principle, to be established by the election of General Har rison, were all else in relation to the two candi dates equal, is abundantly sufficient to control . the decision ot the People, Indeed there is no feature of greater interest belonged to the ques | tion. It nearly concerns the prosperity of the ' country, and the stability of its institutions.— No argument is required to show that the Repub lic is not “ destined to endure,” unless the pro gress of executive corruption is arrested. This can be done in two ways only, which wavs are ; either to deprive the President of the means of corruption or take trom him the inducement to those means. Ours is now the worst administered government in the world. The reason is obvious. The mo ment we elect a President, instead of devotin" himself to a faithful and efficient discharge of his high duties he opens a canvass for his ru-election 1 o accomplish this all his patronage and power is pul in active requisition. Cabinet Ministers, and Members of Congress together with our large office-holders, are required, not lo devote their lime and talents to the discharge of their duties, but to exert every faculty to secure an extension of (heir own terms of office by the re-elec tion of the President under whom they hold.— Phis leads loa neglect of their legitimate duties. I Xay, worse. It prevents the objects and advan tages ot government by turning its power and patronage against the people. The experience for the last twelve years must teach some useful lessons. Among the most salutary will be the One Term Principle. This ! va *t Republic has been convulsed to its centrebv the sanguinary struggles of Gen. Jackson and i Mr. Van Buren for re-election. In these strug j gles every other interest has been sacrificed. To | gratify the ambition of two men, the rights, in terests. and happiness of twelve millions of peo ple, and the prosperity and fame of a great na tion, have been utterly and obstinately disregard ed. The administration of Mr, Van Buren has been especially and eminently barren and de ! struetive. It has no redeeming quality of feature. | Its four years have been years of individual dis tress and public dishonor. From the day he was i sworn into office to that which will send him i swearing out. there has not been, nor will not be. any mitigation of our sufferings, or anv check to the career of universal corruption. But we turn from the dark past to the bright future 1 General Harrison will be elected Presi drntfor one tehm. Hiswhole aim and ambi -1 lion will be to doss up a longlife of public service • usefully to the country, and h morablv to himself. His thoughts and time and talents will be devo ted to the people and the nation. He will admin ister the government with the wisdom of a states man and the integrity of a patriot. And this will bring back the Republic to its lost land-marks. The constitution will then swing round to its old and safe m wrings; and prosperity will re turn to bless and reward freemen for thus nobiv and triumphantly vindicating their cause and their country. General Harri-on, in establishing the One Term Principle, will have rende-ed the service and achieved the glory at which Washington aimed I V rs, the Father of his Countrv bad de termined tr* establish this most salutary Republi cs n principle. No act ot his lite gave him more pain than the stem necessity which compelled him to take a re-election. But it was a clear case of duty, and he yielded, not, however without ex pressing, in the strongest terms, his conviction that the welfare and safety ofthe Republic should not he hazarded by making his reluctant consent a precedent. What Washington so ferventiv'desired, there fore. will be accomplished by Harrison. The youth whom, fifty years ago. Washington com missioned as an ensign in the American Armv, will have lived to establish an Executive precedent which the Father of nis Countrv deemed essen tial to the preservation of its liberties. That precedent, once established, will be indestruc tible. And thenceforward a President will serve but one ter*. Then, as now, statesmen and patriots will aim at the Presidency, But when that high station is attained, instead of plun ging into intrigues to secure a re-election, our Presidents will by an enlightened and patriotic dischaige of their duties, endeavor to close their lives in honor, and to crown th°ir administration with glory.— Albany Evening Journal. Frcm the New York Courier and Enquirer. William Henry Harrison.—The follow, ing tribute te G> n. Harrison we extract from a speech of John Clayton of Delaware, delivered on Mr. Foot's resolution in the Senate of the United States in the year 1830. It is the more to be valued, as it was uttered at a period lon®- before the gallant soldier of the Thames was presented as a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the People, There was nothing in Mr. Clayton’s appeal, therefore, that can be mis construed into a thrift-pursuing flattery : Fake another case and inform us why the gal lant Harrison, the hero of Fort Meigs, the victor at Tippecanoe and the Thames—a veteran in councils, as well as in the field—distinguished for his virtues in a*U the relations of a citizen, the soldier and the statesman ; why, I ask. was he proscribed as unfit to represent his countrv abroad, and withdrawn from Columbia, to make room for Tho’s P. Moore I He had scarcely ar rived at Bogota—the ink was still fresh on’ the executive record which informed the Presi dent that it was the advice of the Senate that he should represent us there, when the or der for his removal was announced. This could not have been done for any official misconduct. There had been no time to enquire into that. Was his fidelity distrusted then 1 Or how did the public good require his dismissal ? Think you it will tel! well in the annals of history, that he who had se often perilled life and limb in the vigor of manhood to secure the blessings of lib erty to others, was punished for the exercise of the elective franchise in his old days ? Sir, it was an act, disguise it as we may, which by holding out the idea that he had lo=-t the confidence of his country, might tend to bring down his grev hairs with sorrow to the grave. But the glory o! the campaign on the Wabash, and by those hard earned victories for which he received the warmest acknowledgements of merit from the Legislature of Kentucky, and the full measure of a nation s thanks in the resolutions of Congress can never be effaced ; and any effort to degrade their honored object' will recoil gn those who make it. until other men in belter days.shall pro perly estimate his worth, and again cheer his de clining years with pi oofs of his country's confi dence and gratitude. R >bert N. Wicklilfe, whose secession from the Whig ranks has been so pompously noticed in the administration papers, is not the Hon. Robert Wickliffe. of Lexington, as some of them repre sent. The Louisvi le Journal says that the true reason of Mr. Wickliffe’s secession fiotn the Whig ranks is mortified vanity. Last summer, in opposition to the wishes of the Whigs, he thrust himself forward in opposition to ihe regu larly nominated candidate lor Congress, and was beaten; hence his disaffection with the Whig party. —Pittsburg Advocate. PcTfisuriExT of a Slander-r.—When Gen. Harrison was Governor of the Indian Territory, and Indian Commissioner, he was accused of of ficial malversation and corruption, by a land speculator, whose practical machinations and gambling in the Indian lands he exposed and de feated. General Harrison forthwith insti'utcd an action against his accuser for slander, and the ju ry to whom was referred the decision of the is sue promptly, and without quitting the jury box, returned a verdict in favor of Gen *ral Harrison, with heavy -damages. He approached the defen dant, and declared his intention not to receive one dollar of the damages, saying that after all legal charges were paid, the balance remaining should be apportioned among the widows and orphans of those brave soldiers who fell on the 1 ippecanoe battle field. Instructions were given and the money distributed in conformity with the General s declaration among the widows and orphans ot his gallant companions in arms, who fell battling for the hero of their countrv, on the field of glory. It all the slanderers of the Gene lai were served in the same way, methinks the widows of the soldiers that fell at Tippecanoe would be richly dowered. — JS. Orleans Bulletin Potatoes at par.— The editor of the Paul ding Clarion says : “Owing to the hardness of the times, we have been compelled to adopt the cash system, it being impossible to carry on business vs ithout money. But to those who have no mon • ey we would say, that we will receive Irish pula toes at par, and chickens, eggs, butter, &c. at a liberal discount.” F lock from New York.— From the Ist of July, 1839, to the Ist of June, 18-10, there were exported from the port of New York, 355.487 bbls. of flour, 121,024 bushels of wheat, and 122,641 bushels of corn. Pennsylvania Lisisiatcbi.—_l q t v on the Bth, the Improvement Bill w as £r,ii’ eDiJe ‘ ed.by a vote of 20 to 12. An adopted, making an appropriation of s> r, ~, *»» completing the survey for a rail" road 1 f ° r Harrisburg to Pittsburg, and to ascertain 11 * practicability of making a M’Adamixed r^V he Laughlinstown to Cbatnbcrsbur». JaMro: fc On motion of Mr. Brown, the section required the Bank of the United States £4,000.000 at four per cent was stricken-!, one substituted, providing that the Cover borrow it at an interest not exceeding 5 - per annum, payable after the year I&70 •'* rcec >. The amendments will bring the bill a ' fore the House for confirmation. eaJn be -1 ‘ “ Our country presents a new spect ac j e r contemplation of mankind.”— Amo • A>,'j True! Cabinet ministers turned -^ T ‘ line” liars; senators in congress conre ! stump slanderers, and common li:>c;i fr .. lDto I national legislature metamorphosed into a agerie ; the army recruited with Cuba people swindled by their own servants; * e I dent squabbling for the public purse; the " live attempting to erect a -standing inßy’’*’ i the rums of popular liberty ; the seeking to reduce the wages of labor to the J** : Jard of European despoti ms. These and other circumstances of like i mDor . present our country in a novel light—^ a ’ make mankind shudder for the prosperity 0 f - ° government!—Actc Orleans Bee. * *** The Oregon Country. The Peoria Register furnishes the f ' OW ; P account of the finale of the Expedition *hb sat out from that country for the mou-.h Columbia. Finale of the Oregon Ex PEl)ltioj . letter has recently been received ! v M r . Brn-i iX ofTazewell county, from Capt, Tho?j A sJ. p **’ ha.v, leader of the party of fourteen Peoi 3n ' who s t out a year ago for Oregon, written« one of the Sandwich islands, in January las* Our latest pre* ious advices from Capt. F left him at Brown’s Hole, in the Rocky Mountain, i only one of his Peoria companion*, *aj • t!n § to fob >n w ith some company bound to the I Columbia river. Though in his’ letter he does not mention the fact, yet it is presumed he did fall in with such a company, and that he pro**. | cuted his journey with them. He now state, that in every respect the country has hern over, rated ; that, excepting the valley of the W'ilhaxjj. ei—the seat of the Methodist mission I tion of the territory through which he passed presents any thing attractive, or offers anv induce ments to farmers, or any other class of immi grants. In a word, all the unfavorable represen tations that were made to him by returnin'* tra vellers whom he met on the journey, and lowhick he then lent an incredulous ear, were abundant ly realized. We give entire credit to these statements of Capt. Farnham. He left here determined to reach the mouth of the Columbia river,or perish, and with the bona fide intention of settling per manently in Oregon. One by one he saw hiscom panions become disheartened at the perils before them, and return, until he was left at an isolated spot in the wilderness, with a solitary follower out of the fourteen who embarked with him, These repeated defections increased instead of subduing Lis adventurous spirit, and he finally succeeded, against eveiy obstacle, in accomplish ing the leading object of his journey, perhaps at greater hazards than ever before fell tp the lot of any adventurer in those regions. The Boston Daily Advertiser publishes the following simple rules for reducing sums in the money of France or England to their value in dollars and cents; * To reduce any sum of francs and centimes a I dollars and cents .- take i-8. and 1-2 of this gti, I and add the two together, for the value required I in dollars and cents. To reduce any sum is I dollars and cents to francs and centimes; multi- 1 ply the given sum by 4, add to this product cue third ot it for the value required. To reduce sterling money to dollars and «nh| —valuing the pound 4 dollars and SO cents; to I the given pound, annex the shillings ami pence! in decimals of a pound, and add a cvpher. o'! move the demical point one place to the right;! then multiply by 8, and the product by s.and last product is the value in dollars and rents. io reduce dollars and cents to pounds: diride I the given sum by 8. and the last quotient, placiDfl the decimal point one place to the left, is the re-1 ouired sum in pounds and decimal parts. Mo<b men of business are probably familiar with th« rules. Those who are not, will find it useful H practice upon them until they become familiar. The L ate Cuba Piracy.—The Philadeiß phia United States Gazette of yesterday contain ed an account of an act ot Piracv off Cape Ad tonio, which is about 45 miles to the iewards Havana, copied from a New Orleans paper the 28th ult. Vv e find some doublet the cf redness of the statement, but on making (her enquiries of Capt. Remington, cf the brig Elizabeth which arrived at this port *• n Saturday we find he fully confirms it. The seven pirate were brought up from Cape Antonio a few day previous to his departure. They were to be trio forthwith, and no doubt was entertained of being immediately afterwards ordered to exert tion. They belonged to the Regies, opposite'" Havana, a well known resort a few years for such characters.— Xew York Courier & Enquirer. The Report of the Fire Commissioners of city of New York shows that during the year ding the 23d ult. there were cne hundred ninety fires, which is an average of more than fir every forty-eight hours. Os these, were accidental, and ninety six caused by incttiß diaries; more than sixty took place in the district, and the property destroyed amounts in’»« to $3,325,409. Trie Commissioners repeat i-H opinion expressed in die report of last Janaa?J trial incendiarism “internal or otherwise" is most frequent cause of fires, an opinion they think is corroborated by the the tact t rJ H by Jar the greater number of fires are discover*■ about the period of the fi st of February, the la>t quarter day of the year. Provi denti al R r.srr F. — We are rejoiceu ■- M learn that the individual named Fa 1 ley. wbo^^ S ’ed to sea on a raft, near Tybce, some day» sia ■ has been preserved from a horrid death, jB drifted ashore on the last in the vincinity 0 * Royal, after having been at from aef .\ until Monday without any tiling to eat or o r in»|» except a little of the bark of an old oak tree"* Savannah (Jcorgian. The Missisippi.— \\ e are not yet insnil- H we are not a washed out people yet; hut “father of waters” has still got his hack up high, and there's no knowing what we are t'ri y| pect. '1 hose in the habit of watching tb e say that the water has risen at the rate ota or an inch and a half every twenty-fourb° ors ’ jH the last three or four days. In the I irst paiily. the water just touches the summit 01 Jjß levee, as though the land and water had c vJB carefully brought to one level by art, and 3 y . : ||| market the fruit boats in the water stand >» “ ; .j| and as convenient for purchasers as the sW* ■ -« posite to them on land. They say “ There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which taken at the flood leads on to toxtun ja| and if we are not mistaken, this is the