Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876, July 24, 1840, Image 2
CrfIIOMCLE AND SENTINKI,.
AUGUSTA.
FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 24.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
0
Os Ohio ;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—
the patriotic Farmer of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN TYLER,
o
Os Virginia;
A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S—
one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen,
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalh.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
s E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
® FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
A Sketch by his Friends.
In this day’s paper will be found an extract from
the address of the Jackson and Barbour Conven
tion, to the people of Virginia in 1532, to which
we invite the attention of our readers. It will be
recollected that the party now supposing Mr. Van
Buren is the same, with but few exceptions, thro’-
out the whole South that gave utterance to, and
endorsed the sentiments of this address. It is a
melancholy evidence of the influence of party
drill, to see a party charging upon a man in 1832,
political offences which the same party in IS4O,
not only endeavor to palliate, but deny.
This address, as we have before remarked, was
put forth by the present supporters of Mr. Van
Buren ; it charges him with nearly all the offences
with which he is now charged, and urges them as
reasons why they could not give him their support
for Vice President.
How will his friends in Georgia unsay what
they so zealously urged in 1832? They then en
dorsed these sentiments, and vouched for the truth
ofjhe charges it contains, that Mr. Van Buren
was opposed to Mr. Madison and the War, that he
was in favor of Missouri Restriction, a protective
Tariff, and Interna] Improvements. Have they less
force now than when first uttered? Have they
lost any of their truth by sleeping quietly for eight
years? Or are we to attribute the strange position
they now occupy toward Mr. Van Buren, to the
forge of party drill? Let the people read and re
flect upon these matters, and let them recollect that
these same charges were made in 1835, by the
identical men who are now supporting Martin Van
Buren, and who, to bolster up his sinking fortunes,
are now denying many of them, and asserting that
he is a wondrous fine Democrat!
From the Charleston Courier.
Mr. Calhoun—The Mercury vs. Gen. Har
rison.
We do not hold the Mercury responsible for
its war upon the candidate of the Whig Party of
the United States. We charge its onslaught to
another and a higher source. The same mind
which governed its columns, when they were de
voted to the destruction of Crawford, which made
vain war upon Jackson, and accumulated every
infamy upon the head of Martin Van Buren, now
attempts to cut down the well earned reputation
of the destined President of the United States.
The bitter and afflictive lessons of the past have
: r- no wisdom with them. When will Mr.
C n learn wisdom ? What amount of disas
trous experience will serve him ? Has he not
yet iea’nt that to be the guillotine and execution
er of other men is not the way to win affection
for himself? He may succeed in striking down
those whom he counts his rivals—but their
friends will remember the blows he has given—
they have remembered them. What would he
not now give, if his fierce quarrel with Crawford
could be stricken from his history? Who can
reckon for him the cost of that quarrel? Who
can measure the depths of his contrition and the
sincerity of his repentance ? Crawford is in his
grave—but has Mr. Calhoun never crossed his
shade, in his eager march towards the Presiden
cy ? Has he not wrestled in vain with his spirit,
and foun I himself, again and again, prostrate
from the struggle ? As with Crawford, so with
all At forty, in his sanguine manhood, there
was but a step between him and the Presidential
Chair. And now in his old age, he is supporting
the nominee of one whom he styled a tyrant—
the very “fox” and “vveazel,” whom he and his
have held up to the unmixedcontempt and loath
ing of the State. We repeat it—“whom he and
his have held up to the unrnixed contempt and
loathing of the State”—whom he and his have
made a hissing and a scorn and a stench in the
nostrils of the people—a by-word of treachery,
trickery, servility and sycophancy. We shall
make no quotations and call no witnesses to prove
this. Ihe State is our witness, and all its records
our quotations. The Editors of the Charleston *
Mercury, partizans as they are, and partizans as <
they avow themselves, have not and will not de- , 1
ny this. And this contempt, and hostility were i
based upon no secret knowledge, no simple pri- t
vate grounds. It was not because Mr. Van Bu- j s
ren deprived him of the confidence of Gen. Jack- '
son, and slept between him and the Presidency. f t
It was because he not only voted for the bill of *
abominations, the Tariff of ’2B—but because he 1
betrayed the South, and the expectations of the
South in doing so.
Because he had. for the purpose of conciliating I ‘
a foreign court, subjected the disscnlionsand par
ty contests of his own country to the animadver
sion of the Ministers of the country, long the rival
of his own.
Because when, by Mr. Calhoun’s vote he was
recalled from that Court, as one who had disgra
ced his country, and was unworthy to represent
it—he deliberately wrote to lire people of the Uni
ted Sta is, “that it was glory enough to have ser
ved under General Jackson, and won the appro
bation of such a chief!”
Because he was Gen. Jackson’s chief adviser,
and sanctioned the. administration which levied
war upon South Carolina—which anticipated the
action of Congress and pointed the guns of the
Natchez against the wharves of Charleston—
which issued the “Proclamation” and enacted the
Force Bill.
Because ho sanctioned the removal of the de
posited—a measure denounced by Mr. Calhoun
and his friends as executed in contempt of Con
gress—and in defiance of the Constitution.
Because he endorsed the Protest, which drew
all power to the Executive, and by force of im
plication made the President an unlimited mon
arch.
Because, in the maturity of his power, ho had
been forgetful of his duty to the country, careless
of the Constitution of the United States; and per
sisted in opposing the admission of Missouri into
the Union —persisted in a denial of equal rights
to a Southern Slate, even when that denial shook
the Union to its centre.
Because he was the creature of Gen. Jackson —
the servant of his will, the stipendian of his boun
ty, and raised to the Presidency by the interfer
ence and patronage of the President—in triumph
over the Constitution, in defeat of the libei tics of
the people—or to use Mr. Calhoun’s own words,
in his letter of congratulation to the whigs, on the
triumph of Gen. Harrison in Maryland.
“No one can look with greater alarm than I
do on the attempt of the Chief Magistrate to ap
point his successor. Should it succeed open and
undisguised as it is, and resting as it almost ex
clusively does on the avowed subserviency of the
nominee to the will of the P dent, without
those high qualifications and services on his part,
calculated to command the regard of the people
or to lit him for the duties of the high office to
which he aspires, it would afford conclusive proof
of the consummation of executive usurpation,
over the other departments of the Government
and the Constitution and liberty of the people.
Entertaining these views, I regard with pleasure
the decided victory achieved by Maryland in the
late election over the President’s nominee and of
course over executive dictation. It is the more
honorable to the State, placed as she is, so near
the focus of influence and corruption, while oth
ers more remote and less exposed such ready obe
dience to the rod of power.”
Such were the public, unchanged grounds of
the hostility, and contempt of the Nullification
Party ofSouth-Carolina, to the present President
—such pre-eminently were Mr. Calhoun’s. Such
were the causes, which but yesterday made him
rejoice in the triumph of Harrison. These rea
sons of opposition were not light nor transient.
They involved every thing fundamental in prin
ciple, or valuable in character. They involved
the honest sentiments of the citiz , the honor of
the nation, and reached to the liberties of the peo
ple. Mr. Calhoun, Gen. Hayne, Mr. McDuffie,
Mr. Pinckney, Col. Preston, Waddy Thompson,
Warren R. Davis, Mr. Pickens—every name visi
ble above the horizon of the Nullification Party—
from their personal knowledge, from his public
acts, taught the good people of South-Carolina,
to regard Martin Van Buren as faithless as a pol
itician, without claims as a Statesman, and desti
tute of generosity of sentiment as a man. We
hold not the Mercury responsible. We admire
the sprightliness of its talent—we respect the
honesty and disinterestedness of its devotion to
Mr. Calhoun. We hold Mr. Calhoun alone re
sponsible for the war upon Gen. Harrison, in
whose victories he rejoiced but yesterday, and for
the advocacy ofMartin Van Buren, but yesterday
denounced, as one who had triumphed, through
“corruption” over the Constitution of his coun
try, and the “liberties” of the “people.” Mr.
Calhoun’s character as an honest man stands
pledged against the character of Martin Van Bu
ren.and no man, who believes as Mr. Calhoun,
has professed to believe, can vole for Martin Van
Buren, who cares either for the liberties of the
people, the honor of the nation, or the honest
sentiment of the citizen. Mr. Calhoun has in
dicted Mr. Van Buren, before the nation, as hav
outraged all these. The indictment remains
on record unexplained, unrccanted without apol
ogy or atonement. We ask not any one else—
but we will ask Mr. Calhoun what he counts
more sacreJ than the Constitution of his coun
try ?
What dearer than the liberties of the people ?
What more fundamental, inappreciable, indis
pensable to the life of the republic than a high,
kc i, pure sensibility, and sense of truth, honor,
fidelity and patriotism on the part of the citizen ?
What of more value to the Slate of South-
Carolina than the honor of the nation ?
Was Mr. Calhoun the Senator, the patriot, the
honest man, in earnest or in jest, when he held
up Martin Van Buren, whom he had known for
long years at Washington, as an object of loath
ing to the State, and scorn to the nation ? And
does he believe that the country, or the citizens ot
the country, can cast their so l ages for such an
one—for one who has triumphed over their “con
stitution” and their “liberties,” through “avowed
subserviency” to the will of an usurper, through
influence and “corruption”—does he think that
the nation can elevate such an one to its chief
seas of honor, to be the symbol of its dignity and
power, without surrendering its own honor, aban
doning its own dignity, and putting degradation
and slaverympon the people? We ask Mr. Cal
houn, what shall a free people take in exchange
for their constitution, their liberties, their honor?
Who is prepared to support one who has either
trampled on or betrayeu them, who is not prepar
ed to be either tyrant or slave ?
Let the questi be brought home to the peo
ple of South Carolina—suppose it were, this day,
an independent nation, and Martin Van Buren
were its present Governor, and he had been made
Governor by “avowed subserviency” to the will
of an usurping predecessor, through “corruplio ”
and in his triumph had overthrown the “consti
tution” of the State, and prostrated the “liberties”
of the people ? Would the usuipation be confir
med ? Would the people re-elect him ? Should
they ? Upon what plea, upon what necessity
could he be re-elected, but upon that plea, and
that necessity, which makes slaves and tyrants !
Has South Carolina and the country arrived at
this pass and reached this inglorious necessity ?
PLAIN TRUTH.
American Whale Fishery.— There are en
gaged in this important business, no less than 498
ships and barques of 34 brigs, 7 schooners and one
sloop—belonging to various por's in the United
States, chiefly on the Northeastern coast. Among
the principal places are New B Jford which has
169 ships and 6 brigs; Nantucket, 78 ships, 1
brig and 3 schrs.; Fairhaven, 42 ships and
barques; Sagharbour, 31 do.; New London, 28
ships, 2 bri 3 schrs. and 1 sloop; Warren, 17
ships; Salem, 14 do; Newport, 9 do.; Stoning
tuu, 7 do. A number of places are mentioned
having from 7 vessels to 1 in the trade ; Wil
mington, Del, the most southern port engaged in
the whale fishery, having commenced a few years
since has five ships employed.
There were imported into the United States in
the month of June last in 33 vessels, 16,319 bbls,
• r 514,048 gallons of Sperm Oil; and 21,725
bbls. or 683,847 gallons of Whale Oil.
“ Dick what do you call sheer nonsense ?”
“ Why, shearing a hog for his wool.”
Address
■ Os the Charlotteville Jackson and Bar
-1 hour Convention,
To the People of Virginia 1832.
; IXTIIACT.
In selecting Philip P. Barbour as a candidate
t for the Vice Presidency at this interesting crisis
-of our public ass irs, we have chosen one who
• has been known to you through all the vicissi
tudes of an eventful and distinguished political
career, and whose eminent virtues as a man and
, abilities as a statesman have been conspicuously
i exemplified in a life chiefly devoted to your ser
} vice.
5 He is contrasted on the present occasion with
- an individual, whose claims to your confidence
; rest, either on an indiscriminate hostility to or
an equivocal support of every principle and in
• terest which h; s been justly held dear by Virgin
i ians.
You arc required at this ciritical juncture of our
country’s affairs, to do homage to the man, while
r you denounce his measures, —to elect to the se
cond office of our government, a pulilitcal enemy,
- who still bears the arms of his hostiltity in his
hands, and wears the laurels, fresh on his brow,
1 which were won by his inveterate and relentless
5 opposition to your rights, your interests, and your
- principles.
j We would ask you 1o pause ere you commit
3 ) r ourselves and your country into such hands,
i and to scrutinize the political character of
him, for whose aggrandizement alone, you are re
- quired to sacrifice so much.
Mr. Van Buren has advanced to that age, and
- has filled those stations in public life, which gen
i erally stamp the political character of men unal
-1 terably, either for good or for evil. He may there
i, fore he fai r ly judged by his political acts —and
3 fairly condemned.
At an early period of his political career, we
I find him pursuing a course of systematic and in
- discriminate hostility to the favorite measures and
1 men of Virginia.—During the last war, when all
- the energies of our Government were scarcely
3 equal to the shock of External force, and the in
t trigues of domestic faction ; when every patriot
, was posted in the tented field, or anxiously dclib
b crating for his country’s safety—Mr. Van Buren
0 was found in the ranks of an insidious opposi
f tion of Mr. Madison’s administration, of which
, that war was the leading measure. This oppo
t sition was carried to extremes by some of the
i. politicians of New York and New England.
b The memory of the Blue Lights and the Hart
-3 ford Convention would endure forever as an abi
f ding stigma of our national character, were it not
b effaced by the glorious victories which our ar
r mies and navies achieved despite the insidious
- treachery of some of our politicians. In No
- vember, 1812, a ticket of Presidential electors
was formed by the legislature of New York of
f which Mr. Van Buren was then a member) with
1 the avowed purpose of defeating Mr. Madison’s
t re-election and the war. This statesman, who is
r now held up as the mirror of republican ortho
i doxy, voted throughout for the ticket.
In 1820, the celebrated Missouri question was
. deliberately conceived and concocted by some of
- the leading politicians of N. York, and the legis
-1 | lature of that State instructing Rufus King as
f 1 their Senator to insist on the terms of admission,
- i which he subsequently proposed. Mr. Van Ha
, ren was then a member of the Senate of that
, State, concurred in the course, and voted for
- Mr. King under these instructions.
In 1821—2, we find Mr. Van Buren in the
3 Senate of the United States. His debut in that
, body was signalized by this support of a bill
- which proposed to erect toll gates on the Cum
- berland road to collect tolls, See. within the ju
i risdiclion of the States, and to appropriate the
j sum of $9,000 to the repair of this work of na
} tional improvement. The bill did not become a
) law, because it was arrested by the veto of Mr.
- Monroe, on the ground that it was unconslitu
i tional.—Actuated by the same principles, wo
r have seen Mr. Van Buren more recently, as a
j member of Gen, Jackson’s cabinet, declaring to
r members of Congress, that “it was impossible
-for the President to veto the Maysville road bill,
. because the principle, in some way or other, had
s been sanctioned, by every administration since
- the commencement of the government”—and he
, cause it might lose the votes of several States to
i the administration ” It has been said, (on good
3 authority) that Mr. Van Buren finally approved
t this act of the President, and professed his con
- currencc in the principle of the Veto Message.
- If this be so, we submit to a candid public, to
s and why he changed his opinion, as
- j facts shall warrant.
- i In 1827, when the protective or “American
s System ” (as it has been falsely termed,) had
- been already carried to the extreme of prohibition
as to many articles of prime necessity, and when
i that course of systematic extortion and plunder
had become thoroughly organized by the union
i, of all the interests which were to be enriched by
•, its operations, Mr. Van Buren advocated and
1 I voted for the tariff bill which passed the House
of Representatives, and opposed all attempts to
mitigate the enormous duties proposed on salt
0 and other articles of absolute necessity.
:1 Mr. Tazewell, Mr. Macon, and other Senators
r from the South, whose constituents had felt the
• I grievous and heavy curse of this “American
J ! System,” and who then complained of its intol
if erable burdens, made frequent and unavailing es
-1 i forts to lay the bill of 1827 on the table—to rc
- ! commit to the Committee on Manufactures, with
J instructions to inquire whether its [duties were
not prohibitory, &c. Mr. Van Bu en voted
t throughout against all these attempts, with the
f unrelenting and inexorable friends of the protec-
J live system. At length, another motion was
- j made to lay the bill on the table, and Mr. Van
i ! Buren being absent from his scat, there was an
- j equal division of the Senate, and the motion was
e ! carried in the affirmative by the casting vole of
? i the Vice President.
r Fearing that the accidental respite which was
- thus gained by the Southern States, for one short
year, from the oppression of that Bill, might be
- imputed to a returning sense of justice in his
, i bosom, Mr. Van Buren took occasion in a pub
-1 1 lie speech during the ensuing summer at Albany,
2 to disclaim all intention to hesitate or faulter in
1 ; his devotion to the protective system. In this
’ j speech, made at a meeting, to send delegates to a
. | “Manufacturers’ Convention,” Mr. Van Buren
’ declared that he was accidentally absent when
- the tariff bill of 1827 was lost—that he could
| scarcely be suspected of wanting zeal m behalf
r of the system of protection—(especially the pro
-1 t. ction of wool.) as he owned more than $20,000
! worth of sheep. As the fleeces of these sheep
t were to have been enhanced by that bill, Mr.
Van Buren seems to have regarded them as so
many hostages which he had given to the Ameri
can System. A er thus aiding in sending dele
, gates to the convention of Manufacturers, and
] being instrumental in forwarding the celebrated
3 Harrisburg Convention, Mr. Van Buren’s polti
[ friends moved to instruct him during the ensuing
r session on the subject of the tariff. They in
; structed him to vote for such a tariff as would
“ afford a sufficient protection to the growers of
[ wool, hemp and flax, and the manufacturers of
I iron and woolens and every other article, so far
• as the same may be connected with the interests
of manufacturers, agriculture ancf commerce.”
These are the vague and indefinite instructions,
(thus gotten up by Mr. Van Buren’s partizans,)
which are now relied on, to extenuate or justify
his vote for the tariff of 1828—wh ch has driven
the Union, we fear to the verge of dissolution.
This shallow excuse concedes that Mr. Van Bu
ren does not regard a protective tariff as uncon
stitutional—a doctrine which lies in our estima
tion at the foundation of the whole system. We
have never heard, however, that Mr. Van Buren
I was instructed to vote for the tariff of 1827, and
those preceding it, or to make his speech during
that year, in which he avowed himself in lavor
of the system.
While these acts and opinions are explained
and unatoned for, we cannot regard Mr. Van
Buren as possessing those peculiar claims to the
confidence of the republicans of Virginia, which
have been recently asserted in his behalf. We
will not acknowledge the humiliating necessity
of making yet another sacrifice, to appease the
ruthless spirit of a task-master—nor can we cast
the principles of our State into the political scales
to be weighed down by “/Ac Spoils of Victory .”
From the Georgia Journal.
Postmaster at Columbus.
We published, week before last, an article from
the Alabama State Register, stating that Mr. Jeter
had been appointed Postmaster at Columbus. —
Though it was in part true, yet it appears that
John Schley, Esq., has been appointed. We are
happy to learn, however, that this attempt on ihe
part of Mr. Van Buren to “ bring strength to the
Administration,"has proved an“ unprofitable trans
action.” The following extract of a letter from
Columbus, explains, as understood there, the par
ticulais of this affair: —
“I perceive in the last Journal an extract from
the Alabama State Register, staling that Wm. L.
Jeter had been appointed Postmaster at this place,
to supply the vacancy caused by the resignation of
James P. Van Ness. It appears now that John
Schlej', Esq., has been appointed. The conduct of
the President in this affair having created some
excitement, and his course being such as to merit
and receive the censure of the lughminded and hon
orable of both parties, I have determined to give
you what 1 have learned concerning it. The appli
cants for Hie office were Jacob M. Guerry, Joseph
Sturgis, G. W. B. Towns, John Sc hley, E. Barnard
and Wm. L. Jeter, Esqrs. The five first named
were good Union Van Buren men. The latter gen
tleman was a State Rights man, and an opponent of
Mr. Van Buren, until Judge Colquitt announced
his determination to support Mr. Van Buren: Mr.
J. being a copartner and relative —and it may be
said, a “hand-plant” of Judge Colquitt’s, he of
course “followed in the footsteps of his illustrious”
guardian.
During the last winter, Mr. Guerry learning that
it was probable Mr. Van Vcss would retire,procur
ed the recommendation of a large number of the
members of the legislature, and citizens of Co
lumbus and elsewhere—and made application for
the office, in case there should be a vacancy. His
friends were assured that when it did occur, he
would be appointed. Lately, when it was gene
rally known that Mr. Van Ness would retire, other
applications were made and some petitions were
sent on. The general impression, however, was,
that Mr. Guerry would receive the appointment;
but when it was whispered about that Jeter’s pros
pects were very good, many of the “Democrats”
became hostile —and many threatened to quit Van
Buren, if he was appointed, Jeter’s connection
with Judge Colquitt —his sudden change —and the
intimation that he would be appointed to an impor
tant and lucrative office worth from S3OOO tq,
$-4000, so soon after, looked so bad —so much like
“trading, ” that the honorable of both parties did
not hesitate to condemn it. It is supposed that Mr.
Jeter,perceiving that the storm was gathering force,
and fearing that the affair, instead of benefitting
Messrs. Van Buren, Colquitt & Co., was calculated
to do them serious injury, wrote and requested his
application to be withdrawn. But before J’s. let
ter reached Washington, the President had nomi
nated him, which fact was communicated to their
friends in this place, by Wilson Lumpkin and
Judge Alfred I verson. The latter gentleman, I un
derstand, wrote to a friend, that he had seen Mr.
Van Buren, and had done all he could for Mr. Guer
ry, but that Messrs, Colquitt and Cooper had more
influence with him than lie had, and that Mr. Jeter
had been nominated, and only needed the consent
of the Senate to bo Post Master.
Upon the reception of this news, much excite
ment prevailed —many condemned it, and some
denounced it as a high handed and corrupt transac
tion, and the sheriffof the county, and several oth
ers of the “Democrats,” renounced Van Buren,
Colquitt aad Cooper, came out for Harrison, and
attended the Harrison dinner on the 4th. From
what I can learn, it appears that the President had
appointed Jeter, and had sent the nomination to
the Senate —but that the Senate not having acted
upon it, before his letter was received, his name
was withdrawn and that of Mr. Schley substitu
ted. —Whether this thing will mend matters or
not, Ido not know, but think not. However, one
thing is pretty certain. Muscogee will elect a full
State Rights Harrison ticket for the Legislature,
and I would not be surprised, if the Harrison ticket
obtained a majority of 300 in November next.
Notwithstanding, the “ call' ’ emanated from this
place, and much noise has been attempted to be
made, 1 can assure you there are very few State
Rights Van Buren men—they are indeed “few
and far between.” The State Rights party num
ber between 850 and 1000 voters, and I dont think
there are 20, who will go over entirely. Those
that have already joined the Union party are more
bitter and denunciatory of the State Rights party
than the most uncompromising and disgusting Un
ion men, during the days of Nullification. Indeed
the leaders (they are all “ would be leaders,") have
even gone so far, as to advocate the right (as
claimed and carried out by the Van Rurcn party in
tire last Congress, in the New Jersey case,) of a
majority of the members elected to Congress, be
fore they are sworn or “ organized" as a “ Con
gress,” to disregard the broad seal of a Sovereign
State —to disfranchise her, and to rejecljher certifi
ed members ; and yet, they still claim to be State
Rights men ! What delusion ? The worst Federal
ist in the United Slates does not claim any power
for Congress, so thoroughly against the principles
of the Constitution, and so destructive to State
sovereignty as these State Rights (P) Van Buren
men. Away with such State Rights princip’es.
Lot such principles but prevail, and our beautiful
structure of Government —a Government of free
sovereign and independent States, will be swal
lowed up in that of a Consomdatfd Despotism.
But I must stop. My heart sickens at such glar
ing and unpardonable misuse of our good old name,
Stale Rights, by men, who were once with us—but
who are now “ dyed in the wool" Van Buren men.
THE SPY.”
From the Baltimore Patriot,
Ominous to the “Follower”! —The Co
lumbus (Ohio) papers contain an address, to their
brethren thoughout the Union, signed by one
hundued and FORTY eight original Jackson
men, and setting forth their reasons at length for
repudiating thc“ Follower,” and supporting Gen.
Harrison. It is also to be remembered, by those
who would truly read this sign, that the whole
number of the signers—one hundred and forty
eight men, good and true—are members of the
“Jackson Reform True American Association of
Columbus, Ohio,” as well as ‘ original Jackson
mcn.’ They are not scattered over the Stale,
but are dwellers of that city and vicinity. When
such limits contain such a number of changes,
in favor of the cause of Harrison and Reform, it
should be a caution to the spoilers. But these
are not all. It is understood there are a number
more, even in the same region, besides the 148,
“ whose names could not be got in time for the
paper,” in which the address was published, but
which will be given in a pamphlet edition of the
address. The original Jackson men of the West
are, in fact, moving rapidly to the support of Har
rison. With regard to Ohio, the Cincinnati Ga
zelle, after noticing the address of the 148 at
Columbus, adds, that “numerous secessions have
lately taken place in Licking, Muskingum, Perry
Harrison and Jefferson. Conversions are heard
of daily.”
With such marked demonstrations of the pop
ular sentiment of the great West against him,
and in favor of Harrison, the spoiler chief must
have lost all sagacity and “cunning,” if he can
still hope to maintain his hold upon the purse and
the sword, beyond the 4th of March next. A
gainst such evidence of the public judgement,
even his “standing army,” if added to the Sub-
Treasury, would not suffice to lengthen out his
term of office, for a single dav,
“ Comparisons are odious,” as the baboon said
when they told him he looked like a dandy.
“ Your friendship is dear to me,” as (he mer
chant said when he had to pay his endorsement
for his neighbor.
From the Baltimore Patriot.
A Si ax lir the Empire State. —A counfy
meeting: of the friends of the Administration was
recently held in Penn Yan, Yates county. New
York, at which resolutions were passed, denoun
cing the Sub-Treasury scheme, the favorite finan
cial measure ofsaid Administration. The ates
county Democracy say they are “opposed to the
Sub-Treasury system —opposed to it because
it virtually proposes one currency for the
people and a different one for the Govern
ment —because it would impair the credit and
cripple the means of State hanks —because it
promises no benefits, advantages or conveniences
which are not afforded by the present system —
because it eventually proposes a change in the
whole currency of the nation —because it is an
innovation, taking away a tried and positive good,
tor a new and dangerous project —because it
would be surrendering the purse into the hands
of the Executive, thereby increasing its patron
age, and affording a dangerous and powerful
means of corruption.”
While thus denouncing the Sub-Treasury
scheme, and rendering reasons for their denun
ciation, the people of Yates county still profess
“the fullest confidence in the integrity and patri
otism of Martin Van Buren.” They say they
do not fear that he will abuse the dangerous pow
er thus placed in his hands, but that others, per
haps less honest than he, might, in the course of
events, have this “mighty means of mischief com
mitted to their keeping.”
The remark naturally suggests itself, that a
mong honest and disinterested men, as we must
presume these Yates county Democrats to
be, such honest and well founded opposition
to (he “favorite measure” of the Administra
tion cannot continue, without weakening their
confidence in the Administration, and eventually
turning their eyes towards a safer and a better
chief, to be found elsewhere. Mr. Van Buren
has set his heart upon this “mischievous” and
“ dangerous” measure ; and by means of his vast
official influence, has actually carried it through
Congress, contrary to the will of the people—as
the pilot fish said, “in spite of the lamentations
here or elsewhere.” This being the known and
evident state of the case, how can the honest ap
ministration men of Yates county (New Y ork)
continue to place confidence in Mr. Van Buren]
It is contrary t« nature, for honest men to support
the authors of bad and And
therefore we may expect in the course of events
that those who are capable of appreciating the full
“mischief” of the Sub-Treasury scheme, and
who denounce it, as the people of Pen Yan do,
will withdraw from the support of its author, and
will, in the end, find themselves thoroughly op
posed to both scheme and schemer.
One of the complaints, publicly made in 1760
by the merchants and traders of Philadelphia,
against the measures of the British Parliament
or Ministry, was the following: “The restric
tion on paper currency, and prohibiting it from
being a legal tender in colony debt—as it deprives
us of the only circulating medium of trade,
which we can by any means retain among us—
prevents the cultivation of lands—obstructs the
improvement of the country, and is peculiarly
embarrassing and distressing to commerce,
which experience has shown us all cannot be
carried on to extensive advantage without it,"
Corruption DcFEATEn.-The corrupt scheme
of Van Kendall, (and his new ally, Dr.
Niles,) Blair & Co., to prohibit “ all persons
from being the hearers of any written or printed
paper, on any mail route, or road parallel there
with,” was an atrocious conspiracy, designed to
promote the special views of the first named of
this notable firm. The United States mail was
intended to be “charged” and sur-charged, with
their forgeries and falsehoods, to the exclusion
of newspapers and documents in refutation, and
individuals, (Whigs especially,) prevented from
carrying a letter to their neighbor’s house, under
the severest penalties.
This conspiracy of Van Buren & Co. was of
so gross and flagrant a nature that the trainbands
in Congress could not be prevailed upon, pliant
as they have proved themselves, to give it their
support, and for once they met with a rebutter
which they probably did not anticipate.
Is it requesting too much to direct the special
attention of the honest and w r cll meaning portion
of our Whig opponents, to this profligate scheme
which would deprive one neighbor of the right
of carrying a letter or a few papers to another,
under a severe penalty, or being cast into prison
if unable to pay it ? Yet the enactment of such
a law was asked of Congress by Van Buren and
his immediate associates to prevent the people
from obtaining information.
From the New York Express.
Ancient Spite.
Gen. Jackson has never forgotten Gen. Harri
son’s notice of his conduct in the Seminole w f ar.
The beautiful tribute of the latter general to the
bravery and skill of the former, was lately pub
lished in the “ Times.” All admired it who gave
it a perusal, and richly did it deserve their admi
ration. But while it applauded the general char
acter, it condemned the particular act of General
Jackson. The consequence was, as appears from
the sequel; the bitter and undying hate of the
hero of New Orleans. Among his first acts on
reaching the Presidency in 1829, was the recall
of Harrison, our minister to Colombia, even be
fore notice was received in this country of his ar
rival at Bogota.
But even this arbitrary and revengeful act was
not enough. His hate rankles even on the jaw
ottbo grave, and in 1840, in contempt of public
opinion and the utter forgetfulness of his own
dignity, he gratuitously publishes a letter denying
to one of his country’s heroes, not only correct
political principles, but the possession of military
abilities. It is strange and humiliating. But
the passions of Gen. Jackson have presented the
spectacle of a successful and rewarded soldier,
jealous of his brother soldier’s fame, seeking to
trample it down, to build upon it the elevation of
a lavorite, whose main recommendation was ob
sequious submission to his will. The spirit of the
nation will redress the wrong, and will frown down
the impious attempt to blast the laurels of its hero.
Consistency. —“ Corruption will be the order
of the day it members of Congress continue to
be appointed to office.” So said Gen. Jackson ;
3 r et he carried out the corrupt practice; and Mr.
Van Buren has closely ‘ followed in his fools*eps.”
—Gov. Marcy, Cambrcleng, Niles and others,
discarded by the people, have received their re
ward from Mr. Van Bcrcn, and now Mr. Phil.
Dtckerson, one of the New Jersey delegates, elec
ted by their own body, by a combination and
fraud, after aiding Van Buren to extend his pow
er, has also been paid with the appointment of
United States Judgeof the District of New Jer
sey. How beautiful is'consistency.
Taking it coolly. —Dr. Pctrikcn, of Penn
sylvania, having been caricatured in a most ludt
crious manner, sent one of the prints to his wife,
with the remark, that as most of the members of
Congress had sat for their portraits, he had con
cluded to have his taken.
Durham Cattle. —There was a sale of im
ported Durham cattle at the Oakland Course,
near of Louisville, Ky., on Wednesday,
the Ist instant. The Journal states that two
superb cows were sold at S4OO. One brought
$~lO, and another $325. Two year old bulls
were sold at from SIOO to 230, and one fine year
ling as low us $55. One yearling heifer was
sold at $ 1 10, and one at $37. Ou account of the
low rates the greater part of the cattle were with
drawn.
From the Cincinnati Gazelle 0
Coolness on the Fielder u~ .
Connected with the movements IS
western aimios.ir 1813 and previous] v H n1 l
incidents which, though too I ,
pages of general history, are nevcrtiicln sor <h« I te ‘
interesting, and well worthy of prew.' hi ?hlv f * cT
Some of these have been related by (v ' atlu, u - lab
ami some other brave officers; several Ti P'o t i1 ‘
in the narratives of Dawson and Hall* ! f ree ° the
be found in the newspapers of the tim e ! ■ "Ur H ‘
they occurred; but the greater the
dwell merely in the recollections of tb/ ° lh ,
soldiers who witnessed them. Some q
play an intrepidity unsurpassed in the .
warfare; others exhibit a coolness in tj ' !tof ? t?
of imminent danger, indicative of the r , eill0Bl( »i b cn
mined resolution and the mostextraordin
Os this latter character are the two incite" mo
tionod below. We find them related in* I a v
from Col. John Speed Smith, (a prominent f din
the administration, in Kentucky,) to a i nea
of this city. Col. Smith, it will be rccollSS wa t
one ot the aids of General Harrison in h, , ■ I
of the Thames. e • '
The writer states, that a moment before tw Ct **
tie commenced, General Harrison rode up t ,be
jestic Seneca Chief, and took his powder 1 tbe
re-prime his pistols. Upon wirnessiag this p* ll wh<
Smith asked him if he expected to come in\ ( , flas
al contact with the enemy; to which the if' ‘
replied, that it was proper to be prepared Jac
event, —that he commanded an army of bep f 5' -1
lerials than Proctor’s —and that he was de'e, ; iff
not to survive a defeat; adding with .
Lieut. Smith, “You had better fresh prime I *° U
I shall expect my aids to die around me!”’ 50,1 y ou
Whilst at the crochet, as er the left h a - k av
covered from its momentary contusion, j n( j * | aw
joined in the front,General Harrison ordered! wo<
Smith to bring down Chile’s command to sup ma
it. While he was giving this order, the nee,’ B bi<
their two horses were interlocked; and someth wa 1
of a tree above them, which had gathered atp u <
tained a cluster of leaves, and around which 1 I Itt!
aid had to look at his Commander, were cut cbP
by the enemy’s balls. Near the spot at the *
moment, a soldier was shot through the thigh.* wei
seeing the Commandcr-in-Chief as heswungron the
and fell, he cried out, “did you see that Genet; mil
they have shot me again!” y a p
This man had been wounded the day before. f ‘
the Bridge. Gen. Harrison directed him to fa' p jJjjL
ken back to have his wounds dressed; but fi* wi
thal his thigh was not broken, the brave fa, ~ll*l
1 bandaged it witii his handkerchief to stop
1 bleeding, clutched up iiis gun, swore lie tncaati *^ u
j have satisfaction, and continued to fight. Ah dec
moments afterwards, a young man dashed up to_. stre
commander, holding a scalp in his hand, and win
out, “Look here, General, I’ve got it! Mj-fa, ac t
was an old Kentucky Indian fighter; and whe v*]'
left home, he made me promise to bring
scalp of a red skin killed by myself. And he? t0 j
is—this is for the old man. jiow 1 want one a .
myself!” And away he sprang in search of j. eiJ '
other enemy. i ib
These two anecdotes, Col. Smith says, git; gur
amused Commodore Perry, when he related fa con
to him at the close of the battle; and the fa w h<
sailor truly said, that an army of such menmn jM» f
not be conquered. And he frequency afterwfa El
on meeting with the officers of the army, wouldti * ier .
peat the brave soldier’s exclamation with greats* ma ‘
—“Do you see that General? —they have shotm ' ‘
again!” mes
' ‘ ‘ i r
Western Sport.—ln the Pacific Monitor.pc. caln
lished at Hannibal, Mississippi, we find itemso; com
sport which would startle an Eastern amateur.- jjgg
An inveterate angler assures the editor of theib
itor that he had recently hookeda small bassisthe 1 *
Mississippi but before he could'landit, a large pit * crc
darted forward and swallowed tiie bass. Mo! td b
course were bagged together. The pike weigfaee mor
twenty pounds. In the same paper the editor tells side
a specimen of his own observation. Angling him. ban'
self in a place where the air was darkened wit »iie
musquitoes, he saw a sturdy j* v
to the buff, pursuing his work as if there wereu j
such nuisances as musquitoes in creation. Tin
very reasonable inference which he drew from to
sight was that eels may, by practice, become met
to skinning. *(
and
From the Gentlemen's Magazine. darl
Scenes in the Mess. OVCI
BY THE AUTHOR OF 1 OLD IKIONSIDES OFF A LI! . .
„ nigl
SHORE. c f t
‘Give us a yarn,gentleman,’saysthelieutenaii', and
pulling down his little waistcoat over bis littk like
belly, and slewing himself in his chair so as ti crav
turn his deaf ear towards the company. spoi
‘Weil, doctor,Ways the purser, lading anothe 1 .‘1
and heavier pull at the halyards, ‘didyoueverhea* Cul
how the olu Culloden lost her sticks just ibos deal
here, many years ago 1”
‘No, cries the doctor, joined by the voices c wre
the whole mess ; let us hear it.’
Well, then,’ says (he purser,‘here it goes., the
pet
THE. DEAD Man’s LEDGE. ■
• wai
‘Not more than one hundred miles from t& i 2
southern extremity of England, rises in awfc cras
majesty above the tempestuous ocean, the j n g
ful breakers of the dead man’s ledge. Aolbm jj le(
can exceed the solitary appearance —the loot tiie
dreary loneliness they present the eye of t • ’
watchful seaman when the heavy swell ofßisci a j (>
comes rolling up towards the northern oceans g o rt
the light scud spreads its flitting screen ot frosif <
silver before the face of the broad red hane w j n
moon. When the night comes on in Mackiol* .j
ing shadows from the windward, andlhestom mag
petrol calls his little band together to dance upo
the white foam that hisses in the vessel’s wit' it>p (
then may bo heard the terrific music of the tie* jnsr
man’s ledge, louder than the wail of the canvas J OVI
splitting tempest, louder than the moan oft: »]
wilderness of waters, as it heaves up its blackei t urr
ed breast to own its God. will
‘From the day of the earliest navigators, the.' *]
rocks have been famous in story, and when ’• the
shadows of evening settle upon the deep, wo a wer
unto the outward bound mariner that se«a n ase
their dark summits sink in the waste of loam c*i join
ped waves astern. a 6 lt
‘lt was the commencement of the nineteen
century, when a heavy armed corvette undent was
ble reefed top-sails, came running belore a * sloe
southwester, and just at evening discovered - 1 anc
Agnes’light ahead. Proudly she dashed wre
the billows, and with the setting of thewatc its t
lantern rose to her ensign peak, and a hea'}
non mingled its note with the thunder oft * e " *nd
ments around. A large ship now rose rae
horizon astern, and soon a light gleamed oVfr
purpled deck. A bright flash soon shovve * j
the cannon of the three-decker lias answers- j a^(
signal of her consort, and then the thick
the evening storm hid them Irom each oi- l
VieW ‘ ti
‘Forecastle, there,’thundered the oltr-
deck. , end
‘Aye, aye, sir,’ answered the master s m ■ neg
‘Keep a bright look-out ahead, sir. : q
‘Aye, aye, sir.’ s> pari
The captain now came upon deck; Hal
anxiously he looked towards the light, an
as his eye rested upon a break in the water-' • Ua j
he said— at II
‘There they are, the black devils. ur - mi n
pin, send the best men to the wheel. eas)
‘Aye, aye, sir,’ sai l the first lieutenan , a j )o
soon a hardy set of old quartermasters c ha
spokes. • ithaca* a^n
‘Man the relieving tackles,’ thunderc |fi e
tain ; they were manned instantly
an "
swered her helm promptly, the crest , and
broke all around her, but not a wave u on
kiss her decks. . t fieoter ** er
‘Tr.e storm increr s, sir,’ said them 8 nea
ant, touching his hat. .. > r oi
‘Furl the top-sails, and set the ti7* sa ‘ s ’ pov
cd the commander, above the howling ” by
Dark forms glided up the till
soon the top-sails were furled, ihe ,r - s
same time caught the wind, and the s P a I
most started from the holt rope. . t l
‘Have axes laid by the masts —this is Bui
for idlers—call all hands,’said the cap 3 Wa(
‘All hands,’ cried the boatswain. jjjpii ****
‘All bands,’ shouted bis mates, and a abc
stood upon deck. Then might one