Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. A 1J <; U s T A . _____ TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 11. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio ; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican— the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. for vice-president, JOHN TILER, Os Virginia; , T A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S— one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. ~ JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark, SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin, ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs, FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. ®SjLIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. No mail northof Charleston last night. , North Carolina Elections, The Charleston Courier of yesterday says;— We have been furnished by a gentleman just from the North, with the following returns from North Carolina, being Ml that have as yet been received : Moorehead (W.) Saunders (Adm.) Washington, .379 Beaufort, 846 363 Edgt combe, 11l 1 -98 Franklin, 353 636 Warren, 88 70.3 Granville, 873. 760 Wayne,... 00. 512 maj. Alabama Elections. The Montgomery Advertiser of the 7th, an administration paper, says: “From present ap“ pearances, there is no doubt but that the Demo cratic vote of Alabama, on joint ballot, will be somewhat reduced. We do not regret this. — The difficulty has been, that it was too large to manage. The strength of parties ia the Senate will be nearly balanced, but in the House of Re presentatives, we shall have the controlling influ" eace, unless some unexpected defection has ta ken place in the Northern counties. In South Alabama, the Harrisonites have gained in the Le gislature, as far as heard from, but the popular vote, compared with that of IS3G is decidedly against them.” •'From the Log Cabin Extra. Barhour —Mann and Shanks, Representa tives Bahbotjr ana Russell. — Buford, elected to the Senate, which is a whig gain. Greek— Riddle, Senate. Young McAlpin . Murphcy, Representatives; reported whig map over 500. Pike —Simmons and Dickson, Reps. Mobile — Bales, Prince, Hollinger and Lang don, Representatives: majority over 100. Baldwin — Hall, Representative; 30 major ity. Whig gain. Perky— Barron, Bradley and Seawell, Rep resentatives. 1 whig gain. Increased whig ma jority 84. Conecuh — Bell, Representative, 170 major ity. Dallas — Phillips, Senate. Whig gain.— Norwood and Norris, Representatives. Bibb and Suelbt — Watrous, Senate; whig gain. • ~ Shelby—Two W/itgs. Gain 1. Tallapoosa—Stone. Representative. Talladega—Hill and Rice Reps. Macon and Tallapoosa—Daily, Senate.— This district was lost to the whigs by unfortu nately having two candidates in the field. 1 democratic gain. Chambers —McLemore aud McCoy, represen tatives. 280 majority. Whig gain 2. Tuscaloosa —Four Whigs. Whig gain 1. Jefferson —McMillan and Randolph, one whig loss. Bibb —Two Whigs elected. 1 whig gain. Report says that the whigs have carried Ma rengo and Pickens, which will be a gain of 3. Butler and Pike —Womack Senate, whig gain. Those in Italics are whigs. <£j=Tn accordance with the wishes of some of our friends, we shall publish the Sub Treasury Bill in the course of a few days. Extract of a letter dated Raytown, Ga., August 3, IS4O. Never have wc seen such manifestations of deep and settled political feeling as were exhi bited at the Harrison Barbecue given at Raytown on the Ist inst. It seemed as if the whole couu" try had emptied it-elf into 1 1J Raytown. About 2000 persons were on the ground, a procession wa» formed under the direction of Gen. Grier, and proceeded to the tables where they partook of the Barbecue. The cloth being removed the audience was respectively addressed by Col. Sayre, Col. Gamble , Col. Foster, Col. Johnson, Capt. Tombs, and Capt. Smyth, in answer to calls. The speeches were replete with argument, jvith facts and thrilling denunciations of the poli cy of the present administration, and the most eloquent appeals in favor of Harrison and Reform. ' It would be vain forme to attempt a description of the enthusiasm which pervaded the meeting owing to the inclemency of the weather the toasts that were prepared for the occasion were not given. Meeting in Pulaski Count y* At a meeting of the friends of Harrison, Tyler and Reform, held in Hawkinsville, Pulaski county, July iSth, IS4O, John Rawls, Esq., was called to the Chair, and Augustus H. Hansell requested to act as Secretary'. On motion ol A. H. Hansell. it w’as Resolved, That the persons whoso names are hereunto attached, be appointed delegates to the Convention to be held in the city of .dacon, on the second Thursday in August next, and that all others friendly' to the election of Harrison and Tyler, and who may wish to attend, hand in their names to the Chairman of this meeting, and be recognised as delegates from Pulaski county. John Rawls, Turner Coley, W B Reeves, James Lamkin, John Lampkin, Washington Lancaster, John Newsom, Wright Lancaster, John Anderson, Thomas Bembry, Thomas Barber, A J Coalson, J Coney, Jacob M Snell, John Lee, Willet \\ Snell, Wm Kirksey, Abram Shiver, J Bohannon, Daniel Rawls, John D Gordon, B Shiver, H Henderson, Francis Wright, Wm Brown, Isaac Shiver, Blackshear Bryant, John Beavans, R R Slappev, A H Hansell, George Walker, B Newsom, Wm A Berry, J II Wallace, Edward St George, J W Powers, Thomas J Wright, Jackson Snell, Robert J Anderson, Darling Jones, Wm Bacon, Wm D Eddings, G G Graham, Wm Roebuck, J E J Horne, Hardy' Jones, Henry Phelps, J J Mayo, Theophilus Sutton, Bryan Bradley, James E Philips, Crawford Hart, Robert N Taylor, Wm W Mayo, James Philips, Andrew' D Beaty, Charles Walker, Samuel F Jones, David Walker, Edmund F Brown, Charles E Taylor, Matthew Lynham, Simeon Gray' Bush F Deffnall, H L Niles, John Dormany, Henry Anderson, Hardy Powers, George W Hines, William Spiers, JED Coley', George Brainerd. After which the meeting adjourned. JOHN RAWLS Chairman. A. H, Hansell, Secretary. Harrison fleeting at Abbeville C. 11. According to previous arrangements the friends of the election cf William Henry' Harrison to the office of President of the United States, met in the Court House of Abbeville, August 3d, 1340. Col. Larkin Griffin was appointed President, and Wm. S Burch and Dr. Thomas B. Dcndy, appointed Sec retaries. On motion of J. V. Cain, a committee of twenty five were appointed to select and repoit suitable persons as candidates, to represent the cause of Harrison, Tyler and Reform at our ensuing elec tions. The committee consisted of the following gen tlemen, viz: Capt Irvin, Maj Thomas Wilks, Maj Alston, WmS Burch, J Willard, Dr F Branch, Dr Wra Smith, Mr Jacobs, Samuel A Hodges, Maj Caldwell, Capt Wm Parltous, Wm Pascal, A W Batie, B Allen, A Miller, S Barr, J A Burton, A Morrow, O Taggart, S Bird, W N McKeller, A R Patton, R H Leslie, Capt Cannon. A B Arnold, After a short time the committee relumed, and submitted the following report: The committee appointed to select and report the names of suita ble persons as candidates to represent the Harrison party in this district, beg leave to recommend the names of the following persons as candidates: For Congress, Wyat W. Stark—For the Senate, Dr. A. B. Arnold—For Representatives, James W. Harris, Dr. Paul W Conner, John Brownlee, J. C. Willard, and Dr. S. V. Cain. After which, Dr. A. B. Arnold rose and addressed the meeting in a very' able and spirited He spoke of the life and and character of William H. Harrison, and refuted most successfully many of the foul calumnies attempted to be cast upon him by his political opponents. Also of the cur rency question, particularly of the Sub-Treasury and a National Bank —the latter of which he ably advocated and at considerable length —showing that during the existence of a National Bank the fiscal concerns, both of the government and com merce, was successfully and happily conducted, and of the present embarrassed state of affairs. Dr. S. V. Cain was then called upon. He ap peared and addressed the meeting with an able and lengthy address, upon all the important topics now agitating the American people, relative to tne en suing Presidential election, and upon the neces sity of a change and reform in the present admin istration —advocated the claims of Gen. Harrison over Mr. Van Buran—refuted the charges of Gen. Harrison’s being an abolitionist, federalist, &c. James W. Harris then rose and invited any gen tleman of the opposite party to address the meeting Mr. Wardlaw and Maj. Burt were immediately called for by their party'. Mr. Wardlaw was pre sent and addressed the meeting in his usual able and eloquent style, to whom James W. Harris re plied. Maj. Burt appeared in reply to James W. Harris. It was moved and seconded that tne meeting ad journ until sale day in September next. LARKIN GRIFFIN, Pres’t. WiM. S. Burch, > rr, u .... > Secretaries. Dr. Thomas B. Dendy,s Baltimore, August 6. Various stories were in circulation in this city yesterday, respecting a duel which was reported to have taken place on Tuesday, on the Virginia side of the Potomac, between the Hon. Francis Thomas, member of Congress from the Frederick District of this Stale, and the Hon. Wm. Price of Hagerstown. One of the stories went so far as to say that at the first fire Mr. Thomas had been killed on the spot, and that Mr Price had been mortally wounded —the parties having fought at three paces. It was soon found, how ever, that the reports could not be traced to any authentic source; and the belief that they were untrue wastully confirmed on the arrival of the cars from Frederick, yesterday afternoon—no such occurrence being known there when the train 1 left at ten o’clock in die morning. It is known that a difficulty had occurred some time ago be tween the gentlemen named, which wis expec ted to resuit in a hostile meeting, but it is to he hoped that the. measures which have been taken to prevent it, have been successful.— American. Important Letter from Gov Kinney of Illinois. Mount Pleasant, (III.) July 10, 1840. Dr. A. G. Henry, Chairman of the Whig Cen tral Committee of Illinois. D f.au Sir : Your letter of the 6th ultimo which you have done me the honor to address to me on the part of the Central Committee has this moment come to hand, and I regret that I arn so indisposed (having been confined to my room for three weeks with a fever) that I shall be compell ed, in part, to answer your several inquiries by referring to a portion of my recent publications, which I think, will fully answer your first inter rogatory. You ask me, it in yielding my support to Gen. Harrison for the Presidency, 1 have here deser ted any of the democratic principles which I have heretofore advocated ! I answer unhesitatingly that I have not. And, as an evidence of it, I beg leave to refer you to my letter addressed to the Hon. A. VV. Synder, at hisiequest; which let ter was published in the Madisonian, Pack woodsman, State Register, and other papers; and I would thank the editors of those papers to re publish the letter, as it will show the People what my views were upon the sub-Treasury scheme many year ago. In the letter referred to, . I expressed no decided opposition to the present ruinous sub-Treasury system, which is now look ed upon as a threatening storm, which will deso late and lay waste our trade and commerce, and bring our People to poverty and want. I still continue to advocate the original prin ciples which General Jackson avowed, and which Mr, Van. Bureo promised to carry out ; and in view of which promise, I warmly supported his election to the Presidency. But Mr. Van Buren has himself abandoned those original measures of General Jackson by thrice urging upon the Peo ple the sub-Treasury system, which the People, through their immediate Representatives have thrice, rejected. When he first recommended the adoption of the present sub-Treasury system he promised to go “in accordance with the wishes of the People.” He has failed to do so. I there fore am compelled, from a sense of duty to my self and rny country, to say that I cannot, under any circumstances, he induced to yield him my support, at least, not until I can support him on principle. When General Jackson retired from office he left the Government in a more prosperous, in dependent, and happy situation than any other nation on earth, and what, let me ask, is the con dition of the country now ! Let every true lover of this country, every true Republican, reflect upon the situation we are now placed in.—Let them also remember that in ail countries where the sub Treasury is in operation the laboring class remain in poverty, without any hope of bettering their condition —the rich daily growing richer upon the labor of the poor , and are in consequence enabled to support mon archy, priestcraft, and aristocracy, which when connected together, area trinity of articles which no country has yet been able to compete with ; and the warfare against which has cost money and blood enough to make every reflecting per son ciy out, in the language of the prophet, “Oh that my head were waters, and my eyes a foun tain of tears, that i might weep over” the misery and suffering in store for the People of this na tion. A standing Army must be connected with this abominable scheme; and notwithstanding Wash inglon, Jefferson, and all their successors in the Presidential chair down to Mr. \an Buren, recommend a small number es troops in lime of peace, yet vve find that the present Executive, through the Secretary of War, has recommended raising an army of 200,000 men, one-half to be under pay, and the remainder ready to be called j into service at a moment’s warning. The power which such an army would give the President, both physical and political, must he evident to every reflecting man. They are to be | called militia, instead of regulars, for the purpose of securing to them the right of voting, which is not allowed to regular troops; thus placing under the control of the President 200,000 voters, to be used as may best suit his interest. And should he at any lime be disposed to place a crown upon his head, he would have at his command 200,000 bayonets. These are some ofthc principal considerations that have induced me to pledge myself to support ; Gen. Wm. H. Harrison; and I would appeal at j this time to the original Jacksonian Democrats with whom I have acted in good faith, to say ( whether Mr. Van Buren did not ride into office on the wings of Gen. Jackson’s popularity! And I would ask them also, it they did not vote for Mr. Van Buren because he promised to carry out i the great democratic principles of Gen. Jackson’s first administration! lam free to acknowledge that I did. In the second place, as you ask me if the Re publication party with which I acted in 1812 and 1813 constitutes any portion of that party which supported Mr. Clinton in opposition to Mr. Mad ison 1 In answer, I say it did not. The old De Witt Clinton parly were generally known, and always termed in those days, “ theAnti-War Fed eral party.” They supported Mr. Clinton be cause he was a rank Federalist, and an uncom promising opponent of the war. It was on that ground I myself opposed him, believing then as I do now, that his election would have proved ru inous to the liberties of the People. That Mr. Van Buren then supported De Witt Clinton is matter of history that will not be denied. In conclusion, I would affectionately appeal to the old Jacksonian Democrats to come out bold ly and fearlessly in favor of their original princi ples, and their own pecuniary interest. Go to •the polls and cast; our votes for the Old Hero of the West —the man who fought the battles of your country, and to whom you are indebted, in a great measure, for your present quiet homes, and the liberty and freedom which we now en joy. I have the honor to remain your humble servant, WILLIAM KINNEY. From the Cincinnati Chronicle. The Truth of History. A fact in the life of his Excellency, Martin Van Buren. At a recent meeting of the Whig members of the New York General Assembly, approving the nomination of General Harrison, the following remarks were a. part of those made by Mr. Sibley a member from Monroe county. The fact he slates only illustrates the general one, that Mr. Van Buren, like Sii Robert Walpole, has during his whole political life, believed and acted upon the principles of corruption. Openly and above board did his parlizan, Marcy, avow it in respect to public offices; but the manner in which Mr. V an Buren acted it out in pecuniary transactions is not sufficently well known. In New York they know him, but elsewhere the truth seems in credible. “Mr. Chairman—lt was a remark of the father of his country, that there was an “indissoluble union between a magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of a public prosperity and felicity.” But sir, we have low plotting selfishness when we ought to a magnanimity, and the humi lating spectacle before our eyes of a President of the United States courting the low leveller, and actually buying support where it was not to be had for fawihg or flattery. When Mr. Van. Buren was a candidate for Governor of this State there was a printing estab- lishment in the county where I reside, (Monroe) w hich it was found could be subsidized for twelve hundred dollars. A few of the faithful made a note for the amount —Martin Van Buren endors ed it and caused it to be d scounted at a monied corporation in this city for fifteen months, when no others could get paper discounted hy the same corporation which nad half that period to run! The orthodoxy of trading on borrowed capital had not then been denied. The money was paid to the old federalists who owned the establishment, and the paper went over body and soul to the support of Van Buren. He has since appointed one of the signers of this note, Collector of the port of Gennesee, and another of them Post master of the city of Rochester ! Haying succeeded in obtaining his election by this “fair business transaction,” he came out in his message a few days after, (like the culprit who breaks out of his cell, and cries “slop thief,” to conceal his identity.) and expressed a hope that some measures might be adopted to prevent the distribution of money previous to elections ; as he thought it had a tendency , to corrupt the peo ple in their “primary assemblies.” It is necess ary, Mr. Chairman, to state these facts in relation to our “favorite son,” to prevent him from passing himself off upon distant States, like a counterfeit bill, for more than he is worth. Here, where we know him so well, sir, there is no danger from his future exertions, but Van Buren, like Dun lap’s pictuie of “Death on. a pale horse, ’ looks best at a d stance. In placing such a man at the head of the Gov ernment, New York like our mother Eve, has been first in the transgression. Here, in this city, sir, the first vile plottings against the interests of the country were concocted, and the overt act which has consummated their destruction has been committed at Washington. But, sir, the measure of their iniquities is full —the people will bear no more—New York will make an ample atonement at the next election —the pitcher has been sent to the well for the last time.” Keep it Before the People. That Martin Van Buren, in the Convention to amend the Constitution of New York, made a speech in favor of a property qualification, and urged in justilication of excluding Revolutionary Soldiers from the right of suffrage, that it made no difference how unjust it might appear, as to the old veterans who would all be dead in the course of fifteen years. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE, That the whole of the 27 foreign monarchies from whom Mr. Van Buren asks direction how he shall administer the affairs of the republic, ap prove of his principles and would rejoice should he succeed in reducing the people of the *nly free nation on earth to a lovel with their own obe ; dient and degraded subjects. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE, That Mr. Van Buren has confessed, in his last annual message, that twenty-two of the despotic Kings and Ernpciors of Europe approved fully ■ of the Sub-Treasury scheme, oy which three fourths of the people’s earning will be transfer red to the pockets of the office holders. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE, That Martin Van Buren is at this moment, to all intents and purposes, a Monarch, waiting only the power to prevent the people from expressing their disapprobation of his inquisitorial designs, i KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE, ■ That he is now exerting his energies to obtain this power by creating a standing army of two I HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN, to be Used for the purpose of putting down “combinations,” or, in ! other words, “ conventions of the people, there by violating the Constitution, which guarantees ■ to all citizens the right peaceably to assemble and take measures to have their grievances re ; dressed. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE, That the whole policy of Mr. Van Buren’s ad ministration is at war with their best interests, [ and destructive of their nominal prosperity. Let | it be known throughout the length and breadth I of the land, that a crusade is now going on t against the rights of the workingman, whose j wages are to be reduced to TEN cen;s a day. I Spread it from East to West, from North to | !Boulh, the decree has gone forth that a sheep’s | head and pluck is a sufficient reward for a day sos hard toil. Let every dweller in the “Log L'a l bins” of the country know the fact, that a Loco | Foco Congressman has declared the ‘hard fisted’ j laborers of America can, and should, subsist j without meat, and that potato soup, onions and | garlic, are good enough for the men who, in the f estimation of Martin Van Buren, James Bucha f: nan, Thomas H. Benton, and Senator Walker, r are only fit to be placed on a level with the serfs of Russia, or the black slaves of the West India $ Islands. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE, t That Gen. William Henry Harrison will be I the President on the4lh of March next, and will | rectify all the evils under which the country suf i fers, and restore the. Government to the pure De is inocratic principles of Jefferson and Madison. Mr. Clay’s Speech— Concluded. [ I have thus, fellow-citizens, exhibited to you a I true and faithful pictuie of Executive powers, as it lias been enlarged and expanded within the last few years, and as it has been proposed further to extend it. It overshadows every other branch of Ibe Government. The source of legislative power is no longer to be found in the Capitol, but in the palace of the President, in assuming to be a part of the legislative power, as the President recently did, contrary to the Constitution, be would have been nearer the actual fact if he had alleged that he was the sole legislative power of the Union. How is it possible for public liberty to be pre served, and the constitutional distributions of pow er, among the Departments of Government, to be maintained, unless the Executive career be checked and restrained ? It may be urged that two securities exist: first that the Presidential term is of short duration; and, secondly, the elective franchise.—But it has been already shown that whether a depository of power be arbitrary or compatible with liberty does not depend upon the duration of the official term, but upon the amount of power invested. The Dictatorship in Rome was an office of brief exist ence, generally shorter than the Presidential term. Whether the elective franchise be an adequate se curity or not, is a problem to be solved next No vember.- I hope and believe it yet is. But if Mr. \ an Buren should be re-elected, the power already acquired by the Executive be retained, and that which is in progress be added to that department, it is my deliberate judgment that there will be no hope remaining for the continuance of the liber ties of the country. And yet the partizans of this tremendous Execu tive power arrogate to themselves the name of Democrats, and bestow upon us, who are opposed to it, the denomination of Federalists ! In the J- en ate of the United States there are five gentlemen who were members of the Federal party ; and four of them have been suddenly transformed into Dem ocrats, and are now warm supporteis of this Ad ministration, whilst I who had exerted the utmost of my humble abilities to arouse the nation to a vindication of its insulted honor and its violated rights, and to the vigorous prosecution of the war against Great Britain, to waich they were violent ly opposed, find myself, by a sort of magical influ ence, converted into a federalist! The only Amer ican Citizen that I ever met with, who was an avowed monarchist, was a supporter of the admin istration ofGeneral Jackson ; and he acknowledged to me that this motive w’as to bring abou; the sys tem of monarchy, which his judgment preferred. Iheie were other points of difference between the I ederalists and the Democratic or rather Re puolican party of 1795, but the great, leading, piominent discrimination between them related to the constitution ol the Executive Department of tne Government. Phe Federalists believed that, in its stiucture, it was too weak, and was in dan ger of being crushed by the preponderating weight of the legisla.ive branch. Hence they rallied a roundthe Executive and sought to give to it strength and energy. A strong Government, an energetic Executive was among them,the common language and the great object of that day. The Republi cars, on the contmv, believed that the reel dan ger lay on on the side of the Executivei, ttot hav m 2 a continuous and uninterrupted existence, i tiip niprt ready to defend the puw was always on the aieu, re.mjt tv er it had, and prompt in acquiring m » the experience of history demonstrated that it was the encroaching and usurpingdcpai m . • .-• » therefore, rallied around the People and tns Le o .s What are the positions, of the two great P of the present day? Modern democracy la duced the federal theory of a strong and eneig - Executive to practical operation. It has tunic* from the People, the natural ally of genuine de mocracy, to the Executive, and instead ol vigi lance, jealousy, and distrust, has given to that de paitment all its confidence, and made to it a virtual surrender of all the powers of Government. Ihe recognized maxim of royal infallibility is trans planted from the British monarchy into mod ern American democracy, and the President can do no wrong! This new school adopts, modilies, re nounces, renews opinions at the pleasure of the Executive. Is the Bank of the United States a useful and valuable institution ? Yes, unanimous ly pronounces the democratic Legislature ot Penn sylvania. The President vetoes it as a pernicious and dangerous establishment. The democratic majority in the same Legislature pronounces it to be pernicious and dangerous. The democratic ma jority of the House of Representatives of the Uni ted States, declare the deposites of the public mon ey in the Bank of the United States to be safe. 'I he President says they are unsafe, an i removes them. The deinociacy say they are unsafe, and approves the removal The President says that a scheme of a Sub-Ticasury is revolutionary and disorganizing The democracy says it is revo.u tionary and disorganizing. Ihe President says it is wise and salutary. The democracy says it is w ise and salutary. The Whigs of 1840, stand where the Republi cans of 1798 stood, and where the Whigs ol the Revolution were, battling for liberty, lor the Peo ple, for free institutions, against power, against corruption, against Executive encroachments, a gainst monarchy. We are rep cached with struggling for offices and their emoluments. If we acted on the avowed and acknowledged principle of our opnonents. “that the spoils belong to the victors,” we should indeed be unworthy of the support of the people. No ! fellow-citizens ; higher, nobler, more patriotic mo tives actuate the Whig party. Their object is tne restoration of the Constitution, the preservation of liberty, the rescue of the country. If they were governed by the sordid and selfish motives acted upon by their opponents, and unjustly imputed to them, to acquire office and emolument, they have oiry to change their names, and enter the Presi dential palace.—The gate is always wide open, and the path is no narrow one which leads through it. The last comer, too, often fares best. On a resurvey of thefewpast years, we behold enough to sicken and sadden the hearts of true pat riots. Executive encroachment has quickly fol lowed upon Executive encroachment ; persons honored by public confidence, and from whom no thing but grateful and parental measures should have flowed, have inflicted stunning blow after blow in such rapid succession that, before the people could recover from the reeling effects of one, another has fallen heavily upon them. Had either of the various instances of Executive misrule stood out separate and alone, so that its 0110110113' might have been seen and dwelt upon with composure, the condemnation of the Execu tive would have long since been pronounced; but it has hitherto found safety and impunity', in the bewildering effccs of the multitude of its mis deeds. The nation has been in the condition of a man who having gone to bed after his barn has been consumed by lire, is aroused in the morning to wit ness his dwelling house wrapped in flames. So bold and presumptuous had the Executive become, that penetrating in Us influence the Hall of a co ordinate branch of the Government, by means of a submissive or instructed majority of the Senate, it has caused a record of the country' to be effaced and expunged, the inviolability of which was guar antied by a solemn injunction of the Constitution ! And that memorable and scandalous scene was en acted only' because the offensive record contained an expression of disapprobation of an Executive proceeding. If this state of things were to remain—if the progress of Executive usurpation were to contin ue unchecked, hopeless despair would seize on the public mind, or the People would be goaded to acts of open and violent resistance. But thank God, the power of the President, fearful and rapid as its strides have been, is not yet too great for the power of the elective franchise ; and a bright and glorious prospect, in the election of William Hen ry' Harrison, has opened upon the country. The necessity of a change of Rulers has deeply' pene trated the hearts of the People; and we every where behold cheering manifestations ot that hap py event. The fact of his election alone, without reference to the measures of his Administration, will powerfully contribute to the security and hap- I piness of the People. It will bring assurance of the cessation of that long series of disastrous ex periment’s which have so greatly afflicted the Peo ple. Confidence will immediately revive, credit be restoied, active business will return, prices of products will rise; and the people will feel and know that, instead of their servants being occupied in devising measures for their ruin and destruction they will be arduously employed in promoring their welfare and prosperity. But grave and serious measures, will unques tionably', early and anxiously command the earnest attenton of the new' Administration. I have no authority to announce, and do not pretend to an nounce, the purposes of the new President. I have no knowledge of them other than than that which is accessible to every citizen. In what I shall say as to the course ofanew Administration, therefore I mean to express my own sentiments, to speak for myself, without compromittiug any other per son. Upon such an interesting occasion as this is, in the midst of the companions of my youth, or their descendants, I have felt that it is due to them and to myself explicitly to declare my sentiments, without reserve, and to show that I have been, and, as I sincerely' believe, the friends with whom 1 have acted have been, animated by the disinter ested desire to advance the best interests of the countiy and preserve its free institutions. The first, and in my opinion, the most important object, which should engage the serious attention of a new administration, is that of circumscribing the Executive pow er, and throwing around it such limitations and safe-guards as will render it no longer dangerous to the public liberties. What is the work of man that does not neces sarily partake of his imperfections ; and it was not to be expected that, with all the acknowledged wisdom and virtues of the framers of our Constitu tion, they could have set forth a plan of Govern ment, so free from all defect and so full of guaran tees, that it should not,in the conflict of embitter ed parties and of excited passions, be perverted and misinterpreted. Misconceptions or erroneous constructions of the powers granted in the Consti tution, would p.obably have occured, after the lapse of many years, in seasons of entire calm, and with a regular and temperate administration of the Government; but, during the last twelve years the machine, driven by a reckles charioteer with frightful impetuosity, has been greatly jarred and jolted, and it needs careful examination and a thorough repair. With the view, therefore, to the fundamental character of the Government itself, and especial ly of the Executive branch, it seems to me that, either by amendments of the Constitution, when they are necessary, or by remedial legislation, when the object falls within the scope of the pow ers of Congress, there should ue, Ist. A provision to render a person inelli<rible to the office of President of the U. S. after vice of one term. Much observation and deliberate reflection have satisfied me that too much of the time, the thoughts and the exertions of the incumbent, are occupied during his first term, in securing his re-election. The public business, consequently suffers ; and measures are proposed or executed with less regard to the general prosperity than to their influence upon the approaching election. If the limitation to one terra existed, the President would be exclu sively devoted to the discharge of his public duties; and he would endeavor to signalize his adminis tion by the beneficence and wisdom of its meas ures. 2d. That the veto power should be more pre cisely defined, and be subjected to further limita tions and qualifications. Although a large, per haps the largest, proportion of all the acts of Con gress passed at the short session of Congress since the comrnencement of the Government, were pas sed within the three last days of the session, and when of course the President for (he time being had not the ten days for consideration allowed by the Constitution, President Jackson availing him- self of that allowance, has failed to return tant bills. When not returned by pJ P ‘ n within ‘he ten days, it is questionable' »w ident they they are laws or not.—lt i s Very . c ' Vhet her the next Congress cannot act upon them u tlut ding whether or not they shall become President’s objections notwithstanding t!le ought to be provided for. A 1 'his 3d. That the power of dismission fna* I should be restricted, and the exercise of it h °^ Ce dcred responsible. 1 " e rea- The constitutional concurrence of th* s necessary to the confirmation of all • eaat ® is appointments; but without consulting thp m^°rt * nt without any other motive than resoa'mem^ 1111 *’ price, the President may dismiss at his sol ° rca ‘ ure, any officer created by the joint action It self and the Senate. The practical etlc°- • nullify the agency of the Senate. ** to occasionally cases in which the public fin ma * quires an immediate dismission without 1 I for the assarabling of the Senate ; but i n T, l n ? cases, the President should be bound to co a cate fully the grounds and motives of the sion. The power would be thus rendered sibie. Without it, the exercise of the n res ! )0 8' utterly repugnant to free institutions the 15 which is perfect responsibility and dance the public liberty, as has been already rhoJjj 4th. That the control ever the Treasury f U. States should be confined and confined ex* 1 ° • ly to Congress ; and all authority of the p° USlVe ' over it, by means of dismissing the Secreta^* 01 the Treasury, or other persons in the charge of it, be rigorously precluded. etaate You have heard much, fellow citizens ofth voice of the Banks and Government. Afte^*' pling them, and impairing their utility, the E live and its partizans have systematically ccd them. The Executive and the country D ° UD ' warned again and again, of the fatal course has been pursued ; but the Executive nevenh i persevered, commencing, by praising and by. decrying the State Banks. Under cover r the smoke which has been raised, the leal > ject all along has been, and yet’is, to obtain the possession of the money power of the V ■ That accomplished and sanctioned by the Pe —the union of the sword and the purse in th hands of the President effectually secured and-! farewell to American liberty'. The Sub-Treasury is the scheme for effecting 4, that union—and, lam told, that of all the days m J the year, that which gave birth to our National ex isteuce and freedom, is the selected day to be dis graced by ushering into existence a measure i m .' minently perilous to the liberty , which on that an niversary, we commemorate in joyous festivals Thus, in the spirit of destruction which animates our rulers, would they convert a day of gladness and of glory, into a day of sadness and of mourning Fellow-citizens, there is one divorce urgently de manded by the safety and the highest interests of the countiy—a divorce of the President from the Treasury of the United States, And sth. That the appointment of members of Congress to any office, or any but a few specified offices, during their continuance in office, and for I one year thereafter, be prohibited. This is a hackney'ed theme; but it is not less de- 1 serving serious consideration. The Constitution now interdicts the appointment of a member of 1 Congress to any' office created, or the emoluments I of which had been increased whilst he was in of. ' (ice. In the purer days of the republic, that re striction might have been sufficient—but in these more degenerate times, it is necessary', by an amend- j i rnent of the Constitution, to give the principle greater extent. These are the subjects in relation to the pernu nentcharacter of the Government itself, which.it seems to me, are worthy of the serious attention Li of the people, and of a new administration. There are others of an administrative nature, which re quire prompt and careful consideration. Ist. The currency of the country, its stability and uniform value, and, as intimately and indisso lubly connected with it, the insurance of the faith- ! ful performance of the fiscal services necessary to the Government should be maintained and secured by exercising all the powers requisite to those ob jects with which Congress is constitutionally in vested. These are the great ends to be aimedat the means are of subordinate importance. Wheth er these ends, indispensible to the well both the people and the government, ate to be at tained by sound and safe State banks, carefully se lected and properly' distributed, or by a new Bank , of the United States, with such limitations, condi- * rions and restrictions, as have been indicated by experience, should be left to the arbitrament of en lightened public opinion. Candor and truth require me to say, that in my judgment, whilst banks continue to exist in the country, the services of a bank of the United States cannot be safely dispensed with. I think that the power to establish such a bank is a settled question; settled by' Washington and by Madison, by the * ! people, by forty' year’s acquiescence, by the judich i ry, and by both of the great parlies which so long ! held sway in this country'. I know and I respect ; the contrary opinion, which is entertained in this State. But in my' deliberate opinion of the mat ter, view the power to establish such a bank being 1 settled, and being a necessary and proper power, the only' question is as to the expediency of its ex- ' ercisc. And on questions of mere expediency pub lic opinion ought to have a controlling influence.— Without banks, I believe we cannot have a suffi cient currency; without a Bank of the United fl .States, I fear we cannot have a sound currency.— But it is the end, that of a sound and sufficient | currency, and a faithful execution of the fiscal du ties cf Government, tha. should engage the dis passionate and candid consideration of the whole community'. There is nothing in the name of a h Bank of the United States which has any magical charm, or to which any one need be wedded. It is to secure certain great objects, without which so- I cieiy cannot prosper; and, if contrary to myap- | prehensions, theve objects can be accomplished by dispensing with the agency of a Bank of the United I states, and employing that of State banks, all ought I to rejoice, and heartily acquiesce, and none would more than I should. 2d. That the public lands, in conformity with the trusts created expressly or by'just implication, | on their acquisition, be administered in a spirit o! liberality towards the new States and Territories, and in a spirit of justice towards all the States. The land bill, which was rejected by President Jackson, and acts of occasional legislation, will ac complish both these objects. I regret that the time docs n. t admit of my' exposing here the nefarious plans and purposes of the administration as to this vast national resource. That, like every other great interest of the country, is administered with the sole vi. w of the effect upon the interest of the party in power. A bill has passed the Senate,and is now pending before the House, according to „ which forty millions of dollars are stricken the real value of a certain portion of the puhhc lands by a short process; and a citizen of Virginia residing on the southwest side of the Ohio, isM allowed to purchase lands as cheap by half a do.' lar per acre as a citizen living on the northwc?- side of ihat river. I have no hesitation in express' ing my conviction that the whole public domain lS gone if Mr. Van Burenbe re-elected. 3d. That the policy of protecting and ing the productions of American industry, entering into competition with the rival productions ot t° r ' eign industry, be adhered to and maintained out <■ basis of the principles and in the spirit of the com promise of March, 1833. Protection and national independence are, in m -' opinion, identical and synonymous. The prm c, P of abandonment of the one cannot be surrendere without a forfeiture of the other. Who with J u pride and national sensibility, can think iU . jeoting the productions of our industry toad taxation and restraints of foreign Powers, wlt " effort, on our part, to counteract their prohibit and burdens by' suitable countervailing legist 11 ' j The question cannot be, ought nut to be, one principle but of measure and degree. I I g. of the compromise act, not because that act i* l I pealable, but because it met with the sanch° n 1 the nation. Stability, with moderate apd protection, is far more important than instapi the necessary consequence of high protect* • But the protection of the compromise act " 1 adequate, in most, if not as to all, interests, twenty per cent which it stipulates, cash du » home valuations, and the list of free article® sorted in the act for the particular advantage w manufacturer, will ensure, 1 trust, sufficient P tection. All together, they will amount P rob^ 0 { to not less than thirty per cent —a greater ex'e protection than was secured prior to the aC 1828, which no one stands up to defend. N° w > valuation of foreign goods is made, not by American authority, except in suspected case^, ue) by foreigners, and abroad. They'assess the and we the duty; but, as the duty depends, in ‘ cases, upon the value, it is manifest th at * ‘ J who assess the value, fix the duty. T* s6 n