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CHHOXI' :I.R A.M) SKNTINEJ j. A I J G U S T A . FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 4. FOB PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican — the patriotic Fanner of Ohio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TILER, Os Virginia; A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s must sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR FIECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.' JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZAED, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Buikc. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENI US A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. Lost. The file of the “State Rights Sentinel” for 1536 has been borrowed from our office by some person who lias omitted to return it. We would therefore thank the individual who has it in pos session to send it home. In the event that we are unable (o obtain our own, we should be glad to purchase or boirow a file for that year, and also o the one of the Augusta Chronicle. Mr. Webster’s Speech. In this morning’s paper, to the exclusion of much other matter, we present our readers with the fir&t part of Mr. \\ ebster’s admirable speech at Saratoga, which we most cordially commend to their careful perusal. Like every thing that emanates fro n his giant intellect, it bears the im press of the highest order of genius, and displays in the most happy manner the beauty, eloquence and force of the simplicity of his style and lan guage, No man, whether he he Locofoco proper, or State Rights Locofoco, can read this speech without admitting its great force and undeniable truths. It is a most masterly production, and a/i such we invite a careful investigation of its im pressive and wholesome truths. We are well aware of the prejudices which ex ist in the minds of many toward Mr. Wei ster, but we invoke such, in all soberness, to lay down tor a lime those prejudices and rca 1 this speech, and then determine whether they have ever read a speech of greater force, or simplicity, or beauty o( style, or one more conclusive in argument. We shall endeavor to give the remainder to morrow. Indian Spuise, Sept. 1, 12 M. Mu. Editor : There an at this moment not exceeding one hundred Locos on the hill and in the valley', immediately around and in the vicin ity of the Indian Spring. Neither Colquitt, Cooper or Black have yet arrived to cheer the hopeless Vanocrats in this their last, despairing, dying effort. 1 his Convention is avowedly got ten up for the purpose of attempting to counter act the effects of '.he late \S hig gathering at Ma con. How silly and how vain ! Their leaders, fearing failure and discomfiture, have not frankly and boldly called upon the several counties of the state, to send forth their delegates, to meet in convention at this place, but it is obvious, and will never be denied, that it is a united and simul taneous effort to rally the r whole party in Geor gia, and to make an exhibition of their strength at the dinner given for the advancement of the influence of General G’s. “ three distinguished champions of American liberty'.” One of their supernumeraries yesterday ad dressed about seventy persons at the Spring. It is to h? hoped that he will hereafter be merciful, and never again so severely tax the patience and politeness of even a Van Duren audience, es pecially when they have ladies among them. To-day the Alabama delegation have been pouring forth their elaborately concocted speech es at Mr. Dillon’s hotel. The first, Mr. S., quite a young gentleman, got over his depth, and floundered about like a foolish cock which I once saw leave the ship and launch itself upon the waves. The second, a Mr. H., has some native eloquence, a wild and reckless imagination, which like an untamed steed, boars him he knows no t where. He recites poetry, however, remarkably well, and correctly; but his speech abound'd with party cant an d Loco Foco slang. He quoted Albert Gallatin as an opponent of the United States Bank-lab! what a blunder’ 'That great financier and honest republican, when he beheld the immolation which was taking ; la, e upon the altar of Andrew Jackson’s revenge, and the incense of that personal popularity which in toxicated the judgements of the American people, recorded this remarkable prophecy: “ That when the people had borne their sufferings long enough* they would call for the re-establishment oj a I National Bank,” and verily, verily, its fulfilment j is at hand. Tuesday Night. This afternoon a Mr. Y., of Alabama, enter tained an assembly of three or four hundred, for about three hours, with the most disgusting far rago of nonsense which it has ever fallen to our lot to hear. He possesses what is vulgarly termed a “ good gift of the gab,” He slated in the beginning of his tirade, that “ no Southern man voted for Gen, Harrison at the Harrisburg Convention.” He is either too ignorant or too dishonest to tell the truth. One of the party, however, jogged his memory, and he reluctantly acknowledged that Mr. H. of bis own State, had voted for Harrison, but it was too much to expec t from such a preposterous fellow, that he would acxnowledge to the suckers, that Gen. H. was supported by such distinguished republicans as Benj. Watkins Leigh, and Gov. Owen, of the South. With a would-be graceful wave of his hand towards the ladies of the hotel, this rude sprout of modern democracy told them that Gen* H. had sanctioned a law which would permit a “FAIR AND BEAUTIFUL LADY” to be Stripped, and publicly receive a number of lashes on her naked back. We would advise his mother to keep him at home, she certainly does not know he's out. September 2, 10 o’clock p. m. Colquitt & Co. arrived last evening. There are, in my opinion, between ten and fifteen hun dred persons here, and it has been a subject of general notice, that so many boys have never been seen together. X. From the New Orleans Picayune of the 28th ult. Cotton Crop in Louisiana Destroyed. A highly respectable gentleman of this city, who has just returned from a visit to his planta tion in thi- State, gives us the following mel ancholy information : “ Gentlemen —I have just returned from ray cotton plantation in the Parish of Iberville, where I witnessed, in the space of forty-eight hours, tha destruction of every leaf and “fouu” on my whole plantation, by the caterpillar, or army-worm, (sometimes so called,) which made its appearance in I have not a neighbor who has not shared a similar fate with me. Thousands of bales of co lon have thus been destroyed. On Thursday night not a worm was visible on my crop, and on Friday morning most of the destruc tion was complete. In my neighborhood not more than one-fourlh of the crop, which a week ago ail had reason to anticipate, can be realized. 'The cattle drivers from Attakapas say the worms had made great devastation in that region, and still continued to spread with alarming rapidity.” How the Public Money has Gone. —John Spencer was Receiver of public moneys, a sub Treasurer at-Fort Wayne, Indiana. He was found a defaulter, and Mr. Woodbury addressed him the following note: Treasury Department, I August 13, 1836. s Sir: Y'our letter of the 28th ultimo, enclosing your monthly return for June, is received. See ing that the balance in your hands amounts to the ; sum of $100,599 82, I must require that the ! same be transmitted to the hank of Depositeforth with, and request you to explain why the amount has been so long retained in your hands. No answer to my letter of the Bth ultimo has been received. I am, &c. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the Treasury. Receiver of Public Money, Fort Wayne, Lidi i ana. On the 21st of August, eighteen days after Mr. I | Woodbury wrote, William Hendricks, late Sena- i I tor in Congress, now Van Burcn candidate for i elector in Indiana, wrote to Mr. Woodbury the following letter: Madison, August 31, IS3C. Sir: I am informed that some things are sta j led recently, to the prejudice of Col. John Spen j cer, Receiver at Fort Wayne, and I am reques ted to write you. In doing so, I can only say that I have been gratified in learning that his de poshes have been made to your satisfaction ; and 1 if so, I hope that minor matters, if mere irregu- j j lautics, will be overlooked. He is reputed to be an honest and honorable man, and I do not he- i lievc that he has intentionally either done wrong ! or violated his instructions. It would to some ; extent produce excitement if he were removed, for he has many wairn and influential friends, both at Fort Wayne and in Dearborn county, from which he removed to his present residence. Belter let it be. .With much respect, W». Hendricks. Hon. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the Trea sury. “Better let it he”—this man has “influential i friends,” and the election is approaching. Spen : cer was “let he, ’ and wrote to Woodbury a let ter, from which we give the following ; 1 Extract of a letter from John Spencer to Levi j Woodbury. “My democratic friends think I ought not to leave until after we hold our election for Presi dent, on the 7lhof November, which I have con cluded to await.” A defaulter re tained because he has “influen tiarfriends,” “democ atic friends,” who think he should not leave until after the election ! The result is what might be expected. A Lte Fort Wayne Sentinel stales that a suit has been at last commenced against Mr. Spencer for $33,- 000, the balance now claimed against him! Let the people look to it. Our Boundary Commission.—We stated, a j f c “ w days ago, that the commissioners on their ar- I rival at Portland found every thing in a state of most admirable u/ipreparedncss for their journey. I lie 1 ortland Advertiser of Monday remarks thereon as follows : We learn that the boundary commissioners will leave this city on I hursday morning in the steamer Bangor, for the disputed territory. They have been in ibis city, we believe, for two weeks and more, with a corps of engineers and survey ors, waiting the movement of the waters, and probably for the reasons suggested in the New York Commercial. The time lost and the con sequent delay in the examination and report of the commissioners, is in keeping with everv thing done, or rather not done, upon this sub ject by the General Government. We predic ted, months gone by, in Washington, that even a preliminary movement for a survey would not lie made until the eve of the election, and the result is as we predicted. The Presidential question will now be settled, before Mr. Van Buren is again heard from. Destructive Fire at Patterson.— A fire broke out on Wednesday night, about 9 o’clock, in the livery stable of John Hart, in Main street, and before it was subdued all the buildings in Main street, from Archdeacon's to Congress Hall Hotel, and all the houses and other buildings in the block in the rear to the other street, except two small buildings hack of the museum, were destroyed. So rapid was the fire, that all the horses of the stable in which it commenced could not be got out, and two were consumed. In all about twenty dwelling houses, together with barns, workshops, iumlter yards, stores, &c., were burned. Supposed to have been the work of an incendiary.— New York Herald of the 28 th ult. i Speech of Daniel Webster, AT THE GREAT MA'S MEETING AT SARATOGA, ON 19th AUGUST, 1840. ' Reported for the New York American.] \Vc ire here, my friends, in the midst of a great movement of the people. That a revolution in public sentiment on seme important question® of public policy has begun, and is in progress, it is vain to attempt to conceal, and folly to deny. V. hat will be the extent of this revolution, what its im - mediate effects upon political men and political measures —what ultimate influence it may have on the integrity of the Constitution, and the permanent prosperity of the country, remains to be seen. Meantime, no one can deny that an extraordinary excitement exms in the country, such as has not been witnessed for more than half a century not local, not confined to any two, or three, or ten States, but pervading the whole, from Noith to South, and from Kast to West, with equal lone and intensity. For an effect so general, a cause cf equal extent must exist. No cause, local or par tial, can produce consequences so general and uni versal. In some parts of the country, indeed, local causes may in some degree add to the flame ; but no local cause, nor any number of local causes, can account for the general excited state ol the public rnird. In portions of the country devoted to agriculture and manufactures, we hear complaints of want of market, and of low prices. Net there are other portions of the country which are consumers, and not producers of food and manufactures and as pur chasers, they should, it would seem, be satisfied with the low prices of which the sellers complain ; but in these portions too of the country, there is dissatisfaction and discontent. Every where there is complaining and a desire for change. There are those who think this excitement a mong the people transitory and evanescent. lam not of that opinion. 80 far as 1 can judge, attention to public affairs among the people of the I nited States has increased, is increasing, and is not likely to be diminished, and this not in one part of ‘he country, but all over. This certainly is the fact, if we may judge from recent information. The breeze of popular excitement is blowing every where. It fans the air in Alabama and the Caroli nas, and I am of opinion when it shall cross the Potomac, and range along the northern Allegha jties, it will grow stronger and stronger, until, mingling with the gales of the Empire State, and the mountain Masts of New’ England, it w ill blow a perfect hurricane. There are those again who think these vast pop ular meetings arc got up by effort, but I say that no effort can get them up, and no effort can keep them down. There must then be some genejal cause that animates the whole country. What is that cause ? It is upon this point I propose to give my opinion to-day. 1 have no design to offend any feeling, but in perfect plainness to express my views to the vast multitude assembled heie. I | know there are among them many who from first to last supported General Jackson. I know there are many who, if conscience and patriotism had permitted, would support his successor, and I should ill icpay the attention with which they may honor me by any reviling or denun iaiion. Again, I come to play no part of oratory before you. If here have been times and occasions in my life, when I might be supposed anxious to exhibit my self in such a light, that period has passed, and j this is not one of the occasions. I come to didate and pr scribe to no man If my experience, not now short in the affairs of Government, entitle my opinions to any respect, those opinions are at the service of my fellow citizens. What I shall state as facts. 1 shall hold myself and my character res ponsible lor; what 1 shall state as opinions, all arc alike at liberty to reject or to receive ; asking only such fair interpretation of them as the fair ness and sincerity with which they are uttered may claim. What then has excited the whole land from Maine to Georgia, and that gives us assurance that i while we here are meeting in New Yerk in such I vast numbers, other like meetings are holding I throughout all the States ? That this cause musl be general as its effect is certain, for it agitates the whole country and not paits only. \\ lien that fluid in the human system indi pen sable to life becomes disordered, corrupted or ob structed in its circulation, not the head or the heart alone sutler, but the whole body, head, heart, and hand, all the members and all the extremities, are affected with debility, paralysis, numbness, and death. The analogy between the human system j and the social and political system, is complete, J and what the life bloo 1 is to the former,circula i tion, money, currency is to the latter; and if that j be disordered or corrupted, paralysis must fall on the system. The original, leading, main cause, then, of all our difficulties and disasters, is the disordered state of the 1 r asury. This is perhaps not a perfectly obvious truth, and yet one susceptible of ca-v de monsllation. In order tr explain this the more readily, I wish to bring your minds to the consid eration of the condition and the vast affairs of the United States. Eur country is not a small prov ince or canton, but a region extending over a large and diversified surface, with a population of vari ous conditions, products and pursui’s. It is in this variety that consists its prosperity, for the differ ent parts become useful one to the other, not by identy, but by difference of pioduction, and thus each by interchange contributes to the interest of ihe other. Hence our internal trade—that w hich carries on this exchange of the products and indus try of the different p< rlions of the Unfed States is one of our most important, 1 had almost said, the most important interest. Its operations are easy and silent, not always perceptible, but diffusin'' health and life throughout the system, by the in tercourse thus promoted from neighborhood to neighborhood, and from State to State. Let me explain this a little in detail. You are here iu a giam growing State. Your interest then is to have consumers, not growers of grain. The , huiids that in the belt of earth in which grain best succeeds, grow’ wheat, are interested to find mouths elsewhere to eat what they raise. The manufac- i tuieis of the North and the East, need the grain of the middle Stales, and the cotton of the South and these in turn buy the manufactures of the East. Noi is this solely matter of interest, but is in some i degree brought about by ihe regulations of foreign Governments. Our manufacturers find no sale In Europe, and much of our giain is under ordinary , circumstances excluded from its markets. In Fiance it isnevei admitted, and in England, con- < tingentiy and uncertainly only, and in a manner < to tantalize, rather than gratify the American hus- < bandman. . I internal trade morever, moves as it were i m a circle, and not directly ; the great imports of the country are made in New York, whence they , pass to the South and to the West; but our ex- | ports are not mainly from New York but from the , South—the mam imports then are made at one cor- f ncr of the L nion, and the exports from another, < 1 he same thing is true of other branches of trade t 1 he produce of Ohio, much of it descends the river to New Oneans ; but Ohio is supplied w ith foreign i commodities and domestic fabrics mainly through the New \oi k Canals, the Lakes, and the Ohio Canal. Ihe live stock of Kentucky goer to the (. arolinas, but Kentucky buys nothing there, but transmits the money to Baltimore or Philadelphia 1 and there procures what she wants, to be sent to’ iier across the Alleghanies. This circuit of trade in a country of such great 1 extent as ours, demands, more than to any country ‘ under heaven, a uniform currency for the whole 1 people ; that what is money in Carolina shall he so I clrewhere, that what the Kentucky drover receives what the planter of Alabama sells for, what the 1 laborer in New York gets in pay for his work and i carries home to support his family, shall be of as- i certained and uniform value. This is not the lime nor the occasion for an essay i oi dissertation on money ; but I mean distinctly to j express the opinion, that until the General Gov ernment shall take in hand the currency of the country, until the Government shall devise some means, 1 say not what, of raising the whole cuiren presperity eVC * aD( * s ‘ lvei » tlieie can be no ■ Let us retrace briefly ihe history of the cuircn- ZSu'Tt U1 thlS coun, ry—a most important , *, , io commerce question. I appeal to all the't'orilt t 1 c- UieJ lll | e , “ stor >' of those times and of , f ’ I,C ! hpr our f *thers in framing •. t \ ll 10n w ' HC h should unite us in common hei ehfefnK C 0 T rT ! 0n S loi 7> had not also among , f J ec lS provide a uniform system of currency for the whole country. 1 specially invite . °- f tlle cou “try to go back to ■ \’ir-if!ia° °i ** >ose times, and particularly to the in?s of the S ° Utl ° nS ° f * 775 ’ anJ totie P roceed - : ° , contention at Anapolis in the same > eai and they will there find the prevailing argu- , ment for forming a General Government, was in ( order to secure a uniform system of currency-of Custom Hjusc duties, and a general regulation of | the commerce of the whole country. It was no longer to ke the commeice of New Yoik,or of Mas sachusetts, but of the United States, to be earned on under that star spangled banner, which I ore on it, and into every sea, t.ie glorious motto E Pluri bus L nuin. This being a chief and cherished object, when the first Congress under the Constitution assembled in New York, Gen. Washington in Lis speecu nat ural!' drew their attention to the necessity ol a uniform currency, looking probably at ihat t’me to to the mint first established iu Philadelphia, to pro vide that currency. I mention these circumstances to show that the difference in the currencies of the several Slates, and the wantof a uniform system, both of com merce and currency, being among the chief incou veniencies to be remedied by the establishment of ♦he Constitution ; the subject very naturally and properly attracted the early attention of the Presi dent, at the first term of the first Congress. At the second term, t.ie United States Bank was established ; without detaining you by quoting pa pers or speeches of that day, 1 will simply refer any one curious to enquire to the official documents of the time and to the contemporaneous expres sions of public opinion on the leading measures of that day, for pioof, that while one object of incor porating a National Bank, was that itmightocca sionally make loans to Government.and take charge of the disbursement of its revenues, another object quite as prominent and important, was to furnish a circulation —a paper circulation —founded on na tional resources, that should be current all over the country. Gen. Washington had the sagacity to see, wnat indeed minds less sagacious than his could not fail to perceive, that the confidence re posed in the United Slates under the Constitution, and in George Washington as the head of it. would impart to whatever came to Congress more author ity and value than to any thing emanating from any single State. The assumption by Congress of the State debts, illustrates this remark, for the moment the United States became hound for those debts and proceed ed to fund them, they rose enormously and rapid ly in value. Gen Washington and his advisers saw that a mixed currency, if the paper had the mark ot the Union and bore on it the spread eag’e—would command universal confidence throughout the coun try ; and the result proved the wisdom of their foresight. From the incorporation of the first bank to the expiration of its charter, embracing a period of great commercial and political vicissitudes, the currency of that Bank w r as never objected t* —it, indeed, surpassed the hopes and equalled tiie de sires of everybody. The charter expired in 1811 —how or why, or from what state of parties, it is not my purpose to discuss— but the charter expi red in 1811. War with England was declared in June 1812. Immediately upon the declaration of war all the Banks south of New England stopped payment, and those of New England ceased to is sue notes, and thus, in fact,the specie paying there amounted to little or nothing. At the close of the war, the condition of the currency, which had be come very much deranged, not improving, Mr. Mad ison presented the subject to Congress. In his mes sages, both in 181-land 1816, he dwelt earnestly on the subject, and in the latter year the second Bank of the United States was incorporated, and went at once into operation. At its outset, owing possibly to mismanagement—perhaps unavoidably —the Bank met with heavy losses —but it fulfill - ed its functions imp; oving a currency for the whole country, and neither during the eight years of Pres ident Monroe’s adminisiiation, nor the four years of President Adams’, were any complaints on that score heard. And now I desire ti call attention to a particular fact. There were several candidates for Presidency to succeed Mr. Monroe. Gen. Jack son, Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay. None of tnem received a sufficient number of votes from the electors to be chosen Presiddent. Gen. Jack son received the largest number of any—but the House of Representatives chose J. Q. Adams Pres ident. From that moment a fierce opposition was commenced against Mr. Adams'administration. 1 do not propore to discuss the character or conduct of this opposition. The fact of its existence is all that I have to do with now, and that from the in auguration, in March, 182.3, to Marc ;, 1828, an op position, distinguished for its remaikablc ability, peiseverance, and ultimate success, was carried on under the name and flag of General Jackson. All other had disappeared. General Jackson w r as the sole opponent —and four years of active angry political controversy ensued —during which every topic of complaint that could be drag ged into the vortex was dragged in ; and yet —/ beg special attention to this fart —not on c during this four years’ controversy did General Jackson himself —nor any’ press in his interest—nor any of his friends in Congres or elsewhere, raire a single voice against the condition of the currency, or pro pose any change therein. Os the hundreds here, i»ossibly, who supported Jackson, not one dreamed that he was elected to put down established insti tutions and overthrow the currency of the country. Who, among all those that in the honest convic tions of their heaits, cried Hurra for Jackson ! be lieved, or expected, or desired, that he would in terfere with the Bank of the United States, or de stroy the circulating medium of the country. I stand here upon the fact, and defy contradiction from any quarter —that there was no complaint, then, any where, of the Bank. There never was, before, a country of equal extent, where exchanges and circulation were carried on so cheaply, so con veniently, and so secure 1 }’. General Jackson was inaugurated in March, 1828, and pronounced an address upon that occasion, which I heard, as I did the oath he took to support the Constitution. In that address were enumerated various objects, re quiring, as he said. Reform—bnt among them was not the Bank of the United States—nor tiie cur rency. This was in March, 1829. In December. 1829, General Jackson came out with the declara tion (than which, none I have ever heard,surprised me more.) that “ tiie constitutionality of the Bank of the United States might be well questioned,” and that it had failed to furnish a covenient and uniform currency to the country. What produced this change of views ? Down to March of the same year, nothing of this sort was indicated or threatened. What then induced the change ? (a voice from the crowd said Martin Van linren ) If that be so, immediately’ rejoined Mr. \V ebster, it was the production of mighty conse quences by a cause not at all proportioned, I will state in connection with, and in elucidation of, this i subject, ceitain transactions, which constitute one of those contingencies in human affairs, where casual circumstances, acting upon the pecul ar temper and character of a man of very decided temper and character, affect the fate of nations. A movement was made in the Autumn of 1829, in order to affect a change in certain officers of the Branch of the Bank of the United States in Poits mouth, N. If. P*lr. Woodbury’, then a Senator from New Hampshire, transmitted to the President of the Bank at Philadelphia, a request, purportin'' to proceed from merchants and men of business of a l parties, asking the removal of the President of that Branch, not on political ground's, but as ac ceptable and advantageous to the business commu nity. At the same time Mr. Woodbury addressed a let er, marked confidential , to the then Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Ingham, suggesting that his Department should, on political grounds, obtain from the mother Bank the removal of the B.anch President. This letter was transmitted to the President of the mother Bank, and reached him about the same time as the other; so that, lookup upon this picture and upon that, upon one letter that urged the removal on political grounds and on the other that denied that political considera tions entered into the matter at all, he concluded o let things remain as they were. Appeals were then aitfully made to the President. His feelings were enusted, and it is well known that when be had an object in view, his character was to go a hcad I mean to speak no evil, nor disrespect of Gen. Jackson. He has passed off the stage to his retirement at the Hermitage, which it would be as well, perhaps, that friends should not dreti rb and where I sincerely wish fie may,in tranquility’paw the residue of his d iys. But, Gen. Jackson’s cl.a lacter was imperious—he trek the back track nev er: and however Ins frienos might differ, or whe ther they concurred or dissented—they were fain ,n,t ; Gcnera l Jackson then put forth 116 Pf1 Unslon l, u.t a ppom!mcnts by the Bank should have regard to the wishes of the Treasury • lndT aliy S ? bmitted t 0 the 2* ££ Vjmt.Se: Jackson iSJSXI£"ue 1 f' ‘ ie "' ral Who had somethin' of itn rp OfV h Bank 3 man The result was. that the SSL / ‘I °, Wn <}ual,ity ed the the r»m, Ji , e Ban* re-isted, and reltis of the Treasury Jcqui escence in the dictations in Decern we had the Message, m which, for the first time the Bank was arraigned. Then came the application of the Bank fq r re-incorpojt.on the of a bill for that purpose through both Houses and the President’s Ueto on it Ihe Hank of the United States being tins pul nown, a mul titude of new State Hanks sprang up: and „.xt came a law, adopting some of these as Dcpo. it. Hanks. Now, what I have to say .0 regardMo General Jackson in this matter, is this, he’Said he could establish a better currency ; and whether successful 01 not in this, it is at least to be said in hi? favor and praise, that he never did renounce the obligation of the Federal Government to take care of the currency— paper as well as metal ic —ot the people. It was in furtherance of Ins duty, which he fel t called on to discharge, of “ providing a bet ter currency,” that he recommended the exclusion of small bills. Why ? Because, as it was argued it would improve the general mixed currency ot the country: and, although he did not as distinctly as Mr. Madison, recognize the duty of the Tcdcial Government to provide a currency for the peup.e, he never renounced it , but on tiie contrary, in 11 is Message of December, ’35, holds this exp.icit lan guage : ... ‘• Hy the use of the St ite Banks, which do not derive their charters fiom the General Government, and are not controlled by its authority, it is ascer tained that the moneys of the Uuited Stales can he collected and distributed without loss or incon venience, and that all the wants of the community, in relation to exchange and currency, are supplied as it cl I as they have ever been before: — [Message, Dec. 2 1835] It is not here a question whether these Banks did, 01 not, effect (he purpose which Gen. Jackson takes so much praise t® himself of accomplishing through their agency —that of supplying the coun try with as good a currency as they ever enjoyed. But why, if this was not a dqty of the Federal Government, is it mentioned at all 3 In his last Message in December, 18SC, reviewing the bene fits of bis experiments on the currency, he thus speaks: “At the time of the removal of the Deposites, it was ailedged by Hie advocates of the Hank of the U. States, that the State Banks, whatever migiit be the regulations of the Treasury Department, could not make the transfers required by the Gov ernment, or negociate the domestic exchanges if the count) y. It is note well ascertained that the real domestic exchanges perform'd through discounts by the United States Bank and its twenty-fire Branch es, were one third less than those if the Deposite Banks for an equal period of time ; and if a com parison be inst tuted between the amounts of servi ces rendered by the e institutions, on the broader basis which has hem used by the advocates of the United States Bank, in estimating what they con sider the domestic exchange, the result will be still more f avorable to the Deposite Banks: , Here we have the distinct assertion, that through the State Banks, he had accomplished more in es tablishing a good currency and easy exchanges, than had been done by the Hank of the U. States. However this fact may be, all this, I say, amounts to acknowledgment of the duty of the Geneial Government, an 1 as an emanation of the power of coining money, and as the representative of that metalic money, the exclusive power of coining which is in Congress—to provide a uniform cur rency. 1 contend for this principle, that down so the end of Gen. Jackson’s administration, no administra tion of this country bad turned their back upon this power: and, I now piOceed to show, by extiacts from Mr. Van Buicn’s letter to Sherrod Williams, to which, since he has largely referred to it lately, there can be no unfitness in my referring, that he, too, admitted tiie obligation of supplying a uniform currency and convenient medium of exchange, w ich he thinks can be effected by the Slate De posit Banks: “•Sincerely believing,for the reasons which have just been staled, that the public funds may be as safely and conveniently trail-mitted from one por tion of the Union to another; that domestic ex change can be as successfully and as cheaply ef fected, and the currency be rendered at least as sound under the existing system, as those objects could be accoinpli-lied by means of a National Hank, I would not seek a remedy for the evils to which you allude, should they unfortunately occur, through such a medium, even if the constitutional objections were no’ in ihe way.”—[Aug. 8, 1836 ] He denies not tiie duty of superintending the currency, but thinks the Deposite Hank- of tiie States under the control of Congress, can effect the purpose. This letter was written when Mr. Van Burtn was a candidate for tne Presidency. Two months only after Gen. Jackson Had retired, and when his vigorous hand was no longer there to uphold it, the league of State Hanks fell and crum bled into atoms; and when Mr. Van Burtn had been only two months President, he convoked a special session of Congress for the. ensuing Sep tember. The country was in contu sion—paralysed in i ts commerce —its currency ut terly deranged. What was to be done? What would Mr. Van Hureu recommend? He could not go back to the Hank of the United States, for its had committed himself against its constitutionali ty; nor could he, with any great prospect of >uc cess, undertake to reconstruct the league of Depo site Banks; for it had recently failed, and th» coun try haci lost confidence in if. What then was to be done? He could go neither backward nor forward. What did he do? 1 mean not to speak disrespect ful, but I say, lie — escaped.’ Afraid to touch the fragments of the broken Hanks —unable to touch the United State? Bank —he folded np his arms and said, —the Government has nothing to do with providing a currency for the people. That 1 may do him no wrong, 1 will read his own language. — His predecessors have all said, we will not turn our back upon this duty of Government to provide a uniform currency—his language is, we will turn our backs on this question. He proposes nothing for the country, nothing for the relief of conwncrce, or the regulation of exchanges, but simply the means of getting n onev into the Treasury without lots: [From Mr. Van Bure/Vsfirst Message.] “It is not the piovince of Government to aid in dividuals in the transfer of their funds, otherwise than through the facilities of the Post Office De partment As justly might it be called on to pro vide for the transportati m of their merchandize.” * * * * * “If, therefore, I rcfiain from suggesting to Ccn j gress any specific plan for regulating the exchang- I es or the curren y —rclicv.ng mercantile embar rassments—or interfering with the ordinary opera tions of foreign or domestic commerce, it is from a conviction that such are not within the constitu tional province of the Gcncial Government, and that their adoptioa would not promote the real and oermaneut welfare of those they might be design ed to aid.” 0 I put it to you, my friends, if this is a states -1 man’s argument. \o i can transport your rner | chandize yourselves, you can build ships and make your own wagons; but can you make a currency? Can you say what shall be money, and what shall not be money —and determine its value here and elsewhere? Why, it would be as reasonable 10 say, the people could make war for themselves and peace for themselves, as to say that they may ex ercise this other, no less exclusive a.tribute of sovereignly, of making a currency for themselves. He insists that Congress has no power to regulate currency or exchanges—none to mitigate the em barrassments of the country —none to relieve its prostrate industry—and evt n if the power did ex ist, it would be unwise, in bis opinion, to exercise it! These are the doctrines of the President’s first message, and 1 have no opinion of it now, that I did not then entertain. I desire not to appear wise alter the event—l am not a prophet, not tne son of a and yet I declare that when I heard the declarations of this message, and reflected on its consequences, I saw, orthought I saw, all of suffer ing, loss and evil lhatis now before us. Let us compare this declaraiioii with that of one now numbered with the mighty dead—of une who has left belaud a reputation excelled by that of no other man, as understanding thoroughly the Con stitution—of one born and cradled with it taking part m its inception, and closing his public career by administering its highest office—l need not name James Madison. In his message to Congress in December 1813— when the war had closed, and the country was la boring under the disordered currency ofthat ue nod, the President thus spoke; * 1 p finances* t 0 r eVery modification of the currency hould beT«,o r ?!, Na,i °" a ‘ The ah/nnpl "r re; \ ,oredl to the community. hevH hi l t f hC precious metals wil', it is be a temporary evil ; but until they can a it dL, / nder f/ the genera! medium of exchange LtZ\T°V h ? Congress to provided . which shall equally engage the confidence and accommodate the wants of the citizens through he Lnion. If the operation of th: State Banks cannot produce this result, the probable oner *■ a National Bank will merit cmsideuiti- °’ lon °f At that session, Congress incorporated ti of the United States, and at the next ,' ea President held this language, respectin'* n° n ’ tlle rency and that Bank : 5 lft cur. From Mr. Madison's last Message “ for the inteiests of the community ut as well as for the purposes of the Tress ' essential, that the Nation should possess Ur^’*t « cy of equal value, credit, and use, wiierjw r C ’’ rrer “ circulate. The Constitution has entrust i- r gress, exclusively, with the power of cr \r C ° D regulating a currency of that description ** j measures taken, during the last session ' j lion of the power, give every prom; . ’I 11 ex «u. i The Hank of the United Mates has been j under auspices ihe rno<t favorable, an,] , '' to be an important auxiliary to those I , lf) ‘ innot k‘l How that sounds now as an argum^/ 65 -” Sub-Treasury! Now you have set u D a i th « vitally affecting the business and pursuits /"“* country, fatal to your families, and you ? tl,e termine for youiselves if it shall be the the country. But before determining i uo °,. ,rine °t the Constitution—weigli all preceden* We *' al names and authority are to be appealed tr if those of President Van Buren, with tho- C ° ntrast Patriarch, whose word? I have mst n-7 lile and decide accordingly. 4 a * O JOa, We have heard much from the Admin again-t banks and banking systems r lSt ) ratioi > mean to discuss that topic—but i Wl ,| * Dot their tampering with the currency, an( ‘j Sa * v » ttl2 t relation to it, has more than all ot’l.fi ~,( (J' J rße ‘a creased banks. USts -ic. But Mr. Van Huron’s message contains , , principle, one ullage'her wrong—thp , 1 'dal the Government lias nothing *0 do witl, 1 * lpe . t [ la t a cu 1 rency for the country, in other woßjfT* I ® s mg a separation between tue money of tl*©*- )pss ‘ meet uni the money of the people Tins CVern * great error— which cannot he compromised »L the which is susceptible of no amelioration 0 - r cation, or remedy, but the caustic which ‘i ~ lfl ' tally eradicate it. Ch slia d to- Do we not know that there must alwa v „ 1 , paper ? I? there a man here who e\J I, b “ k or his children, or his children’s children *h if 16 the day when only gold coin glittenn- thilff silk purses, will be the currency of the coum S the entire exclusion of bank notes * y. * it is the neglect of Government »o’peifom ? Ut ties Mi it makes lliese bank notes nii est ;‘ n i, U * You here, in New York, have sound redeemable in com, and it you were surround 1 Chinese wall, it might be indifferent to you cr Governn. nt looked after tho currency or m but you have dai y business relations wfih 1." , sylvani., and with the West, and Lust, and South' and you have a direct interest that their curie, ey too shall be sound; for otherwise the very! periority of yours is, to a certain degree, an injure and loss to you—since you pay in the cnivalcnur, specie lor what you buy,and you sell foMuch nn ney as circulates in the States with which you deal Hut New York cannot effect the general restora tion of the currency, nor anv one State or im number of States short of the whole— and heni the duty ot the General Govern nent to suoerin tend this interest. v ( Conclusion to rn.arrow.J The Boston Allas states that a few days since a firm in that city had some duties to pay, amoun ting to upwards of >*2ooo one quarter of which, under the present regulations, was required in specie. "They received lor a bill on the Mer chants’Bank, SSOO in quarters. Spanish and American. Before taking the specie down to the Custom House, it to the Cashier that they had SSOO in quarters for him, and he replied that it was unhandsome in the Bank to 1 pay out such money for them, but if they were American quarters they must take them, but that the Spanish quarters were not a legal tender. ; The money was carried bark to the Bank, and the reply at the Custom House told; hut they re fused to exchange it, saving that the Custom i House paid them just such money, and they must take it bacK. It was then taken to another bank, i and they not having more than they wanted of j that kind of silver, exchanged it for gold, at the standard value, which was weighed at Ihe Cut tom House, and u kkw cexts more were puiiio make up the weight. The French Steam Project. The Paris correspondent of the National In telligencer says:—“lt j s understood that the Chambers will adopt readily the Ministerial bill lorthc various lines of Steam Navigation be tween France and the two Ameiicans. No time will lie lost in tne execution ot the comprehensive project, which tiie offi. ial organs confess to be even more political than commercial.” L.wk of Kenttck i”.—Tiie teller of the Back ot Kentucky has been held to bail in SSOOO, on the charges alleged against him of having appro piiated the funds to his private use. It is s.ated that Mr. Norris of Philadelphia.has closed a coiitrac, with the Emperor ct Kussia, tor 200 locomotive engines—40 of which are to | bo delivered each year. Cost, $1,400,000. It is stated in the Philadelphia lucjuircrlhatthe manuscript ot the original Decla.aUon ot Inde pendence, in the band-writing ul Jefferson, with j ihe interlineation o| Flanklin and other member? is in possession ot the American Philosophical Society ot that citv, and rnav be seen ut their Hall Jfb'iK Biugeh.—The e was a report in Cin j cinnati on the 24th, according to the Chronicle j “well authenticated, ’ that Judge Bigger,Gover nor elect of Indiana, had died at Indianopolis- The Republican of the 25th says the report ba- J ! been contradicted; the Judge had been very ill, I but was gelling belter. The Fua ins that have been discovered in dit i ferent hanks during the present year, the At"’ York H erald says, amount to between 3 and jh* GOO,OOO, a frightlul sura wr.en we consider the state ot society which has given rise to it. Siting a Tows,—Mosely Clapp has had a verdict for damages to the amount of S3OB 33 cents, given in his favor against ihe town of G' - ange. Mass., for a broken leg and other injuria sustained by being precipilaud, in a wagon.ho® a sleep descent 011 the side ot the road, whi‘ e turning out for another vehicle—there beingn® rail and the road being narrow. The verdict doubled hy the statute. Ajvotueuixg Gathkh Ixo atNewakk.- ?• least four thousand people were again assemblt yesterday afternoon, to listen to a speech from Hon. baitGKAXT S. Prentiss, ot Mississippi' Mr. P. spoke for nearly three hours, and the elk 1 was one of the happiest and ablest in his life- He kept the audience during the v\ bole ti® c 1,1 chained by ihe most fixed attention. Sonicol the great leading topics of the dav were discus?*’ 1 - with a clearness and ability which we have r> [ 1 heard excelled by any one.—„V. Y. Coin. Aar. Heath of Timothy Flint.—The Salem Gi zette mentions the death of Timothy Flint, at tl.«- age of 60. He died at Reading, on Tuesday la® l * He left his residence on Red River, La., last M 3 )' in feeble health, hoping to derive benefit from th* bracing air of the north. He came to his nab vs place, where his disorder soon assumed symptom of a speedy and fatal termination. He wrote ■ his family, that before they received his letter > e should be no longer among the living; intelligence was so taken to heart by Mrs. Fli n! ' that she was seized with a fever, and died ju>| four weeks before her husband. Mr. Flint is vvc.' known on the other side of the Atlantic, as well as in t.*is country, as the author of various work?- prineipailydescriptivc of the geography, resources and character of the people of the great West.c r descriptive ol scenes w inch have been enacted n* that vast and interesting region, which havegi' ell hnn a rank among the most distinguished writer 5 of our country.— Signal.