Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

III L , ,-p — CHROMCI.fci ANIi SENTINEL. A IMi KS T A . SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 5. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRIS ON, 0/ Ohio ; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor ruptible Statesman—the inflexiWo Republican — the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. for vice-president, JOHN TYLER, Os Virginia • A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN VV. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee." JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. ‘CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NTS BET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. Lost, The tile of the “State Rights Sentinel” for 1536 has been borrowed from our office by some person who lias omitted to return it. We would therefore thank the individual who lias it in pos session to send it home. In tire event that we are unable to obtain our own, we should be glad to purchase or borrow a file for that year, and also o the one of the Augusta Chronicle. The Northern Mail had not arrived when our paper went to press last night, and as we had no* heard of the arrival of the Charleston Cars, fears of an accident on the railroad are entertained. Our Colton market since our report on the 2d instant, has been very quiet at our then quotations. Exchanges remain the same as then quoted. Van IJuren Dinner Wc are requested to give notice that a public dinner will be given by the Van Buren party, at Appling, on Friday, the ISth inst., to which their fellow citizens are invited without distinction of .parties. The ladies are also invited !o attend. Corporal Mum—The Biographer, An apology is due to the Corporal for our failure to notice his interesting Biography, now in the course of publication —we trust the crowded state of our columns will excuse us to the distinguished author. The Loco Foco Feast. Our readers are referred to the letter of our cor respondent for an account of the proceedings at the Indian Springs. We have no room for comment. In our daily yesterday, a typographical error oc curred in his letter The last date should have been 10 o’clock, .4. M., instead of P. Af.—lt was cor rected in our tri-weekly edition. We received some days since, a letter from a in Columbus, disabusing the public mind with regard to a communication which ap peared in the Constitutionalist, relative to the vote of Muscogee, which we regret has been mislaid, or it should have appeared. We will, however, as sure our friend, that the letter of the Loco Foco had no effect here, for we are too well apprised of tae extent of Celquitt &. Co’s, influence in Mus cogee, to swallow such stuff. News & Planters Gazette. With much pleasure, we welcome our friend, D. G. Cotting, to the corps editorial, who has ma le his debut to tiie patrons of the News & Gazette, pub lished at Washington, Ga., in a very handsome manner. Mr. C. is a gentleman of High attain ments, and wields a vigorous pen. Wc expect much from him in the great cause of Reform, and we cordially commend the News & Gazette to the pa tronage of our friends. L. W. Tazewell, ol Va. In a late letter of Gov. Tazewell, in which he declares bis intention to support Van Buren, he uses the following language: “ Common justice, as well as common honesty, compel me to award him a meed, in my judgment, he has so well deserved. The support he has thus earned, 1 will willingly give him, so long as he shall continue to merit it.” Immediately after the passage of the Tariff bil 1 in 1828, the same Gov. Tazewell, in the Benate Os the United States, pointing his finger at Martin Van Buren, said in his most sarcastic and contemptuous manner. ‘*\ou, sir, have deceived us once, tha* was your fault ; when you deceive us again, it will be our fault. Maine Election.— The election lakes place September I4lh. Besides State officers and members ot the Legislature, eight members of Congress arc to be chosen. The nominees thus far announced, are as follows: Districts. Whigs. ] A)CO Focos. J. Daniel Goodenow, Nathan (Jlillord, 2. W. P. Fessenden, Albert Smith, 3. Benjamin Randall, Joseph Sewall 4. George Evans, John Hubbard, 5. Zadoc Long, N. S. Littlefield, 6. S. A. Kingsbeiry. Alfred Marshall, 7. Joseph C. Noyes, Joshua A. Lowell. 8. Hannibal Hamlin. 'The delegation from Maine in the present Congress comprises two Whigs and six Loco F ocos. tx-Di an SrkiNfi, September % VS-40. Mb. Editor Every thing is burly burly here. I have no hesitation in saying that one thousand men here would produce, more bustle and inconvenience than would twenty thousand in Macon. There are two small hotels here, about one hundred yards apart, with a small area i between, where the whole crowd arc collected to listen to the speakers. I suppose at this time, between eleven and twelve o clock, all their dele gates, young and old, great and small, may be said to have arrived. I think they will number, in all, from fifteen to eighteen hundred. They are the most noisy and disorderly set of gulls I have ever seen. Their fuglemen have told them that the sole cause of the excitement which per vades the land, from North to So-Jth, has been produced by log cabins, hard cider and coon skins; and any one would readily suppose,'from their antics and buffoonery, that they hold the hard cider, at least, in the most sovereign con tempt I heard a number of them last night, as they were parading around, under their quandatn leader, who called himself the “ desperado,” (and nobody disputed his claim to the title,) sing a song, of which I could only hear the chorus, as in co;, ~-e harmony with their spirit and princi ples, it was re-echoed among the hills—the cho rus was, “ G—dd—n the friends ot Tippecanoe! I was informed that these were some ot the same gentry who committed the outrage at the bridge In Crawford county-. Dr. Joel Branham,last evening,addressed him self particularly to the poor men. He is a most admirable bar-room orator, especially if the crowd should be all drunk and of his own way of think ing. He poured out his wrath on Harrison for sustaining an appropriation for Kenyon College, in Ohio ; but he did not tell the poor men that the object and intention of (his institution was to give their sons an opportunity of placing them selves on a footing with the aristocracy. Verily’ if it be a fault to advocate such a measure as this, even “ his failings lean to virtue’s side.” A gentleman from Troup (Haralson) addressed the meeting, but I did not hear him. Gen Glas cock rlso spoke last evening,, in his usual, style Gov, Lumpkin opened upon them this morning before breakfast, to the no small annoyance of many a happy sleeper. (\ ou must be informed that the Harrison men here are estimated at from five hundred to one thousand.) The Gov. spoke of the allcdgcd extravagance, Arc. ■cf the present Administration, and asserted that the W higs had used all the money in appropriations! Alas! old man, you are at bay ! Capt. Fooler, of Chatham, made a speech this morning, which I did not hear. Maj. Howard made a wild and extravagant address. One thousand extra Globes came by to-day’s mai.', directed to Lumpkin, Cuthbert and the three. The mail is loaded dow n with them every day ; and who will have the temerity to deny, that whenever the mail is overladen, that these papers, coming from the patent lie manu factory at Washington, have the preference and precedence over any other documents. Their procession has formed and passed.— They have regaled themselves on barbecued meat, and are now listening to the d\fence and courtship of Mr. Colquitt. There are many more persons here than we had this morning ex pected. I should say there are, including all ages and sexes, between thirty-five hundred and four thousand people. I draw my conclusion in relation to the numbers from conference and con sultation with both parties. A number have addressed the rank and fde, which neither time nor cirnumstances will per mit me, at this time, to notice. I will only say of S-. Jones’ speech, that for shameless detraction and unblushing falsehood, it cannot be surpassed; but like the matter of Kendall’s Globes, the hear er will ask, “from whom do these things ema nate!” And though he, and such as he, may rave and stamp at the resistless torrent that sweeps onward, like the fool of old, who ordered the sea to be chained, the scornful waves will still dash over him. X. Harrison Tyler and Reform. In pursuance of public notice, about five hun dred of the citizens of the upper part of Burke and the lower part of Jefferson counties, inclu ding about sixty, ladies, assembled near John_ son’s Mills, on Brushy Creek, on Tuesday, the Ist inst., when they organised themselves into a meeting by appointing Etheldrcd Smith, Presi dent. Joseph Olephant and Matthew Carsewell, Vice Presidents, and Robert Patterson and Sid ney B. Farmer, Secretaries. The meeting was then opened by a solemn and fervent appeal to the throne of grace, by the Rev. Joshua Key. After which the meeting was addressed by Col. Thomas M. Berrien, Hon. Ro ger L. Gamble, Maj. Mulford Marsh, George W. Crawford, and Col. George W, Evans, in strains of eloquence which were received amid repeated bursts of applause. Judge Enoch Bync offered the following reso lutions, which were unanimously adopted : Resolved, That we approve of and adopt the resolutions of our fellow citizens of Burke, at a meeting on the 291 h ult., at Waynsboro. Resolved, That we tender our thanks to those gentlemen who addressed this meeting, lor their able addresses. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meet ing be signed by the President and Secretaries, and published in the Chronicle and Sentinel. At three o’clock the company partook of a handsomely arranged Barbecue, prepared for the occasion. At the close of Col. Berrien’s address, who led in the discussion, an invitation was extended to the opposite party to address the meeting, should any present wish to do so. But none came for ward. After they had partaken of ihe ’cue, they again repaired to the stand, where they were again ad dressed by a part of the aforenamed speakers, un til about five o’clock, when, on motion, the meet ing was adjourned. ETHELDRED SMITH, Pres’l. Robert Patterson, 7 Smart* B. Farmer, > tec ciebiruß. Mr, Wfcßstfer** Speech- Conduied. , SUB-TREASURY LAW. Util what does the Sub-Treasury propose ? Its basis is a separation of the concerns of the Treas ury from those of the people. Tlr.it bill provides : That there shall be provided in the New Treas ury building at Washington, rooms for the use ot the Treasurer, and fire-proof vaults and safes for the keeping of the public monies; and those vaults and safes are declared to be the Treasury ol the United States. That the vaults and safes >cf the Mint in I niia delphia, and gthe Branch Mint at New Orleans, shall also be places for the dfeposite and safe keep ing of the public monies, and that there shall be fire-proof vaults and safes also in the Custom Ho ises of New York and Boston, and in Charles- | ton, South Carolina, and St. Louis, Missouri, and • that these also shall be places of deposite. That there shall be a Receiver General at New York, Boston, Charleston, and St. Louis, lhat the Treasurers of these Mints, and the Receivers General, shall keep the nublic money without loaning or using it until ordered to be paid out; and into the hands of these Treasurers and Re ceivers General, all collectors o r public money aie to pay what they receive. That the resolutions of Congress of April, IMb, be so far altered as that hereafter of all duties, taxes, and debts due and becoming duo to the United States, after June of this year, 01 c-iouith shall bo paid in specie; after June of next yeai, one-ha!f ; after June of 1842, three-fourths ; and after June, 1543, the whole. Se that after June, 1843, all debts due the Unite ! States, whether foi dirties, taxes, sales of public lands, patents, post ages of letters, or otherwise, “ shall be paid >n gold and silver only.” That from and after June, 1543, every ofncei 01 agent in the Government, in making disbuise ments er payments on account of the U. States, shall make such payments In gold or silver coin only. . ~A nn Receiver General in New York to he paid S4UUU salary —the Olivers, each, $2500. I propose to say a few words on these provisions. In the first pla ’e, it seems very awkward to de clare by law certain rooms in Washington, and certain safes and vaults therein, the Treasury of the United States. We have been accustomed heretofore, to, look upon the Treasury as a depart ment of the Government, recognized by the Con stitution, which declares that no money shall be drhwn from the Treasury, except upon appropria tions made in due course of law. It may, how ever, be made a question whether any tiling but these rooms and safes at Washington are not with drawn from the protection of the Constitution. It is senseless. It ?s absurd. It is as if tiie legisla ture of New York should declare that certain desks and tables, in a certain large room at the United States Hotel* ccfistituted the Court for the ( Di rection of Errors «< (lie State of New York. What else does this bill do ? It declares there shah be certain vaults, and safes and rooms. But it has not been for want of adequate vaults, and safes, and rooms, that we have lost our money,but owing to the hands to which we have trusted the keys. It is in the character of the officers, and not in the strength of bars and vaults, that we must look for security of the public tieasure. What would be thought in private life, if some rich merchant, J. J. Astor for instance, should de termine nc longer to trust his money with banks and bank directors, who, nevertheless, have a com mon interest with him i i upholding the credit and stability of the currency, and should build for him self certain sa'fes and vaults, and havi ig placed his treasures therein, should of some 40 or 50 hungry individuals, who might apply for the office of trea surer, give the keys to him who would w ork the cheapest. Y-ou might not, perhaps, pronounce him insane, but you would certainly say, he acted very unlike J. J. Astor. Now what is true of private affairs is especially true of puplic affairs, and what would be absurd in an individual is not less in a government. What is doing in Boston, where I belong ? these hanks there, respectable specie paying. trust-worthy banks, managed by prudent and discreet men—and yet the treasure of the counuyis withdrawn from the keeping of those institutions, with a capital paid in of two millions of dollars, and locked up in safes and vaults, and one of the President’s political friends from an other State, is sent for to come and keep the key. There is in his case no president to watch the cashier, no cashier to watch the teller, and no di rectors to overlook and control all—but all is vest ed in one man. Do you believe that, if under such circumstances, the United States, following the example of individuals, were to offer to lereive private funds in deposite in such a safe, and allow interest on them, they would be entrusted with any ? 1 here arc no securities under this new system of keeping the public monies that we had not before, while many that did exist, in the per sonal character, high trusts and diversified interests of the officers and directors of banks are removed. .Vlotcvcr, the number of receiving and disbursing j officers, is iircreased, and in proportion is the dan ger to the public tieasure increased. The next provision is, lhat mone} r once received into the Treasury is not to be loaned out, and if this law is to be the law of the land, this provision is not to be complained of, for dangerous indeed would be the temptation, and pernicious the conse quences, if these treasures were to be left at liber ty to loan out to favorites and party associates, the monies drawn from the people. Yet the practice of this government hitherto has always been op posed to this policy of locking up the mon es of 'he people when and while it is not required for the public service. Until this lime the public de posites, like private deposites, were used by the banks in which they were placed, as some compen sation for Ine trouble of safe keeping, and in fur therance of the general convenience. When, in 183-, Gen. Jackson formed the league of the De posite State Banks, they were specially directed by Vlr. Taney, then Secretary of the Treasury, tc{ use the public funds in discount for the accommo dation of the business of the country. And why should this not be so ? The President now says, if the money is kept in banks it will be used by them in discounts, and they will derive benefit theiefrom. What then ? Is it a sufficient reason for depriving the community of a beneficial meas ure, because the banks that carry it out will also measurably derive some benefit from it? The ques tion is, will tiie public be benefitted ? and if this be answered affirmatively, it is no bar to say that the banks will be too. The government is not to play the part of the dog in the manger. The doc trine is altogether pernicious, opposed to our ex perience, and to the habits and business of the na tion. The next provision is, that requiring, after 1843; all dues to tiie government shall be paid in gold and silver; and however onerous and injurious this provision, it is to be conceded that the government can, if they choose, enforce it. They have the power, and as good citizens we must submit. Bus such a practice will be Licovenient, I will say op pressive. How are those w r ho occupy three-fourths ot the surface of the United States to comply with this provision ? Here, in commercial neighbor hoods and in large cities, the difficulty will be less; but where is the man who is to take up lands in the Western States to get specie how transport it ? The banks around him pay none—he <*ets none for his labor; and yet, oppressive as all this: is, I admit that the government have a right to pass such a law, that while it is a law, it must be obeyed. But what are we promised as the equivalent fin al! this inconvenience and oppression ? Why, that the Government in its turn will pay its debts m specie, aud that thus what it receives with one hand, it will pay out with the other —and a me talic circulation will be established. I undertake to say that no greater fallacy than this was ever ’ uttered ; the thing is impossible, and for this plain reason. The dues which government collects from t individua's, each pays for h' seif. But it is far otherwise with the disbursements of government. 3 They do not go down to individuals,and seckingout the workmen and the laborer, pay to each his dues. Government pays in large sums to large contract- I ors—and to these they pay gold and silver. But , does the gold and silver reach those whom the contractor employs ?—On the contrary, the con tractors deal as they see fit with those whom they employ, or of whom they purchase. The Army and the Navy arc fed and clothed by contiact; the materials for your sumptuous Custom Houses, your i fortifications, for the Cumberland Road, and for other public works, arc all supplied by contract. C ontractors fl ck to \V ashington,receive their tons ■ of gold and silver; but do they carry it with them . ta Maine, Mississippi, Michigan, or wherever their residence and vocation may be ? No not a dollar; but selling it for depreciated paper, the contractor swells his previous profits bv this added premium, and paj s oil those he owes in depreciated bank notes. This is not an imaginary rase. I speak of what is in proof. A contractor came to Washington fo't winter, and received H draft o SIBO,OOO on a specie paying bank in New York. This be sold at 10 per cent premium, and with ihe avails purchased wild-cat money; with whic i he paid the producer, the farmer, tiie laborci. This is the operation of specie payments. It gives to the govemtncrlt hard money, to the lich con tractor hard money, but to lire producer and the laborer is given paper, and bad paper only ; an yet this system is recommended as specially favor ing the poor man, rather than the rich, and credit is claimed for this Administration as the poor man’s friend. Let Us look a little more nearly a this matter, and see win m, in truth,it does la>oi . Who are the rich in this country ? I here is \ei> little hereditary wealth among us and large cap itaiists are not numerous. But some there are, who live upon the interes, of t ieii imoney, and these certainly do not sutler bytms new doctrine ; for their revenues are rendered more valuable, while tiie objects of living are le duced in value. There is the money lender, too, who suffers not by the reduction of prices all ag round him. Who else are rich in this Why, the holders of office. He who has a fixed salary, of from 2500 to SSOOO finds prices falling; but docs his salary fall ? On the contrary, three fourths of that salary will now purchase more than the whole of it would purchase beforehand he, therefore, is not dissatisfied with t. is new law. There is, too, another class of our feilow citi zens, wealthy men, who have prospered duung the last year, and they have prospered when no body else propers. I mean tiie owners of ship ping. What is the reason ? Give me a reason. Well, 1 will give you one. The shipping of the cauntiy carries on the foreign and domestic trade —-the larger vessels being chiefly in the trade. Now, why have these been successtul t 1 will answer by an example. I live on the sea coast of New England, and one of my nearest neighbors is the largest ship-owner, probably, -n the United Skates. Dining the past year he has made what might suffice for two or three foi tunes; and how has he made it ? He sends his ships to Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, to take fieights of cotton. This staple, whatever the price abroad, cannot be suffered to rot at home, anu thereftne it is shipped. My friend tells his captain to provis ion his ship at Natchez for instance, where he buys flour and stores in the depreciated currency of that region, and pays for them by a oi ! ! on Boston which he sells at 48 per cent, premium. Here at once, as will be seen, he gets his provisions for half price. He delivers his freight in Europe, and gets paid for it in good money. The disordered currency of the country to which he belongs, doe? not follow and afflict him abroad. He gets his freight in good money, places it in the hands of his owner’s banker, who again draws at a premium toi it. The ship owncis, then,make money, when ali others are suffering, because he can escape from the influence of the bad laws and bnd currency of his own country. Now, I will contract the story o! this neighbor with lhat ot another of my neigh bors, not rich. He is a New England mechanic, hard-working, sober, and intelligent —a tool-maker by trade, who wields I.is own sledge-hammer. His particular business is the making of augurs lor the South and South West. He has for years employ ed many hands, and been the support thereby, of many families around him —himself, meanwhile, moderately prosperous, until these evil times came on. Yearly, however, for some years, he has been going backwards —not less industrious —not less frugal —he has yet found, that however, apparent ly good the prices he might receive at the South and South West for his tools, the cost of convciting those funds into the funds current ih New England was ruinous. He has persevered, however, al ways hoping for some change for the better, and contracting gradually the circle of his work, and the number of his workmen, until at length the little earnings of the past wasted, and tiie condi tion of the currency becoming worse and worse, he is reduced to oankruptcy ; and he and the twenty families that lie iiad supported are beggared by no fault of their own. What was his difficulty ? He could not esaepe from the evils of bad laws and bad currency at home ; and while his rich no.' hbor who could and did, is made richer by these very causes, he. the honest and industrious mech ic, is crushed totheeaith; and yet we are told this is a system lor premotingjihe interests of the poor. This leads me naturally to the great subject of American which lias hardly been considered or discussed as caieiully as it deserves. V\ hat is American labor? It is best described by saying, it is not European labor. Nine-tenths of the whole labor of this country is performed by those who cultivate the land they or their fathers own, or who in their workshops employ some little capi tal of their own, and mix it up with their labor. Where does this exist elsewhere ? Look at the different departments of industry, whether agri cultural, manufacturing, or mechanical, and you will find that in all, the laborers mix up some little capital with the work of their hands. The laborers of lire United States is the United States—strike out the laborers of the United Slai s, including therein all who in some way or other be long to the industrious and working classes, and you reduce the population of the United States from sixteen millions to one million. The American laborer is expected to have a comfortable home, decent, though frugal living, to clothe and educate his children, to qua 1 ify them to take part, as all are called to do, in the political affairs and government of their country. Can this be sard of any European laborer ? Does he take any shire in the govern ment of his country, or feel it an obligation to ed ucate his children ? There, nine-tenths of the la borers have no interest in the soil they cultivate, nor in the fabrics they produce; no hope under any circumstances, of using themselves, or of rais ing their children above the condition of a day la borer at wages, and only know the government under which they live, by the sense of its oppres sions, which they have no voice in mitigating. To compare such a state of labor with the labor of this country, or to reason from that to ours, is preposterous. And yet the doctiine now is. not of individuals only-but of the administration, that the wages of American labor must be brought down to the level of those in Europe. I have said this i> not the doctrine of a few indi viduals, and on that head 1 think injustice has been done to a Senator from Pennsylvania, who has been made to bear a largo share of responsibility of sug gesting such a policy. If 1 mistake not, the same idea is thrown out in trie President’s message of Woodbury says:— “ Should the Slates not speedily suspend more of their undertaking which ore unproductive, but by new loans, or otherwise, find means to employ ar mies of laborers, in consuming, rather than raising crops, and should prices thus icntinuc in many ca ses to be unnaturally inflated, as they have been of late years, in the face of a contracting currency, the effect of it on our finances would be still mole to lessen exports, and consequently the prosperity and re\ enuc of our foreign crude.” He is for turning off from the public works these “ armises of laborers’" who consume without pro ducing crops, and t.ius biing down prices, both of crops and labor. Diminish the mouths that con sume, and multiply the arras that produce, and you have the Treasury prescription lor mitigating dis tress and prices ! How would that operate in this great state ? \ou have perhaps, some 15,- 000 men employed on your public works —works of the kind that the secretary calls “unproduc tive”—and even with such a demand as they must produce for provisions, prices are very low. The Secretary’s remedy is to set them to raise provis ions themselves and thus augment the supply while they diminish the demand. In this wav the wages of labor are to be leduced, as well as the prices of agricultural productions. But this is not all, I have in ray hand an extract from a speech in the House of Representatives, of a gentleman of New Ham; hire, Mr. Burke a zealous suppor.erof the adminisirauon, who maintains thatother things being leduced in proportion, you may reduce the wages of labor, without evil consequences. And where does he seek his example ? in the Medi terranean. He fixes himself upon Corsica and Sar dinia. But what is the Corsican laborer, that he should be the model upon which American labor is to be formed ? Does he know any thing himself? Has he any education, or does he give any to his children ? Has he a home, a freehold, and the comforts of life around him ? No. With a crust ot blead and a handful ot olives, his daily wants are satisfied. And yet from such a state of socie ty the laborer of New England, the laborer of the 1 nited states is to he taught submission to low wa- SfL . e extract before me states that the wages ot Corsica are, for “ the male laborer, 24 cts. a day. fomae, do „ J And the hono able gentlemen argues,that owing to the greater cheapness of other articles, this is iel.i lively as much as the American laborer gets, and he illustrates the fact by this bill of clothing for a Corsican labo.er : 6 - I cap,----, 1 Wiistcoat 5 r Pantalootis,* . . .12*. *. 3 1 Shirt, 6 Pair o f Shoes, c 2S francs. \ Now what say i faimor of New Vo k,of wa iki ni r o n Sunday to j England say, to the idea o jacket two s church at the head of his family, in his —away with this plan for humbling and degrading the free intell gent, well educated and well p ■ • Sorer if the United States to the level of the .1- ! most brute labor of Euiope. nntt itnr- Th’re is not much danger that scheme, trines, such as these, shall find favor with t P Die Toey understand their own interests too wen for'that. Gentlemen, lam a farmer, on the 'ea , shore and have, of < ourse, occasion to employ I seme degree of agricultural labor. I am sometimes alsorovved out ,o sea, being, like other New Eng- i land men, fond of catching a hsn, and finding health and recreation in warm weather, from the air of the ocean. —For a few months duung which i , am able to enjoy this retreat from labor, public or ; professional, Ido not often trouble my neighbors, i or they me, with conversation on politics. Itliap- however, about 3 weeks ago, that on such an excursion a I have mentioned, with one man only, I mentioned this doctrine of the reduct,on of prices, and asked him his opinion of it. He said he did not like it. I replied, the wages of labor, it is true, are reduced; but then floui and beef, and perhaps clothing, all ol which you iuy, are reduced also. What then can be youi o. jee tions ? Why, said he, it is true that flour is now low ; but then it is an aiticle that may use su* - denly, by means of a scanty crop, in England, or at home ; and if it should rise from !y>. r > to sl*l, IQO not know for certain that it should fetch the puce for my labor up with it. Hut while wages are high then I am safe, and if produce chances to fall, so much the letter for me. Hut there is another thing. 1 have but one thing to sell, that is my la bor ; but I must buy many things.—not only flour, and meat and clothing but also some articles that come from other countries; a little sugar, a little coffee, a little of the common spices and such like. Now, I do not see how these foreign articles will be brought down by reducing wages at home ; and before the piiccs is brought down of the only thing I have to sell, I want to be sure that the price will fail also, not of a part, but all the things which 1 must buy. Now,gentleman, though he Will be astonished or amused, that 1 should tell the story, before such a vast and respectable assemblage as this, 1 will place this argument of Seth Peterson, sometimes farmer and sometimes fisherman on the coast of Massa chusetts, stated to me while pulling an oar with each hand, and with the sleeves of his led shirt rolled up above his elbows, against the argu ments, the theories, and the speeches of the Ad ministration and all its Fiends; in or out of Con gress, and take the verdict of the country, and of the world, whether he has not the best side of the question. Since I have adverted to this conversation, gen tlemen, allow me to say, that this neighbor of mine is a man of fifty, one of several sons of a poor man ; that by his labor he has obtained some lew acres, las own unincumbered freehold, lias a ccm foitable dwelling, and p’enty of the poor man’s blessings. Os these, i have Known six, decently and cleanly clad; each with the book, the slate, and the map, proper to its age, ai! going at the same time daily to enjoy 1 ' ie blessing of that which is the glory of New England, the common free school. Who can contemplate this and thousands of other cases like it. not as pictures, but as common facts, without feeling how much our free institutions, and the policy hitherto pursued, have done for the comfort and happiness of the great mass of our cit izens ? Where in Europe, where in any part of the world out of our country, shall we find labor thus rewarded, and the genera!condition ol the peo- i pie so good ? Nowhere! Away, then, with the j injustice and the folly of reducing the cost of pro ductions with us, to what is called the common standard of the world. Away, then, away r at once and forever,with the miserable policy which would bring the condition of a laborer in the United States to that of a laborer in Russia or Sweden, in France or Germany, in Italy'or Corsica. Instead of following these examples, let us hold up our own, which all nations may well envy,and which unhappily, in most parts ol the earth it is easier to envy than to imitate. Hut it is the cry and effort of the times to stim ulil those who are called poor against those who are called rich; and yet among those who urge this cry and seek to profit by it, there is betrayed sometimes an occasional sneer at whatever savors of humble life. Witness the reproach against a candidate now before the peop’e for their highest honors, that a Log Cabin, with plenty of Hard Ci der, is good enough for him. It appears to some persons, that a great deal too much use is made of the symbol of the Log Cabin. ‘ No man of sense supposes,cer dnly, that the hav ing lived in a Log Cabin is any further proof of qualification for the Presidency, than it c.eates a presumption, that any one, who from humble condition, or under unfavorable circumstances, has , been able to attract a considerable degree of pub lic attention, is possessed of reputable qualities, mo .1 and intellectual. Hut it is to be remembered, that this matter of ' the Log Cabin originated, not with the friends of the Whig candidate, but with his enemies. Soon 1 after his nomination at Harrisburg, a writer for 1 one of the leading Administration papers spoke of * his “Log Cabin,” and his use of “hard cider,” by . Way of sneer and reproach. As might have been expected, for pretenders are generally false, this taunt at humble life proceeded from the party which claims for Itself the character of the purest democracy. The whole party appeared to enjoy' it, or at least they countenanced it, by silent ac- ! quiescence; for 1 do not know that, to Ibis day', any eminent individual, or any leading newspaper, attached to the administration, has rebuked tiiis scornful jeering at the supposed humble condition or circumstances in life, past or present, of a wor thy man and a war worn soldier. But it touched a tender point in the public feeling. Itnatuially roused indignation. What was intended as re- j proach, was immediately seized on as meiit. “He ' it so—be it so,” was the instant burst of the pub lic voice. “Let him be the Lob Cabin c andidate. What you say in scorn, we will shout with all I our lungs; from this day, we have our cry of rally, ! and we shall see whether he, who has ‘dwelt in one of the rude abodes ol the West, may not be come the best house in the country'.” All this is natural, and springs from souices of just feelmg. < ther things, gentlemen, have had a similar origin. We all know that the term “Whig,” was bestowed in derision, two hundred years ago, on those who were thought too fond of liberty; and our national air of Yankee Doodle was composed by British officers, m ridicule of the American troops. Yet, ere long, the last of the Brivi h arm’es laid down its arms at Yorktown, while this same air was play ing in the ears of offi cersandmen. Gentle ncn.it is only sha'low-mind ed pretenders, who cither make distinguished ori gin matter of personal merit, or obscure origin mat ter of person 1 reproach. Taunt and scoffing at the humble condition of early life, affect nobody in this country, but those who are foolish enough to indulge in them, and they arc generally suffi ciently punished by public rebuke. A man who is not ashamed of himself, need not be ashamed 1 of his early condition. Gentlemen, it did not happen to me to be born in a log cabin; but my elder brothers and sisters i were born in a log cabin, raised amid the snow d "ti of New Hampshire, at a period so early, as ! that when the smoke first rose from its rude cliim- i ncy, and curled over the frozen hills, there was no i similar evidence of a Whiteman’s habitation be tween it and the sct'iements on the rivers of I Canada. Its remains still exist. I make to it an 1 annual visit. I carry my children to it, to inspire J ike sentiments in them, and to teach them the i hardships endured by the generations which have t gone before the n I love to dwell on the tender * recollections the kindred ties, the early affections, < and the touching narratives and incidents, which < mmgle with all I know of this humble, primitive * family abode. I weep to think that none of those * who inhabited it are now among the living; and if < ever lam ashamed of it, or if I ever fail in affec- * tion ate veneration for Him who reared if, and de- « ended it against savage violence and destruction, 1 cheushed all the domestic virtues beneath its roof, f and, through the fire and blood of a seven years’ c Revolutionaay War, shrunk from ti o j toil, no sacrifice, to serve his country - < V‘ gcr > no his children to a condition better tha^'p 0 r * i,e may my name, and the name of niy ndl, * ° Wn , blotted forever from the memory of nLi lty > ll « [Mr. Webster then reviewed the cx of the Government, but just at the lasi ltUr ° J we find with regret that the sheet comai" 10 " 16111 ) portion of the speech has been mishit miD B % We supply therefore from memory a f lust — and we are aware, a very inadequate outli? b/‘ef argument] ne °ithf The expenditures of this A.lminislntin been eminently wasteful and extrava<n t * V! and above the ordinary revenue of the' 1 f)Vei 1 Mr. Van Huren has spent more th in lions that reached the Treasury from , y ces. I specify; * inolhci % ' Reserved under the Deposite Act, 4( . 4th Installment of Surplus kept back. q Payment by the Hank of United Slates ,<j(iU ’ 00u on its Bonds, . „ Butcren this has been found prodigality of the Administration, and w c been long assembled in Congress before a was made upon it, notwithstanding the representa ions of the Message and the T- Report, lor authority to issue five millionth** Treasury notes; and this, we were assured if, 1 * 0 * gress would only keep within the cstim.tr' mitted by the Departments, would be * UI) ’ Congress did keep within the estimates- anf 8 '" before we broke up, intimations came’ Treasury that they must have authority to b " or issue Treasury note* for, four and a haift lions more. ln **l* This time even the friends of the Admir . tion demurred, and finally refused ta [*’ new aid,—and wha‘ then was the alternative? M by, after having voted appropriations forth, rious branches of the public service, all within Ik’ estimates, and all of which, they were told ", he indispensable,they conferred on the President? a special section, authority to withhold ih-1 • propriations from such objects as he pleased 'j to select at his discretion the obje ts upon y money should be expended. Entire authority, thus given to the President over alllhese ei * in direct c.-ntiavention of that of the Constitution forbidding a!l expenditure ' ” cept by virtue of appropriations—which if**! meant any thing must mean the specification of distinct sums *or distinct purposes. In this way, then, it is proposed to keen bark from indispensable works four and a half million, which arc. nevertheless, appropriated, and which with the five millions of Treasury notes already issued, will constitute a debt ol Lorn nine to tl millions. * ‘ v o, then, when General Harrison shall succeed, in Mafch next, to the Prcsilential chair, all that he will inherit from his predecessors—besides their brilliant example—wiil he thi-e Treasury vaults and safes, without a dollar in them, and a debt of ten millions of dollars. The whole revenue policy of this Administra- I tion has been founded in error. While duties are I laid on articles of daily use and necessity, articles 1 of luxury arc admitted free of dutv. Look at the 1 custom House returns, $20,000,000 worth of silks ! imported in one year, free of duty, and other arti- j cles of luxury in proportion, that should be made to contribute to the revenue. We have, in my judgment imported excesshtly, and yet the President urges it as an objection to works of public improvement, to railroads and ca nals, that they diminish our importations, and thereby interfere with the comforts of the peop,e,- His message sayst “Our people will not long be insensible tothe extent of the burdens entailed upon them by the false system that has been operating on their >an. guine, energetic, and industrious character; nor to the means necessary to extricate themselves from those embarrassments. The weight which presses upon a large portion of the people, and the Stilts, is an enormous debt, foreign and domestic. The foreign debt of our States, corporations, and men of business, can scarcely be less than two hundred millions of dollars, requiring more than ten mil lions of dollars a year to pay the interest. This sam has to be paid out of the exports of the coun try', and must of necessity cut off imports to tint extent, or plunge the country more deeply in debt from year to year. It is easy to see that them crease of this foreign debt must augment the an nual demand on the exports to pay the intern' and tc the same extent diminish the import'; and in proportion to the enlargement of the foreip debt, and the consequent increase of interest must be the decrease ol the import trade. In lieu of the com irts which it now brings us, we might hive our gigantic banking institutions, and splendid,but in many' instances profitless, railroads add canals, absorbing to a great extent, in interest upon the capital borrowed to construct them, the surplus fruits of rational industry for years to come, and securing to posterity' no adequate return for the comforts which the labors of their hands might otherwise have secured.” What are these comforts that we are to jet se much moie of, if we will only stop our railroad' and canals? Foreign goods, loss of employment at home or European wages, and lastly direct taxa tion. One of the gentlemen of the Souh, of that nul lifying State Rights party' that has absorbed tin Administration, or been absorbed by it, come boldly out with the declaration that the periodis arrived for a direct tax on land; and among the reasons assigned for this project is this one, that it will brine: the North to the grindstone. Wo shall sec, before this contest is over, who will be the paities ground, and who Ihe grinders. It is, how ever, but just to add, that thus far, this is only an expression of individual opinion, and I do not charge it to be otherwise. I had proposed to say something of the militia bill, but it is already so late that I must forego this topic. (No, no—Go on —Go on—from the crowd) Mr. Webster resumed, and briefly analysed the bill. Owing, however, to the lateness of the hour be did not go largely into the discussion. He did not, he said, mean to charge Mr. Van Buren with any purpose to play the part of a Caesar or a Cromwell, but he did say that in his judgment, the plan a* recommended by the President in his message, and of which the annual report of the Secietaryo* War accompanying the message developed the leading features, would, if earned into operation, be expensive, burdensome, in derogation ol the Constitution, and dangerous to our liberties. Mr- W. referred rapidly ’o the President’s recent letter to some gentlemen in Virginia, endeavoring to ex culpate himself for the lecommcndafion in the message, by endeavoring to show a difference e tween the plan then so strongly' commended, an that submitted in detail some months alteiwar * by r the Secretary of War to Congress. Mr. * • pronounced this attempt wholly unsatisfactory. Mr VV. then went on to say- —I have now frank ly stated my opinions as to the nature of the p re ' <?nt excitement, and have answer cd the question i propounded as to the causes of the revolution m public sentiment new in progress ill this revo lution succeed ? Does it move the masses, or b J an ebulilion merely on the surface ? And wno 1 it that opposes the change which seems to be going forward ? (Here some one in the crowd cried ou, “ none hardly but the office-holders oppose i ■ Mr. Webster continued,) 1 hear one say that 1 office-holders oppose, and that is true H 1 ‘e wore quiet, in my opinion, a change would W place, almost by common consent. I ha ve “* . ot an anecdote, peihaps hardly suited to the s ,J ety and dignity of this occasion, but which eo firms the answer which myfriend in thecro* J n * given to my question. It happened to a ft' mer son, that his load es hay was blown overby a den gust, on an exposed plain. Those near* 11 " 1 ’ seeing him manifest a degree of distress, whichsu an accident would not usually occasion, asked m the leason, he said he should not lake on so uiu f about it, only father was under the load. ** iin r it very probable, gentlemen, tiiat there arc r n ‘ l ■ now very active and zealous friends, who uo not care much whether the wagon of the admmr* tration were blown over or not, if it were not the fear that father, or son, or uncle, or brotnf might be found under the load. Indeed it ~ s markable bow fervently the tire of patrioH* glows in the breasts of the holders of office. A thousand favored contractors fear lest ’he propose change should put the interests of the public m *i*» danger. Ten thousand Post Offices, moved by tI J same apprehension, join in the cry of alarm, w 11 "® a perfect earthquake of disinterested renionst.cn ces proceeds Irom the Custom Houses. Patron age and favorotism tremble and quake, tlnoug every' limb, and every nerve, lest the people sbou be found to favor of a change, which might in “ an ger the liberties of the counVy. or at least brcaK down its present eminent an ! distinguished P 10 *