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* CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL A V GIJSTA. ! THURSDAY MORNING* SEPTEMBER 17. } WILLIA.TI HENRY HAR USOlf, Os Ohio; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe- -the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible B the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TIfLER Os Virginia; i| A State Rights Republican of the sc'r [>ol of ’98 — one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and • mphatically one of America’s most sagacious, irtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF AN /IC F -PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Ogle herpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, cf Cam< ;n. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Mu :ogee." JOEL CRAWFORD, of Ilancoc . CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of ( lark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of B: dwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. ‘ WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKa 0. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burk . E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. TOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Gleene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habjsham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Trouf EL GENIUS A. NISBET, of Bi b. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. I THOMAS BUTLER KING, of"llynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jctfejfcon. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, cl Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of MuM ogee. FOR SENATOR, ! ANDREW J. MILLER FOR REPRESENTATIVES, CHARLES J. JENKINS, GEORGE W. CRAWFORI WILLIAM J. RHODES. Read the letters o E. J. Black, in ibis days pa dcr, and the remarks of the Georgia Journal. The World is Uncharitable, Is a maxim which is daily growitg more and more trite, in all classes of society,fnin the hum blest mendicant, who strolls through*he country asking aims,to the ambitious politici.i;|, who some times finds his motives, however p> suspected. That the world is uncharitable we ha’& been some times disposed to believe, for we havefcccasionally thought the real objects of charity snuined by those who should have bellowed boun teously, and we are more disposed tojjbelieve that there is less charity in scanning th#" motives of others. For we not unfiequently secisr.aon in the highest places, dignified by honoriifmd emolu ments, probably actuated by the pm» -t principles of policy, and patriotic devotion to pi pular liberty and the institutions of their country, s ispected and their motives questioned. It may j; ; that those suspicions are just, nevertheless w< arc prone to believe they are generally prematuu and should not be indulged, without being base j on good au thority. This is an evil, and carefully avoided, for it notunfrequently happetis that those who are but too ready to yield to thi*; frailty of our nature, are subsequently the subject I of deep and poignant regret for indulging those snlpicions. e have been led to these remains by a case which has recently come to our knerjlodge, of an individual who is figureing in a proij yuent manner before the people of Georgia, and t >;ainst whom suspicions deep and dark, however or ill foun dedjwe know not, are now engendc in the bo soms of many. This should not be Let us ap- P’y the golden rule, do as you won f be done by. IV e allude to the Hon. Walter T. (p|iquitt, now a candidate for Congress. It is well known that ■he was elcc*ed as an Anti-Van 8.-tlen man; and that he was so regarded for a eorj;|dcraole time after his arrival in Washington, tjilldenly he be came a most zealous supporter of all; Administra tion, and addressed a Circular, l>lueh he was pleased to call “cm unvarnished tap j” to his Con stituents, declaring his intention ib| support Mr. Van Buren for re-election, s and urwng them “ by all honorable means'' to do likewise! At this in telligence, some were not deceived rjid many weie astounded. A little time passed, anelwhen the fust momentary excitement had parsed off, the people began to rub their eyes .aid enquire into the cause. At first, it was attribui(|l to the flatte ry of Blair of the Globe—and nianySWerc ready to •ay, that this all powerful lever haijaot been with out its immense influence even u;jcf the honorable member. Others again, insinuatticVthat it was an ellbrt of the Chess player, to then his game and secure a more decided triumph. These, for a lime occupied the peoples 1 Attention, when suddenly dame Rumor, with her thousand tongues, sprung up in Western Georgia, ahl asserted that the honorable member had remitted some ten or fifteen thousand dol ! ars fik a n Washington, to satiate the voracious cravings -of unappeased creditors. Without, however, plcSending to jus tify this extraordii aay espionage c| the darne into the private affairs of a Congress dumber, we will •only state the effect upon the publ.D mind. The first shock having passeq. during which there were exchanged sage and luspicious looks and dark insinuations, curiosity w«s on ‘ tiptoe ,” to know whence the money came* ? It could not he said that the pay of a of Congress a mounted to so much over and and'above his ex penses. “ How then did he obtain >t ?” was asked with the greatest apparent anxieq* “ Perhaps he borrowed it, - ’ said a plain man, was not dis posed to be uncharitable. “Lijrrwed it—why there was no one to borrow of bit the banks, and he certainly would not go the*: to seek aid,” thought some. But the inquiry u often repeated, and again it is replied, “ perhaps he sold “ unvarnished tale” a id the means.’’ This inquiry goes on flying throuiji the street, and if ‘i curiosity is increased at every corner. One mat asserts that he borrowed it, another suggests an other mode—and there are some so prone to sus pect their neighbors, that they insinuate —bu “ the world is uncharitable,” said we in the outset and this is another instance of the truth of thi maxim. The Corporal and the Hecorder It is not often that we assay to give our friend advice, nor do we like to place ourselves under ob ligations for repeated favors : but we would thanl the Recorder not to be poking his stick through th< grating at the Corporal, since he has been caged We have got him quite docile, and we cannot con sent to his being disturbed. We beg our friend not to be alarmed, if in passing around the coinei he should seem enraged; he is only a little dis turbed at this new intrusion of the Recorder. From the Georgia Journal. A few plain facts plainly stated. Messrs. Cooper, Colquitt, and Black wore in December, 1837, nominated by the State Right: party as candidates for Congress, opposed to Mr Van Buren. Messrs. Colquitt and Black were members of the caucus by which they were nominated; Mr. Coop er was not —but he had a relative from Putnam, Dr. Joel Branham, his brother-in-law, who repre sented his feebng in that body, and whose anxie ty to get Mr. Cooper nominated, is well remember ed. In ’3B, Messrs. Colquitt, and Black assigned some very strong reasons why they could not sup port Mr. Van Buren. By reference to three let ters,which will be found in our paper to-day, it will be seen that some of the chief objections upon which the Anti-Van Buren parly now rely, were staled with great strength by these gentlemen, viz: “Free negro suffrage vote”—“ Missouri Restric tion”—The maintenance by Mr. Van Buren of the constitutional right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, See. &c. These men went lo Washington city elected by the State Rights party, as honest and firm oppon ents of Mar in Van Buren and his principles, as illustrated by his acts. The State Rights party knew that all three were in favor of a sub-treasury. Colquitt was for it without the specie clause. We think he avow"d himself thus, on the Senate floor in 1837, in discussing Dunegan’s resolutions. At any rate the extract of his letter in our paper shows that ho did occupy this position. Black did not go for the specie clause either; ami he moreover had a bright idea of his own, about Congress’ appoint ing its own Treasurers, &c., which we did nut, at that time, disapprove of—but look to their letters. Now, upon the sub-treasury scheme, they have not adhered to their professions as we have under stood them. They have become Bentonians, Cal hounites, up to the hub, in the specie feature. Well, tins trio of “ persecuted ” and “ proscribed ” gentlemen are now, in September, 1840, (a little more than two years since their denunciation of Mr. Van Buren) the apologists,defenders,admirers, and supporters of the man. In 1838, they were bitterly opposed to Mr. Van Buren ; in 1840, they are warmly the supporters of Mr. Van Buren. And yet, these men have the un blushing effrontery, so we have heard, to affirm that they have not changed !! ! Who is such a stupid doit as to believe them, if they say so I But the State Rights party have changed, says this trio. We will answer them, by asking, did not the State Rights party in 1836, 1837, and 1838, oppose Mr. Van Buren ; and don’t they now (we speak of ninety-nine hundredths of them) oppose him, and for many of the same reasons assigned by Mr. Col quilt in his letter from Newnan ? Is this changing ? It may be, according to the John C. Calhoun logic —a system of reasoning in which these persons have recently been instructed by those learned Doctors, Frank Blair, and Ames Kendall. We have no disposition to quarrel with any man who honestly changes, when his conscience and understanding are convinced. Nay, change is then a duty.—But if a change is brought about by the selfish ambition of a turn-coat; by his looking af ter preferment or popular favor ; by his envy and jealousy of some persons who is an obstacle in the path of his ambition; or if, without any of these self propensities, he has vanity, and is approached through it, by an artful, intellectual man, like Calhoun, until the citadel is sapped and in posses sion of the wily assailant; if the change is brought about by such means, we can then feel no respect for such a person thus operated upon. There is no glass window in iront of the hearts of the ‘'proscribed ,” through which we can take a look at the motives which have influenced them in the heat of the battle to betray our posts into the hands of Mr. Van Buren. Time however, will either vindicate their purity of motive, or will con firm those doubts and suspicions which thousands now entertain of them, once so honored and so trus ted. Sc riven Countv, Sept. 1?, ’836. To Joshua Hill, Augustus W. Lane, Jeremiah W. Pearson, Thomas H. B. Rivers, James B. Lewis, and H. P. Kilpatrick, Esqs., of Monticello Gentlemen: Your note of the 19th instant, in the Georgia Journal, addressed to the State Rights candidates for Congress, was handed to rue for the first time yesterday. Recognizing to its fullest extent, “ the right of the Constituent to require of the candidate for his suffrage, an open avowal of his opinions, on any political sub ject,” I take great pleasure in responding to the important question you have propounded. You ask if I believe the Congress of the Uni ted Slates has the constilutianal power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, or any of the territories of the United States, or to legis late on that subject at all; and whether, if I am elected a Representative of the next Congress. I will vote to receive petitions for the abolition of slavery I—Tobolh these questions I unhesitating ly answer in the negative. If Congress has the right lo abolish slavery in the District of Colum bia, or elsewhere, or lo legislate upon that sub ject at all, that right must be derived alone from the Constitution, for from no other source can any department of the General Government dc rive any right or power whatever under its pres ent organization. The only clause in that in strument upon which the aholitonists, and those who act with them, ground their claim ofpower, to legislate upon the subject-of slavery, is that which authorises Congress “ to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such Dis trict not exceeding ten miles square,” as may be ceded lo the United States for the purpose of establishing a permanent “ seal of Government.” I o my mind, this clause, instead of conferring, directly prohibits, the exercise of such a power; tor although Congress may exercise •* exclusive legislation,” these words can never be tortured to mean an uni mited and undefined legislation. Such a construction would be to subvert the restrictive operation of the Constitution, and con found the meaning of words—it would be to make “ exclusive ” and “ unlimited ” or “ unde fined,” convertible terms, for which other author ity than the present standard lexicons of our language must be produced. Nor does the seemingly comprehensive phrase “ in all cases whatsoever,” which immediately follows, at all unhinge this operation : No De partment of the General Government possesses, or can possess, any inherent, or underived power. All its powers are delegated to it by the States, and the Constitution is the written instrument en tered into by those States, wherein those powers are specified and enumerated. It is not suffi cient, therefore that Congress is not prohibited the exercise of any particular power, but the right to legislate, must be specially delegated be fore the action of the federal government can be legitimate. Whence it follows, that the words “in all cases whatsoever” must be construed to mean in all cases whatsoever, wherein the Con stitution authorises the action of the federal le gislature. If these premises be true, it follows that Congress cannot, under that clause, legislate . upon any and every subject whatsoever, either I within the “ ten miles square,” or the territories. If the opposite construction prevails, then the n Congress of the United States would indubitably i- have the power to create lilies of nobility, »nd es tablish a Religion in the District of Columbia ; nay .they could do any and every thing else tual the whim,caprice, or interest of an unprincipled major % ity might suggest. Who in the south would open ie ly contend for such a right 1 And yet there is no difference in fact between the two cases. — Look then, gentlemen to the Constitution —that instrument is silent upon the subject of slavery, * s and no where confers upon the Federal Govcrn )- ment the right to legislate upon the subject at all. k Under this view of the case, it is altogether im ie material whether Maryland or Virginia ceded I with the District, the right to abolish slavery therein. These two States could noteither make, *’ alter, or amend the Constitution so as to give that right. The treaty of cession only conveys ;r to Congress the right to govern and control a j- certain district of country so fur as it was pre viously constitutionally empowered to do. But, neithei Maryland or Virginia ever intended to confer such a right upon the Legislature ot the Union—a right which would have been suicidal n of themselves, and destruction itself to their own ;s people. The intention of the grantors was sim r. ply to cede to the confederation a seat and loca tion for their general agent, the Federal Govern e ment, and if they could have believed for a mo ‘ ment, that under that clause of the Constitution '* which authorises the acceptance of the land ceded, a claim woaid have been set up for Congress to „ legislate upon slavery, that body might have still e! have been holding its sessions in Philadelphia, - or perambulating the country from Maine to Geor gia. 1 If I were at Washington, or at any other place, 1 in my private, individual capacity, I could not tamely sit by and hear the State of Georgia abu sed, her people villiiied aiul slandered ; much less j could I, as a Representative in Congress vote to receive a petition replete with the grossest calum ny, not only of ray constituents, hut of myself. T If lam told that the Abolitionist has the constitu tional right to petition the government, and that ' therefore Congress is bound to receive his petition, my answer is to be found in the very clause un i der whch he seeks to introduce his prayer. The r people have the right peaceably to assemble and t petition the government for a redress of grievan -5 ces ; but of what grievance ?—their own surely. > According to the abolitionists themselves, slavery * is a Southern wrong, and a grievance to the southern slave. It is not their own grievance, nor do they claim it as such —they are not held ; in bondage; they commiserate, at a distance, as . they say, a sore grievance inflicted upon the slaves in Georgia. The people of Massachusetts and Connecticut are not one and the same with the people of Georgia—on the contrary, so far j as this internal municipal institution of slavery is concerned, they are wholly foreign to us. Then, these Fanatics might, with as much propriety, pe i tition Congress to abolish the horrible SuPee of f the East Indians, or the slavery of Timbuctoo, as ■ slavery in the State of Georgia, to which they are total strangers, and which belongs exclusively to us. Besides, the Constitution only prohibits Congress from passing any law abridging the right of the people peaceably to assemble and pe tition &c. Is the bare refusal, upon motion, in one house, to receive a villainous petition, the passage or enactment of a law abridging the right of petition ! If these cosmopolitan philanthrop ists are such pretended sticklers for constitutional rights, why let them take those rights as they find them written—let them have their “pound of flesh but no more. I would vote for no law abridging, or interfering with the right of petition, although tiiat right has availed the Sold hern peo ple but little heretofore—to us it has indeed been but an “empty name”—but, at the same time, I would not receive a petition grossly abusive of my con tituents, and relative to a supposed griev ance. which the petitioner disclaimed as his own, and over which Congress has no earthly jurisdic tion. Another, and not the least objection to receiv ing abolition petitions, is this, if Congress receive the petition, it must pass upon Us contents and dispose of it in some way or other, either by adop ting or granting the prayer of the petition, or re jecting it. Now, to do cither, would be actually to assume, and exercise jurisdiction ovei the sub ject matter of the petition, which, in my opinion, wood be not rtnly “a violation of public faith,” as Mr. Pinckney would say, but an actual and fla grant violation of the Constitution itself. These, gentlemen, among others, which the limits of this article will not permit me to urge, are the reasons why I have given a negative an swer to your important enquiries; and at the same time that I hope they may be sufficiently explicit and satisfactory, permit me to express my regiet that such a state of things exists at the South, as renders it necessary for the constituents to cate chise the candidate for office, upon the subject of Slavery ; especially when it is done, to expose, by contrast, the delinquency of one of our public servants. With the question of abolition, the politics of the day should not be permitted to interfere—the foe is at our door, and the danger at hand. If we are wise, le; us be united and as one man, in our opposition to the alaiming encroachments of the Fanatic; and he who fal ters, when the hour shall come, in the defence of our homes, our altars, and our domestic institu tions, should be spurned from oqr councils, and ,! execrated as a man. I have the honor, very respectfully, to b', \ our obedient servant, • EDWARD J. BLACK. 1 Letter of Ed. J. Black. Extract from a letter written by the Hon. E. J. Black, to A. L, \\ bitten. Esq. and others Com mittee, dated 25th Aug., 1838. The successful oppositon of the State Rights parly of Georgia to the “ Pet Bank scheme” of Gen, Jackson and Mr. \ an Buren, is of too re cent occurrence to demand proof bv reference, to the tacts which transpired at the time. Having participated in that opposition, I entertain now, as I did t .en, a settled repugnance to the ‘scheme’ as one, the signal failure of which, has p r ovcd conclusively, the truth of the many objections which were urged against its adoption. Even its orginal authors have abandoned it as inefficient, and a vast majority of the people have fully sus tained our opposition. What course remains then for us to pursue! If we intend to be true to ourselves, and consistent with our former pro i sessions, we must necessarily advocate the adop tion of an Isdepkxext Theascrt. Having rejected a Lmteo States Bank as miconstitution ■ at, and consequently, as inexpedient —having re pudiated the Pet Bank system in ail its bearings, - we are no longer at liberty to refuse a fair trial to - that only remaining plan of collecting and dis r bursing the public revenue, which proposes to divorce the Government from all connection with ( Banks, as fiscal agents. While, however, I ad ’ m ‘ l l he general principle of divorcing the Govern ment from Bamcs, I should insist upon a satis , factory arrangement of the details of the system . before I could *ive it my support; for that which , might be a very acceptable “ Sub-Treasury” to one man, might be exceedingly objectionable to s me. I should vote not only to sever the Govern - ment from Banks, but I should insist upon sc veringthe Treasury, and the appointment of its e officers, from the hands of the Executive. I would place the control of the Treasury, and the e appointment and supervision of those who are to s administer its affair, in the hands of the House o of Representatives. The members of that house - arc elected at short intervals by the people—their - responsibility is more direct and their connection s with the constituent body more immediate than e any other branch of the general srovernment. To r that department too, the Constitution evidently ;. looks to their most appropriate agents to super b | vise the “ ways and means ’ of the people in their political capacity, when it clothes it with exclu sive power to originate a revenue. I would also leave the government free to receive the bills of specie paying Banks; for while I distinctly re cognize gold and silver only as money, and as the currency known to rhe constitution, I do not think I should be violating cither the letter or spirit of that instrument, by receiving the bills of such banks as promptly paid specie, dollar for dollar, at the will of the holder. I should look upon such bills as the immediate representative of the precious metals—as specie certificates, convertible wdth gold and silver so long as they were so in fact . I should receive them not as matter of favoi to the Bank, but of convenience to the government. I refer to these particulars only to shew that the general principle of the di vorce is one thing, and the details of any bill, es tablishing that principle, quite another, and equally important, if not more so, as the original question. I make this exposition, thus minutely, of my views in relation to an Indcpendant Treasury, purely in obedience to the call from t ranklin anti Taliaferro, for while we look to it with some in terest, in this section of the State, as a question of policy , involving the direct violation ot no fundamental principle, wc do not recognize it as a test of political purity. It is not permitted to interfere with considerations of higher mo ment or to operate to the conclusion of those who may honestly differ from us. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your fellow-citiscn, EDWARD J. BLACK. Extract from a letter to Gen. Dat'd B. Mitchell, Chairman, dated January 10//t 1836. “ You will readily recognize the foregoing as a faithful epitome o; the princip es of the State Rights party, and an honest rehearsal of the doc trines of the Union leaders. Now, sir! sup pose, what in the present critical juncture ot our affairs is quite a supposable case, that by the aid I of the abolitionists, and the vole ot the Lnion Electors, Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson,— THE ONE AN ULTIMATE AB OLITIONIST IN PRINCIPLE—AN AD VOCATE OF FREE NEGRO SUFFRAGE —THE OTHFR A PRACTICAL AMAL GAMATIONIST, who has been wedded to two negro women, and is now honored by half a dozen mulatto chrildrcn, of his own get, are raised to the Presidency, and placed at the head ot the ‘ Government ” —Suppose that the abolitionists, who are avowedly the friends and supporters of Van Buren and Johnson, go on increasing as they have increased in numbers and influence, and at length by their zeal and activity return a majority to Congress instructed to treat ail slave holders as “man-stealei s” and “land pirates,” anti Congress accordingly passes an act to abolish slavery not only in the District of Columbia, but in the Slates. The deed is done —the Rubi con is passed—slavery is abolished! The fair and beautiful South, the “Home” of nur fathers, is threatened to be deluged with the best blood of her patriot sons—our children to be offered up a sacrifice upon the reeking altars of a bloody in surrection, and our v irtuous and helpless women menaced with the horrors often thousand deaths, in the brutal violation which the half liberated slave, drunk with the blood of his master, and gloating with beastly passion upon tnc jicrs<Mi of his mistress, is ready to inflict upon them. When this whirlwind is about to rush upon our devo ted country, and the black clouds, which already portentously lower in the distance, shall have overcast our horizon, and the land is about to be overwhelmed in darkness and death, to which of these two political parties will you address your self, to rescue the country from impending ruin ! 1 o which of these parties will our women and children fly lor succour, and protection 7 To the party whose leaders have recognized the “Proclamation” as the “brief abstract and chron icle’ of their faith—who profess to believe in the supremacy of the United States Government, and who have practically illustrated their princi ples of submission to that government, by voting tor, and supporting the Force Bill, which em powers the President to enforce the act of Con gress upon the people of the Stale at the point of the bayonet! Or will they not appeal for pro tection and defence to the State Rights men THE NuLLIFiERS, PUPILS AND FOLLOWERS OF Thomas Jefferson ! Men who are devoted to the Union , the constitutional, voluntary Union of these Statas, as it was originally formed—who will always permit and approve the constitution al acts of their federal agent, but when that agent oversteps the limits of his delegated authority., and passes an act which the Constitution does not warrant, or which strikes at the life, liberty, or happiness of the citizen, believe and assert, and are ready to maintain, that Georgia, being a Sovereign State, will, as she is bound to do, inteifore and protect her people, at any and at every hazard ? These arc the questions to be put to the people; lot them ponder well, and give, as I hope, an an swer in writing at the polls in October next, which will affirm the truth of the principles we profess, and in order to present a full State Rights ticket for their acceptance or rejection, I cheerfully ac cept the nomination you are instructed to tender me. I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient seivant. EDWARD J. BLACK. Judge Colquitt’s Letter. i Newnan, Sept. 7, 1836. Gentlemen : — Your communication, request ing my opinion, whether “Congress has the Constitutional power to abolish slavery in the District ot Columbia, I proceed to answer. You I will permit me to express my gratification, at | the lively interest taken by yourselves and asso- I ciateson a subject deeply important to the South j On this subject there should be no division in | this State ; but with one voice and united action ' we should put foith all our energies in opposi j tion to any and every interference upon the part i ot Congress, with this description of property. The only safe guard to our liberties and rights, j will be the vigilant restriction of every branch I anc * department of Government, to its legitimate j constitutional sphere of action ; and whenever j b y construction, Congress shall infringe the rights i wh >ch belong to some other branch of the Gov ernment, or trample upon the rights of individu als, the peace and unity of the country are dis turbed. I feel confident from the signs of the times, that if ever the silken cords that bind to gciher this confederacy, be broken, and our hap py Union dissolved, the danger will spring up trom the same source from which emanates the principle, by which Congress claims the power to abolish slavery ia the District of Columbia. I am fully of the opinion that Congress has no power by the Constitution, to interfere with the private property of individuals in the District of Columbia or anywhere else ; and that anv at tempt to abolish slavery in the District of Co j lumbia, would be in violation of the Constitu- Uon, and an unauthorized assumption of power • which, in exercise, threatens the peace aAd har m°ny of tee country, and the permanency of the Lnion. So sensibly do I feel the trußi of these altarTth’ ‘ 1 T “Pon the altar of the country s good, individual predilec "^°r ly reS ° lVe -H-o/notan strath ™’ mm y conv iction, may give ST 50 tht c opposed to mmc. and thnf hr dtir. 1 -n s^Z d ho!M : ‘r , ‘‘ ul " mnl iSJTcZ * a* to abolish slavery m the District of Co tumbles Inasmuch as Mr. Van Burn, was an . advocate for the restriction of Missouri, upon the f subject of slave population ; the fact of his hav ■ in" voted in the Convention of New \ ork tor a , provision, giving to free negroes the political > right of white men; the fact that almost the tn r tire strength of the abolitionists is exercised for s his promotion ; and for the further reason r that he himself acknowledges, that he is not pre t pared to say that Congress has not the Gonstitu s tion-I power to abolish slavery in the District ot i, Columbia. These circumstances are indications i ton stronly expressive of tvs real feelings, to per s mit me to aid his election, at a lime when the e country is so much agitated by the increasing s efforts of the abolitionists, t have deemed it nc* - cessary to be thus explicit upon the Presidential - election, inasmuch asjyour present members may i be called on in the character of Representatives to I vote for or against Mr. Van Buren, for this high appointment. I should deem my professions y empty and vain, if I should be found supporting , men for the highest and most responsible offices 1 in the country, who by word or deed are found - giving countenance or support to a principle at i variance with the general weal. I expect to act 3 upon this principle, and thereby show' my faith t by my works, i With an expression of my ardent desire for ' the happiness and welfare of our country, you a will accept my good wishes tor your individual prosperity and the prosperity of those whose sen* r timents you represent. Yours respect'ully, WALTER T. COLQUITT. Extract from a letter of Walter T. Colquitt, to i the Editors of the Columbus Enquirer. “I am decidedly in favor of disconnecting the - government from all banks- Surely the agents -of the government, selected by the people or r their Representatives, are likely to he competent 1 and as honest as corporations which are under i the cont rol of neither. Lei the Treasury be in • dependent. The receiving specie alone in pay* - ment of public dues, I do not think necessary ; • and without a good reason for it would act op ' pressively upon the banks.” ) For the Chronicle and Sentinel. i To the People of Taliaferro County, > As some contrariety of public opinion seems to : have been started in the public mind in relation to j- the nature of the charges made by me against , Major Mark A. Cooper, on the day of discussion in , Crawfordville, and the extent of his denial of the i same, I have thought proper, in order to put the ■ matter beyond quibble, to give you my allegations in a substantive and tangible form, that there may be left ro room for disputation about terms, or cavil . about words. To this end, therefore, I state that, r upon tin; occasion alluded to, it was my wish to be , distinctly understood as stating, or charging if you please, Major Cooper with being at the head of, or 1 connected as one of the principal stockholders, wi'h the most unequal, unrestricted, and iniquitous chartered institutions in this State —the Western 1 Insurance and Trust Company. An incorporation, 1 hy the provision of it? charter, authorized and em -1 pewered to take usurious interest, and to receive 1 on money lent, more than the lawful rates which , govern other banks, companies, and individuals ; } and which 1 emphatically denounced as nothing ; short of a legalized and licensed monied shaving f shop. And that you may appreciate the justness ' of the charge, as well as the truth upon which it rests, I cite you to Prince’s New Digest, pages 112 } and 4i7, where the charter is to be found, and by . which you will peceive that the Company have “full power and authority to borrow and loan on '■ such ter may be agreed upon .” Whether at ’ eight, ten, sixteen, twenty-five, or any other per cent. That their capital stock is one million of ’ dollars—that they are permitted to deal in stocks, exchanges, and “ other chose in action,” which f embraces promissory notes —that they arc not limit ■ ed as to the amount of their issues—are not re quired to make report to the public of their con dition as other Banks —or to publish the names of their stockholders —nor is the individual property , of their stockholders liable for the redemption of • payment of their notes—-and, upon the whole, is the most unlimited, unrestricted, privileged, char tered monopoly in this State, and perhaps in the Union. These are facts, tlut I apprehend neither Major Cooper nor any of his friends will attempt to deny. The charter of the Company is a statute of the State, and too accessible to all, and in its language is too plain to be misunderstood. Whe ther Major Cooper was successful in his attempt to satisfy you that his institution so chartered, an 1 upon which such extraordinary powers arc confer red, is not in fact, or in its practical operation > (which I understood to be the point where he wished to shift the onus,) an engine of oppression, an 1 does not exercise its power in the exaction of usury, by stating that part of its gains or profits were given to benevolent purposes-, and in refusing to answer* when asked what was the greatest amount of in terest or profit realized in any- of its operations or transactions, I shall not now stop to inquire—suf- fice it to say-, that its char’ties I believe are not held in very high esteem about Columbus, where their influences are most sensibly felt. And it seems li;tie strange that a company should pay forty thousand dollars premium, (as that did,) for the privileges of a charter without intending to use them. The most natural conclusion is, that very enormous shaves must have been the inducement to warrant such a price for the license. And I leave it for Major Cooper and many of the good people about Columbus, who have had dealings with the institution, to determine whether that has not been the result. But I here state also, as 1 did on that occasion, that I wish it equally, distinctly under? ood, that the remarks made by- me in relation to that institution and Major Cooper’s connection with it, were provoked by himself, and were called for by the tenor of his own argument upon the question agitated by him in the discussion. This I understood to be an attempt on his part to array the different interests in the State in hostility to each other, and to persuade the people that the great principle of his party was the advocacy of the planting and farming interest, in opposition to the Bank interest, monopolies, privileged orders, Sic., which is a kind of watch word for the partr, from the editor of the Extra Globe doivn, and being’ no less false in the assumption of its grounds than deceptive in its chancier, it was proper for it to be exposed. The interests of all honest classes of community are mutually dependant upon each other, and are alike mutually beneficial to each other, and any attempt to create a spirit of hostility between them, should be considered as a sure evi dence of an intention to mislead, not to enlighten but to deceive; Lut when they are made°they should be as promptly met. And when Major Cooper started the question of adverse interest m the community, and represented himself nud his party as advocating the planting and farming fn teic.t in opposition to tire Bank interest, it was proper for the people to know what relation he ble to each. And the same kind of exposure \v ou d, as much as you might be surprised by it, mrt a s ‘ m *l a r disclosure in reference to many other distinguished leaders of Major Cooper’ . I Democratic party, who make such profcs;C- I attachment to the funning interest amt -no I & j ll, i abhorrence I of banking institutions, while the-,- a >p , J u ’•■'crnsi'Jves I at the head of these very institutions which t: • most at the planter’s expense, and pocket knr ° ... . ~, * P r olits I Ins losses growing out of this very system of t- T wbich they am! the government together l" brought about, and in a continuance of wifi j, ' both seem to be abort equally in'erested—''' planter in neither as they now exUt. i, aVl , r . l * interest. But to make such sbowiim at n ”■ ' 1 . * Q iu|n urne i: not my object—it would be toj much iu e th e v ' jor’s system of argument—and if i t Wcre doubt some person of the party afterwards say ihat it was a most wilful and preme^iT attack. A. fi. STEpagjJ * Crawfobdvxlle, Ga., Sept. 12 1810 Tun Plot and the Post Office \ c pondent of the Newark Daily Advertiser the following account of the “great pi a”? 5 which Loco Focoism hopes to blow up G-'r< ' Harrison and the whole Whig party. He poses it to be the “ last card” to which (he* gician referred in a recent conversation with*** influential partisan : ' i!1 To the Editor of the Newark Daily Advertiser A letter has accidentally come into mv . session, which discloses a desperate and' dec laid scheme to defeat the election of General Harrison; and if carried out will convulse ihfi government to its very centre, and result in arm chy and blood The Post Office is the engine—Amos Kendall the instrument to effect it. The first stop is ,i- > iearly taken, by ordering every channel of com- i municating information to the people to be closed execcpt through his hands and those engaged hi ■ the conspiracy. A startling report, such as the . death of Gener.il Harrison, may he circulated throughout Ohio. Pennsylvania, and New York, just on the eve oflhc election, and every Wifi* paper contradicting be suppressed. This scheme accounts for their confidence in the success of Mr. Van Buren, notwnhstaiulfiiir their overwhelming defeat in almost every State J in which there has been an election. This ac- ■ counts for the extraordinary declaration of a p leading adminutration man, recently in the ritv fe of New York, that “ Van Buren had a card yet i to play, which none of his friends suspected.”" You may depend upon it they are playing a 1 desperate game ; they make no calculations for a I retreat; they inscribed upon their banners, “rule L or ruin.”—Let every Wing press throughout the Union sound the alarm. Warn the whole coun try against this daring conspiracy. They have certificate makers, and afii iavit makers in* readi ness, and with such a bold, talented, and reckless creature as Arnos Kendall at their heal, we may well tremble for the liberties of our country. I am no alarm st. * f h ivo ever relied vvi h confidence upon the intelligence, integrity, and patriotism of t he people of this country. But when we see the highest funlionaries of our gov ernment conniving with public plunderers,when we see the Representatives of a sovereign Slate, holding in their hands credentials clothed with all the solemn sanctions of law, kicked out of Congress fur the express purpose of consutima- I ting a conspiracy between Mr. Van Buren and j John C. Calhoun; ana finally, when we see I every prominent leading measure of .Mr. Van Buren pointing to one single object, the concen tration of all power in his hands, there is just cause of alarm. I would suggest the propriety of recommend ing the Whigs throughout the country to bepre [ared.it necessary, to establish ex presses in eve ry State in the Union. Let every mail be watch ed until the election, and as soon as they are sat isfied that the game has commenced, let riders he mounted, and sent in every direction. G. E. J. From the New Orleans Courier of the 10 fh. From Mexico. So much unccitainty attends the intelligence wc arc in ihe habit of receiving from Texas and Mexico, that ere one week elapses, we may be called on to contradict statements made but two nr three days previous. An arrival yesterday from Matamoras, brings news of General Arista’s ad vance to that place with 3000 Mexican soldiers, I whose military array seemed exemplary. This I warlike display ccines quite unexpected, after j the accounts of last week, touening the crili- I cai position of the Centralists in Mexico. If the force under Genera! Arista be such as represented by the Matamoras le:tri writers, we are of opin- I ion that the Tcxian Generals and soldiers I will soon have oilier employment than that of re* I pelling the Indians. Extract of a letter received bp a respectable mtr - I cantile house of this city. “ M ata moh as, August 25, 1810. Genaral Arista sets out to-morrow with about I 1000 men, to meet the Federalist who are in the vicinity ofNMontery. If the reports in circula tion here, are to be relied upon, the Federal Gen eral, Canales, has had six or seven Toxians put to death ; and ihe consequence has been that a.i the Texiansor Americans have left him.” Bin es, but to the Purpose.— The Rich mond Enquirer, adverting to Mr. Clay’s speech at Nashville, and particularly, to that passage which alludes to the charges of cowardice brought against Gen. Harrison, says—-’lt is idle for Mr* Clay to raise a phantom that he might dissipate it; for no man has pronounced Hauki»'M coward whose opinion is entitled to respect-' Tite Baltimore American copies the above arid remarks —“This is a side blow which wid fall heavily upon many of the zealous allies of the Enquirrer, who thought themselves doing good service by saying as may opprobious thing* as possible of Gen. Harrison. Perhaps it nu not be too much to expect now that the admits ist ration papers will publish a letter recently peu ned hy Col Johnson, the candidate for the Vi» Presidency, on the same ticket with V an Buren. even although the said letter does happen to contain the testimony of one gallant officer to M bravery of another.” From the Cincinnati Gazette. Abolition Movkments in Ohio. —Wejearn from the Cleveland Herald, that the AbohW“ Convention of the North, which was be I Akron on the 271 h ult., to nominate a I for Congress in the Cuyahoga district, adjourn? I without effecting that object. The subject " I distinct political organization in Ohio was up consideration, and referred to a State 0 Convention, to be held at some future day | The Abolition Convention ot the oeu • held at Hamilton, in Butler county, on 11® inst. Wc are informed by a Delegate ,r 0“ . ar city, that there were about two huiv.rei re = A delegates present, though none attended r 0 1 northern part of the State. A resolution 1 act with either of the two great politic 3 P jB of the county, was carried by a vole 0 . ( | on 9 Another, to effect a distinct political organ' IB and support Mr. Birney, of New \ or ’ I sident, and Mr. Earle of Pennsyl V3nir ‘ ® > President, was carried by a majority ° i Welland Canal. —The Oswego Conii I cial Herald of the 7lh inst. states that t' ? ■ of the blowing up of the aqueduct in the H and Canal, is without the least foundation m | It says:— n lvcs*li No such occurrence has taken place, a i sels are constantly passing the canal an I here daily laden with wheat from Lake . r V ot I More than 50,000 bushels have been rt ' ( T l ' „ n( j I thi port within a few days byway of lb® e canal.