Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876, October 28, 1840, Image 2

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CHHOMCLFi AND SENTINEL. A I G V ST A . WEDNESDAY MORNING. OCTOBER 28. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Okie; Tl;e invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican — the patriotic Fa:mer of Ghio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TILER, Os Virginia; A State Rights Republican of the school of *9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and { patriot statesmen. ■PCS T LECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICCORESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DsKaib. C. B. STRONG, of Bilb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, -of Burke. E. wfIMBERLY, of Twiggs. rfj The late election in Ohio has resulted ic the election of 12 Whig and 7 Locofoco Member? of Congress. Arkansas Election. The following are all the returns, we have been able to collect from our exchange papers of the late election in Arkansas for u Member of Congress. — There are 37 Counties in the State. Congress, 1840. Congress, IS3B. Counties, Fowler, (W.) Cross, (L.F.) W L.F. Philips, 264 287 170 244 St. Francis, 123 332 64 240 j Crittenden, 48 mai. 82 139 Pulas'i, 538 416 537 196 ; Hot springs, 107 IS9 92 114 Clark. 154 136 131 112 j Ja-kson, 115 143 43 112 Herap't ad, 255 338 295 225 Independence 377 213 256 193 IOSI 2054 1493 1605 (un. Ji.CK.sox at Large.— We announced a few clays since that Gen. Jackson had gone on an electioneering trip to the Western Di-lrict of Tennessee. The Clarksville Chronicle states, on ■“authority to be relied upon,’' th&l at Charlotte, in a public bar room am );ig other things he said: ■“That Webster was sent over to England to 5 negotia ea great mammoth Bank in America, that Dukes and Lords am. Ladies of England were to be the Stockholders, and that the whigs j «f the United -States had defrayed the expenses «f their conventions and barbecues with British Gold, which had been sent over to this country for these purposes.” We learn that in other places his abuse of Gen. Harrison was violent and unmeasured. Comment is unnecessary. A Contrast. Who gains by the destruction of Credit, and the 'Stuh’ishmtnl of a Hard Money Currency ? Tin; OFFici.-Hoi.nEiis— Who will receive their salaries in gold and s.Ler, while the value c4' all property will be reduced one half. The Money Lksih,u and the Usurer— Whose gold and silver will be augmented in val ue. in a ratio corresponding with the reduction in the value of property. The R ch—For it wHI, in tbe language of General Jackson, make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. Tin; Creditor—Who will thereby be enabled to oppress, and utterly ruin his unfortunate debl °r‘ Who loses by the d P, t ruction of Credit, the establishment of u Hard Monty Currency? The Farmer — W nose farm is reduced in val as u • one half ana its productions in an equal pro portion. The La%oi»er —Who is either utterly depriv ed of trie means of earning his daily hiead, or is compelled to worn at prices varying from 30 to 40 cents per day, instead of one dollar and a half, as heretof>re. The Poor Man —Who will he deprived of all prospects of over rising to opulence in lie by the destruction of adl credit and enterprise. The Young Man—We will have torn from him the great main-soring- to industry and exer tion—and who henceforth, must never allow his aspirations to rise above the lower and humbler walks of life unless born to wealth and opulence. Th Debtor— Whose property wili he sacri ficed io fill the coffers ol his rapacious creditor. The Ln>t Card. Froraihe Louisville Journal Oct. 17. A letter that we havejust received, from a lead ing politician at Cincinnati, sikys: “The Van Buren men in Phdad. iphia hiivf _-ot up a perfect tWe-simile of the Cincinnati Gazette in mourning and announcing the death of Gone: al Harrison 1 Their intention is to circulate thousands ot their forgery among the voters of Pennsylvania. This is part of the as ounding scheme of the Locofocos ■to defeat tbe old hero’s election. Be prepared.” Virginia will vote for William Henkt Hi; bison, snd oy a majority 100, which in pro portion to her popular vote, will he equal to that of any Stale in the Union, save peihaps Kentucky and Indiana. Uur friends at a distance may rely upon this with confidence. We warn them not to trust the assertion of Thomas Ritchie. He has not tin; slightest hope that his party ci a carry Virginia, and all his btag aud bluster are pul forth fur the purpose of operating upon other States, lhevo.es of which are cast contempor aneously with that of Virginia,— Petersburg f Va.J Ini ell. » Con esponden<-e of Uui North American. New Youg.Friday,3 P. M. We have a fine day and a good amount of bu siness doing. Flour is salcal le as verv slid prices. All sorts of grain arc lo be quoted at the prices of yesterday. A sale was made of barley ai 65 cents pe. bushel, rash. In cotton the saies are light, say 400 or 500 bales. "stocks recovered themselves somewhat this morning. m [ Tue prices of foreign exchanges are without alteration, end the sbiymente of specie continue. From the Charleston Courier. To the Hon. George McDuffie. g IR i think, sir, I do not assume, when I assert that I have proved , ‘hat if the constitution had been embodied and been endowed with life and speech, it could not have acted with more fidelity to itse.f moie in character , than did Gen. Hafrison, its servant and representative. fur it, on and nf.er the Missouri question. It has ■ eon seen that he car ried out the conservative principles of the consti tution in the very spirit of the constitution, not only defending a brother’s rights with a brother’s ; fidelity, but with a brother’s love I shall not ■ trust myself to pr nounce upon their character, j j and give name t;> those who, informed of all that General Harrison did and said at this crisis ol the country, have yet sought, from hi.-conduct, and his defence of it on this occasion, to bisnd him as a traitor tc the constitution which he died • politi- ; cal y) in defending, and an ally of the abi.itionists, J i in re isting whom he sacrificed himself, ihe facts, j ! ai d hi? accusers aie with the South, and the ver- j ; diet is being reader 1. j : I come, now, in historical fonnccticn, to the : ! second occasion upon which General Ha, risen p.-e* i sented himself as a volunteer in defence of the I constitutional rights of die South. In 1833 he de | Jivered an oration at Cheviot, the main butden of I which was an argument against the crusade of the aboil ionrits against the South. He wa- not a can didate for the Presidency, nor thought ot as a can didate. From a detached passage of this oration, (not the Vincennes) severed Loni the wiioit aim and sco; e of ‘he orati n it elf, whl h was to put down the ahofitionists, and expose the foil , mis- I < hievousness, and unconstitutionality of their agi tation,you ha e sought lo connect him with the v ery men and doctrines whom he was endeavoring, with patriotic effort to oveitnrow. Trent that very passage itscl , however, i have pledged myself to prove that she had sought the bitter opposition of the abolitionists, he could not h tve hit upon any , plan to have secured it more effectually than by the recomendation of the project contained in it, at war with alt their distinctive principles, and upon which they have made ceaseless u:arvpon principle. But before I come to the proof of tms propo if ion, let me qosle some passages from the c he viol uiation, in exposition of Gea. Harrison’s object and spiri in deliver-ng it. lam on'y Sony that apace will not Deinirt the insertion of too wh.le of it; but the following extract will suffice; “ ] here is now. however, a subject which is be gin .ring to a aim them,in relation io which,if their a/orxK has any foundation, the i el-itive situation to which they may stand to some «*f the State?, will j be the very reverse of what it now is. 1 allude to a su p se-i disposition in some individuals in the ; non-s avch;>kl:ng 'tales, to intei sere with the slave population of the o:ber Mates, for the purpose of forcing ihe r emancipation.” * * * *■ If then- is any principle ot the Constitution of the I’oit. d S ates e& driputaD e tnau any other, it is that the -lave p -puUtion is unde, the exclusive 1 coat.o. of the States wbicb possess them.” « < ****** What rau?t be the consequence of an acknow- ! ledged mo ation of these lights, (fur every man of • sense must admit it to be so ) c njoined with an insu.ting interference in their domestic concern- '” ■ • i- • « « * * » “ Is there a man vain enough to go to the '-and of Macon, of Madison, and of Crawford, and tell ■ ■ them that t iey either do not understand the p:-o cip'-es of the moral and political rights of man, or that an ler-danding they disregard them ? Can tiiey address an argument to the interest or the fears of the enlightened population of the s ave ; states, th -1 has not occurred to themseives a thou sa; d and a thousand limes 3 l o whom, then, are they t) address themselves but to the staves ? And what can he Slid to them, that will net lead to the indis iminale slaughter of every aue, sex and on-ii io i, and ultimately tolt.eir own destruction? Should theiebe an incarnate devil, who lias imagined with approbation, su h a catas trophe to hi? fellow-citizens, let him look to those for whose benefit he would produce it.” ******** “ I will not stop to inquire nto the motives of those who are engaged in this fatal and unconsti tutional project, i here may be some who have embarked i.i it without p.operiy considering its i consequences, a- d who are actuated by benevolent and virtuous principles. <ut if such there are, I 1 am veiy ceitaln that should they continue their j present course, their fei ow citizens will,ere long, curse the virtues which have undone their c.untry.” “ If I arr correct in the principle s here advanced, I support my assertion, that the aiscussion on the i subject of emancipation in the non-sla-eholoitig | States, is equally injurious to *ne slavs and their : master?, as • * that it has t o sanction in the princi- I pies of the constitution.” No one can fail to recognise in this earnest and I direct lung age. the sincere pa riot.enfor* lag witn j honest heait and purpose the strict fulfilment of the solemn covenants of the Constitution. That the connection of Gen. Harrison’s course on this subject may be more strictly preserve I, I will fur ther postpone my promised comments on youi strictures upon he passage oi the Cheviot speech, to which you have expected, until i bring before the country the whole of his ab'e, sober, and elo quent aigmnent and appeal in beha f of the ton stilulional righ s of the :-oulh, delivered in the midst of the canvass for the Presidency, at Vin cennes, Indiana, in May, 1835. And here let it be remaiked, that this i? one of the documents to which he has made standing reference as a lull, i deliberate, unchanged exposition of his views on I the slave question. I pray all conscientious citi j zeas to read it careful]. —to m<irk its rignai ability, its directness and mmfulness, its honest zeal, its completeness—and then compare it with any pro i duct ion from any quarter on the same topic and say that it is surpassed bv any qualitv whi.h be longs t»th •wi iter, the patriot or the statesman. 1 shall not ask them to limit toe comparison to the present President—his passionless mind, never rose to tiie fervid eloquence of its sty-Ji*, aud the con densed, diie-1 and cogent powei ol rite argument. It i* as foi'ows; “ 1 have i ow fellow citizens, a few more words to say on another suoje< t, and which is, iu my opinion, of moie importance than any oilier that is now in the coarse of discussion in any put of the Union. I allude to the socie ies Which have been formed, and the movements of certain individuals iu some of the 'tales in relation to a portion of the i population in others. The conduct of these pei sons is the more dangerous, because their object is masked under the garb of disinterestedness and benevolencei and their course vindicated by argu ments ami p;opo.-i:ions, which in the abstract, no one can d; ny. But however fascina ing may be i th>* dress vrilk which their schemes are presented to j their fello w-citizens, with whatever purity of in- I | tention they may have been formed and sustained, 1 i they will oe found to carry in their train mischief I to the whole Union, and honors to a large portion ; of it, which it is probable, some of the projectors ! and many of their supporters have never thought i of; trie 1 alter, the first in the series of evils which j ate to spring from their source, are such as you i have seen perpetrated on the fair plains of Italv and Gaul, by the Scythian hordes of Attila and ! A Uric ; a id such as most of you apprehended up on that memorable night when the tomahawks and I ware übs of the so lowers of l’ecum-eh weie rat i tling in your suburbs. I regard notlne driavowals : of any such intention upon toe pait cf the authois ; of these schemes, since, upon the examination of i the oublications whi n ha”e been made,they will j be found :o contain the very facts, and verv ar.ru ; m* nt' which they would have used, if such had ; been their object. lam certain that t ere is not. j in this assembly, one of those do'uded men, and i there are few within the bounds of the State. If 1 there are any, I would earnestly entreat thf m to forbear, to pause in their career, and deliberately i consider the consequence of their conduct to the whole Miion, to thestates more immediately in terested, and to those for whose benefit they pro- I fess to ac:. That the latter will be the victims | of the we ak, injudi* ious. presumptuous, and un con'llu-ional efforts to s* rve them, a tao.ough examination of the subject must convince them. I The struggle (and one theie mud he) may com mence wnh ho;ror- such as I have descri. en, but it wi 1 end with more firmly riveting the chain-, or in the utter extirpation of those whose cause they advocate. “Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, in applying the terms weak, presumptuous, and ui constituti nal, to the measures of the em -n ipators ? A slight examinaton will, I thinx, sh.ow that I am not , In a vin licati n of the objects of a convention which was lately he'd in one of the tow ns of« hio j which I saw in a newsp per, it wa? s. id that no ■ thing more w*a- intended than to • reduce a st ite of pub ic feeling w r hi< h would lead to an amendment of the constitution, authorizing the abolition oi slavery in the United states. Isowcan an amend* raent of the constitution b« effected without the consent of Southern States? What then is the proposition to i-e submitted to theni ' it is this : ‘ The present provisions of the constitution secure to you the right (a right which you hela before it was made, which you have never given up,) to man ge your domestic concerns >n youv own way ; but as we are convi ced you do not manage them properly, we want you to put in the hands ot the general goverumen , in the councils of which we ; have the rn ijority, the control over these matter*, I the effect of which will be virtually to transfer the | power fiom yours into out hands.’ Again, in some J of the States, and in sections of others, the black j population far exceeds that ot the wiute. Some of b;e emancipators propose immediate abolition, j What is the proposition tiien as it regards the j states an 1 parts of the states, cut the allernat-vcs of amalgamation with the blacks, or an exchange jof situation with them ? Is there any man of com mon sense who docs not oclieve that the emanci pated blacks, being a majoiity, wi.l not insist upon a full participation of »olitical rights with tne whites; and when passes-ed of these, tuey will not on tend fora full snare of social rights a.so ? I What but the extremity of v. eakness and toi y could induce any one to think, that such proposi tions as these could be listened to by a people so intelligent as the southern states.' further, the amanciputors generally declare it is their intention to ellieci their object (although their acts contiadict their asseition) by no other means than by cun-* vincing t!ie slave holders that the emancipation oi 1 the staves is c alled for, both y moral oh igit»on I and sound policy. An ui.fleugeu jou h. at tne mo ment of his leaving (indeed, in main instances, befo.e he has iefi it) his theological seminary, un ' dcitakes to give lecture** upon morals to tne coun trymen of Wythe, Tucker, t’encjlelon and Lowndes, - and lessons of political wisdom to states, wbo-e affairs have ro recently been directed by Jelieison and Madison, Macon and Ciawford. Is it possible lb it instances of greater vanity and presumption could be exhibited? But the course pursued by the emancipators is unco stitulional. I do not say that there are any words in the constitution which forbid the discussions they are engaged in ; I know that there are not. And citizens have the | right to express and publish their opinions witii j out restriction. But in the construction ot the I constitution it is always necessary to reiei to the j circum lances under which it was framed, aud to I asceitain it< meaning by a comparison ol its pro visions vvith each other, and with the previous sit uation of tne several states who were parties to it. In a poibon of these slavery was recognized, and they too:; care to have the right secuied to them ; to follow and reclaim such oi them as were lugi • lives to other states. The laws of congress. pa-seJ ' under this power, have provided punishment idr :>n\ one who sha.l oppose or inlcirup tie exer cise of this right Now can any cne believe that the i stiument which contains a provision of thU kind, which authorizes a master to puisue his j 'lave into another state, take him back, and pro vide a punishment fur any citizen or citizens of that state who should oppose him, should, at the j same time, authorize the latter to assemble togeth er, to pass ic-ol tionsand adopt addresses not only to • ncuur. ge slaves to leave their ma ters, but to l cut their throats before they do so > “1 insist, thU if the citizen'ot the non-slave holding states can avail themseives of the aiticle t*f the constitution, which prohibits the rest; i tion of speech, or the pre-s to publish any thing in un ous to the slavehoiding states, that they can go to the extreme that I n we mentioned, and effect any thing further which writing or speaking could ef fect. But, fe low-citizens, these are not the pri* - | ciples of the constitution Jroch -a construction I would defeat one of the great o jecis of its forma tion, which was l.iat of secur.ng tne peace and harmony of the states which were parlies to it. i he liberty of speech and ot the pre-s were given as the most effectual means to preserve to each i and every ciuz n their own rights, and to tiie | states the rights which appertained to them at the i time cf their adoption. It could never have been expected tnat it would be used by the citizens of one portion of tne states for tne purpose of depriv ing those of another portion, ot the rights which they n.i i reserved at the adoption of the coii'iitu tion, and m the execrise of which none but them selves have any concern or inteicst. If slavery is an . vil, the evil is wit i them. if there is guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neitoer the st tes where it due* not exist, nor the government of the United States can, without u-urpation of power, and the violation of a solemn compact, do j any thing to remove it without the consent of those : who are immediately interested. But they will i neither ask for aid orcon-eut to he ai ,ed, wh Ut | the illegal, persecuting, and d mgerous movements 1 are in progress, of which I complain : the interest j of all concerned requires that these should be I stopped immed atcly. This can only be done by i the force of public opinion, and trial cannot be too S soon brought into opera ion. Every mo rement j wmch is made by tho abulitioni-ts in the no - slavehoiding states, is viewed by our southeru brethren a< an attack upon their rights, and which, if persisted in. must in the end eradicate those feelings oi attachment ;.nd affection between the j citizens of ..11 Me states, which was produced by a c ommunity of interests and dangers in the war of the revolution, whic h was the foundatn n of our happy union, at d by a continuance oi whi h, it can alone be p.eserved. 1 enlieat you, thea, to frown j upon the measures which are to produce rebuts so much to be deprecated. The opinions which I | have now given I have omitted no opportunity for , the last two years to lay before the peop e of my own 'bate. I have taken the liberty tj exp.ess them here, knowing that, ev» n if th.ev should un j fortunate! • not accord with yours, they would be ! kindly received.” Is there necessity for comment on this ? Has l the south any Lang move to ask ? Does it not cut off all interference in any shape, by any mode, writ ing,speech.petition—and that too by Constitution al prohibitum ? Does it not assert the rightfully uncontiolled —and m fact uucontro.labie power of tne soutu, over its own msituiiuns, denouncing a.l interference,under whatever pretext, with what ever puij os-,, with however pure or impure motives, us nut only injury but insult, as not only wrong but outrage—pronouncing u- tSie absolute sove reigns and ai biters of our destiny, responsible to ourselves alone, and to Him, to whom all are re sponsible. ! 1 will now say a few words and only a few j words, in reply to your coirmie t, on the passage i exceptea lo in the Cheviot speech, celivered in’33. I The purpoce and spirit of that speech i have sla ted and proveu—and lust let me correct an evrer of I expiession which you have made in vour quota tion — Gen. Harrison did not say he “hoped” to j see the day, &<■.—bul“ we might ook forward to , aday. ' His proposition vva,to appropriate, ‘with j the sanction of the Mates holuing the slaves,” the | surplus revenue for the colonization of the Dec and the purchase of others who were not free, far I the purpose of colonizing them. As a theory, Mr. : Jefferson is responsible for tnis project. He re | commended the appropriation of the proceeds of the | Public Lands. Bui he lived to out-live this and all other chimeras on this subject—and to despair of any agen y sullicientiy powerful to remove the black race from our borders. VVitn all his fiery hearted entbu iism. he died, surrenoering the whole problem of the relation of tiie black man with Hie wnite, to time am providence. As a matter of pr.ncple, this project of General Har bi on’s to “ colo..ize” the negroes of America, if ref. rred to as proof of his connection with the ab o itionisls, proves incontestiLly the contrary —for it must be known to jou, ieared as you may be, that “ coloniza.ion” and *• abo.itiou’’ ate at dag geis’ points, and that the ab ii ionisis nave de noun ed colonization, as a vioent wrong to the olack man, and the main prop aud ally of s avery. Il it has chanced to you to h ive read the celebra ted letter ol .vir. Birnie to Mr. Lalhoun and Mr. Li-more, in explanation of the principh s, instru mentalities and ultimate purpose of abolitionists, you will have known from that source, if not from any other, that they consider slavery criminal in itsell ; and that the black man, notwithstanding his color and ids history, is entitled to a 1 the rig ts and privileges ol an American citizen —to those rights and privilegis it is their purpose to r. store or to raise him. They consequently on 1 P r ’ nc pl*, or as a consequence of tneir principles, | denoun<e tho ma.i or the government who would | Py r chase a slave to co.omzc hi , as sharing the s;n ol holding the slave,as sanctioning aid re-vard ing the guilt ot his m-i<ier; and that to colonize him and send him away from this country, is to deprive him of the rig ts of an American citizen, and lorce lain into exile. I repeat il, that nothing have t e abolitionist denounce ; with so much ana s-.ch unmeasured violence, as outrage and, fraud, as Colonization in any shape, by individuals, societies or governments. To this denun lation Gen. Gar rison expo-ed hi nself and >o far from making them his friends, in the natur. of ,bi. gs and on principles, provoked llicii enmity. The war of the abolitionists upon the colonization society is familiar to all our ■ itizens—hut it is not to that so ciety it is to colonization itself —the removal of the negro from this country as his country, tnat they are opposed. This, Sir, you cannot deny. 1 can accumulate proof upon proof of this, if it were necessary, or if it were denied. I shall content myself, with the abduction of a reso.ution, level led at the colonization society us our country, as the omy body upholding colonization, by James G. Birey, the candidate if the abolitionists for the Presidency, in the “world’s convention,” recently held in London. “ Resolved, That this Con ention re;ards the scheme of African colonization, proposed and mged by the American colonization society, totally inad ♦qu ae to the overthrow m slavery in the United States, tending pae.ee fully ta strengthen that tm nghteous system, as deeply injurious to tho negro race, whet er bona or free, noth in America and Afr ca , and therclo.c unworthy the aid and counte nance of the Phiianthrophist and Christian ” I do not suppose, sir, that you were conscious that you ha. omitted to st.te that i>en. Harrison had coupled colonization wuh emancipation —as an inseparable co.iuition. No doubt, entirely with a view to condensation, you select this one passage f.i.m the t heviot speech —omitting the whole ar gument and purpose of the speech, as inconsistent v i'ii tiie point and conipactn s> of your argument —: ut when it was y oui aim to convict Gen. Har rison of being an abo.iliomsb after omitting the whole contest of the passage, which context wouid have ma te the charge not only .trefoil* tut ridicu lous—alter sacrificing so much to condensation and j point, it wou d have seemed a little more fair not ! lo nave omitted the “ colonization” ft ature in Gen. Harrison’s project, which, in itself, raised up a i wai; as high as the heavens between lien. H arri son and Aooli'ion, and gave a flat denial to the charge of any connection, identity or countenance of the abolitionists. Not expecting as a matter of justice, il nave been a generous concession to have quoted the whole oi the very shoit passage, thrown out incidentally, and by the way, in a long argument devoted to the cause f the South. Would not any one suppo-e, in reading the charge you have brought ..gainst General Harrison, in the > language you have made, that he had recommended .j the appropriat on of b.e suip.us revenue of the j United Mates to the simple emancipation of the j slavisof this couutiy, and b.at he hud hoped to see | tiie day when they would be ,il hee —free in this i country. 1 hose who have read tne speeches ao I 1 have quoted them at son;l* length, will have seen, that Gen Harrison considers it as utterly vision ary, that the two races can jive together, in the Southern States, on terras of social or polit ical equality—or that they can he freed without leading to bioo shed and extermination. His plan j j wi' to colonize, not to emancipate —to separate i j the races, not to biing them, in this country, on a ! common level. Tnis is his language —“ W ith the i sanction ol the Slates holding the slaves, b.cie ap pca.s to be no cons itulional objection to its (the surplus revenue) being thus applied; embracing not only tiie colonization of those who may be oth erwi-e need, but the purchase of the ficedom of i o h rs.” And then adus. tnat by a prosecution of \ j this plan,“ we might look lor waul to the day when , 1 the North American sun would not look down up- | ;on a slave ” Not, sir, in your condensed plnase, i | he •* hoped ’ to see the day when “ the American j sun would not lo >k down upon a slave” —coupled 1 wuh youi piecedicg language, “ he al-o declared, i in ids V incennes sjieeih. that it had been Jong an ; | object near to his lica.t to sc.? the who.e surplus revenue appropriat d to the purchase and emanci -1 paiion cf our slaves”—t .e whole togeth- r, as ex ! pressed in your language, half quotation, part mis i quotation, and a p irt omission, leading the mind | irresistibly to theconclusi n that G nerai Harri son had indeed hoped to live ta see the cay when 1 the American ,-uu wouid not sTme upon a ala. k j man, as a slave, and that our whole i eg.o popo a ! tion was to be free uul free in this country, ihis false tmp.ession, raix d by the manner of your charge, strengthened, 00, by the immediate reflec tion accomp uy mg it, and by the subsequent argu ment, in which not one word is said of •• coloniza tion. This is you reflection : “ In the fate of the avowals, I may well wonder how can any 'ouihern mm give him his support? Here is unso.iration, in its largest extent, and a6o litionism in the most dangerous of all the forms wnicji this infernal monster can assume. It is the very form in which we sha.l have to meet it.” It is evident that you have b en deluded by a gar bled e ti act from the ulobe, or some paper al home, quoting from the Globe; for I would be w illing to leave it to any simpleton, or even to an hysterical o.d lady, if there is any possible danger lo be ap prelunded from this cnirnerical conceit of Jeffer son and Harrison, against win h every Abolition ist in the country stands pledged —against which, even the avarice of the North stands pledged —for, ou the icmoval of our slaves their best market would be b st —and forever. Il is palpa le that you h ive w asted your strength upon a s. adow r —a fiighif.il ph ntom, conjured up by the enchanters of the Admin stratum lo frighten the boutn from its propriety. It set-rns too plain for argument that the removal of the negro population to Africa, wou .d injure the North, to the extent of the whole negro consumption o. Northern goods and produce —besides the consumption oi their master, partly the produce of iheirlabor. Doyou think, Sir,that England wou.d have consented to the emancipa tion ol her slaves in Jamaica —she pay mg the cost if lh. population of that Island weie to have been Iran ported to Africa, and the whole lich sugar crop, thefiuit of negro labor, stricken forever from the 'um of h«*rnational wealth? Do you suppose , Sm, that th<* Nortn is prep ired to commit suicide — to yield up all her p csent wealth, to purchase our i slaves foi transpoitabon ’o Africa, and thus cut herself off forever, from tho largest sour, e of her present and future income and support—and this j too,from a motive of avarice ? The abolitionists, as I have proved before, are opposed to any such removal, on principle—and il is as clear as the sun at noon day,that the self-interest of the North i» absolutely oppO'ed to it. But as I remaiked before, j it is evident that your remarks are not levelled agains: Gen Hairuson s colonization piop>sition— but against the simple emancipation oi the negro \ population, permitting them to remain in this conn- j try —which is the plan of the abolitionists —aut is not the scheme ot Gen. Harrison as recommended in his Chevuii speech—ogiinst which indeed the whole power of his V. ncennes ’ and ( heviot speech es is levelled, as those have now seen who have read them. Let me now repeat emphatically that. Gen Harrison never made a y such proposition as you have commented on — nd that the proposition he did n ake, is of so contrasted a character, both in | spirit and object, as to secuie the united opposition of abolitionists aiid the determined hostility of all tariff men. I willuow pass one word upon the scheme of j simp e emancipation, upon which you have com mented—not as having any connection with ben. H., but r.y way of dissipating what I conceive painful doubts vainly entertained. You think it offers strong tempt tion to the North to buy up Ma ryland, Viigmia and Kentucky to the support of a high laiiif! You stem to have forgotten tout Ken tucky a d Maryland are already tanff states. Vir ginia is no doubt without asiy “ bribery” or for eign influe; ce, becomi.-.g so, from ihe fact, that she possesses no staples wnich can at all employ her imm. nse negro population—tobacco, hampered and restiicted bv heavy duties in Europe, being her only article of for. ign expert. But w hat, Nil , do you think it would take to purchase her in your wav ? In ib3o her negro oopul a tion amounted to 469,757 —since then it has undergone an increase—but ta king il at that number and multiplying by 300 (as an aver go) you have as the cost of V irgmia alone one hundred and forty millions, nine hundred and twenty seven thousand, one hundred dollars. Tne cost of the other two States, nearly doubling this amount. Is any comment necessary ? BuT sup pose that Virginia and Kentucky were willing to sell inemselves, and the North were even wi fling to buy—how in the nature of things could I is ini men- e sum be raised, on a commerce faltered by a sub-treasury.and oppressed by a tariff' laid on with the purpose of defeating it—by a tariff imposed for toe very purpose oi prohibition and monopoly and necessity cutting ojj the very revenue w Inch is to tUMush the o.ibiog fund ! ihe North manifestly could not fea< h the very end of a high laiill—and yet raise money by a tariff, to pay the al.y who wou d impose it—the end of a high tariff being monopoly—n d the result of the monopoly, the destruction cf revenue. But this is of course a! wild speculation,anu that you had indulged in , an appearance of soberness, i could not nave been seduted into an,> thing so foreign to the ’irne—; nd to our time and Gm. Harrison’s life. Presidential o. natural. v\ hen it is slated, as to the realities upon which we are called to act, that both m Virginia and Kentucky, the greatest ar gument which can .e employed against any man, is the mere suspicion of favoring emancipation in any shape, aud the main weapon, used against Gen. Harrison, is a shameless misrepresentation of views I hive proved to be so eminently sound and consti tutional, how worse than idie this contest with shadows of our own imagination ; li is anticipation of the far future, this dreaming of things utterly absurd, palpably impracticable, without loundation without authority; and if attributed to Gen. Har bison by those, who an not ignorant or misinform ed —not so impracticable, not so absurd, as false, libellous ana malicious. I have thus redeemed my pledge. It is for the country to determine whether the proof is not con clusive. that Iren. Har r ison has been “ ever faith ful ,J to the constitution —faiihfhl to the sacrifice of himself —obedient to it against his own individ ual opinions. Whether in his whole life —in his Cheviot and Vincennes’ speeches, there do not breathe a spirit of love for his whole country, and a jealous guardianship of every portion of it. Whether the p :ssage excepted torn his cheviot (not his Vincennes) speech does not prove the very reverse of that which has been deduced from it, and of rself establishes a wall of separation be tween Gen. Harrison and abo ition, and is not it self a ground of hostility anr. not of favor, on the part of the abolitionists —denying as it docs their fundamental principles, and defeating their ulti mate purpose Whether this plan, whilst it pro vokes the hostility ol the abolitionist, does not equally deay and efeat any purpose or motive of self-interest, of all who would undertake it from any quarter ? and is not for this reason, on all grounds, littery impracticable, chimerical, afford inr no possible ground for apprehension 01 suppo sition that it will ever be undertaken by govern ment or people, by states or Societies,at any lime however distant: —whether Gen. Harrison’s vote i and defence of his vote on the Missouri queslioa —his volunteer defence of the rights of the South in his Cheviot oration, when be was not a candrd ate for the Presidency, and his stitJ fu !er, abler. ; and more complete vindication of ti.o e rights when he was in his Vincennes oration —whether there acts and speeches, whilst they furnish triumphant proof of his fidelity to the constitutional rights of tt e limes past, are not the best pledge of his fideli ty in future, and contain in themselves the best and most satisfactory answer to ail questions which have or may fie put to him—and wheth'-r in refer ring to his lite and those speeches recently deliver ed, so.pointed, explicit, unreserved and comf icte, consistent throughout, presenting a beautfui haimo ny of principle and practice, conduce and doctiine 1 —whether, in making this re fen nee zo such a fife and to such documents, he deniel insultingly and au lacnusly the riiht of the people to re informed on the vital subject of abolition ! and whether the questions jou have put (as the only one? which , could be imagined—a lung list having been furnish j ed fiom which to m ke a choice) at the close of j your communication, are not sufficiently ansvered ! fiy Gen. Harrison’s speeches, and are riot in them selves utter v irrelevant to the pa sage upon which they are falsely founded—it having b: ea proved, that tne passage itselt, contains no such recommen dation as you have imagined and imputed, through palpable misinformation and delusion. On this i topic I have done. CIIAWFuUD, A Touching Incident. Mr. Arlington, while addressing the people at lilt late festival in Fairfax, aliuded to the objections made to General Harrison-s fitness for the office of President of the United States, on account of bis advanced age. “In the Ameri can Republic, ” observed Mr. (J. “a man must ne ver be too old to serve his country !” Then, tur ning to Col LJroadwatc, a veteran of the Revolu tion, who was s atca on the platform, and who is upwardsot ntneiy, the orator continued : “Sav, venerable man. t ou being of -i bygoij, age ! Say s ddier of the Revolution, lay countrv’s «’e fender in her hour o" trial, blessings be on ihv silver ha rs, and may the choicest charities of heaven cheer the remnant of thy days! Sav, is an American citizen ever 100 old to serve his country ?” A pause ensued, (says the Alexandria Gazette, from which we take the above.) w'hcn the vete ran. slo ly rising from his scat, and resting upon his staff, exclaimed, in a firm and audible voice. No I never too old to serve his country !” And here ensued a scene proudly to be remembered by the people of Fairfax. The ladies waved their scarfs, while the enthusiasm of a thousand hearts bursted spontaneously from a thousand lips. Loud rang the wild hurrah ! It was mag nificent. “Some achieve greatness,” says immortal Will Shakspeare ; and “some have greatness thrust upon them.’’ Napoleon, now, belonged to the former class—not so numerous a division, hy the way, as the latter; but by one of those wonderful revolutions which occur only at long intervals, he gained that giddy ascent which haserer, like the fabled Prometheus, fed on itself to its own destruction. Cincrnnatus. now, had greatness thrust upon him—so had William Tell—and so had Washington—and so had many others—but it has been reserved for the young soil oflndiana to produce a genius that the voice of fame is bear mg on her swiftest pinions to the uttermost bounds of the earth. When that amiable individ ual was tracing those since famous words. “Crow, Chapman, Crow !” could he have foreseen the immortality he was bestowing upon that illustri ous individual, how solemn would have been his thoughts—how grave his demeanor—“on the vision’d future bent,” while recalling tohis mind s eye the undying fame that he was preparing Chapman to receive ; thus, we see. hy some freak of fortune, some have greatness thrust upon them! Behold Chapman’s patronymic—s e, from the j cane braxes of the lather of waters, to the lurn berlands of the blue noses, his name rings the alarm like Ziskas drum —tis shouted forth hy | orators !—hundreds of journals give nis heraldic , symbol daily to the world ; the geese of the Roman is a goose compared to the crow of Chapman ! and famed Percy’s war cry has no hope of oeing remetnoettd ! So hurra,“crow, Chapman, crow!” —Baltimore Clipper. An Immexss Yield or Corn. —We under stand, says the Lexington (Ky.) Reporter, that three neighbors of Mr. W. C, Young, of Jessa i mine county, measured the quantity of corn j grown on an acre of his farm a few' days since, ■ and found «he yield to be thirty-nine barrels and ono halt bushel!—About the same quantity was also found, from measure nent, to have been pro duced upon one acre of the farm of Mr. Joseph Bryan, of the same country. Philosophy of Advertising. A late number of Chambers’ Edinburg Jour nal contains a very interesting articleon the sub ject of advertising in the public papers, by an “Old Tradesman.” His ideas on the subject, are certainly worthy the attention of all who are anx ious for business, and are simply and briefly as follows:—The first utility of frequent and regu !ar advertising is this; »here is at all times a large class of persons both in country and town, who have no fixed places for the purchase of certain necessary articles, and are ready to be swayed and drawn towards any particular place which is ear nestly brought under their no'ice. Indifferent to all. they yield without hesitation to the first who asks.—Then in the country, a considerable num ber of persons, who wish a supply of them, na turally open a communication with that address, which, perhaps, leads to much ulterior business. People in the country are al o liable to be favora bly impressed by the frequent sight of the name in the newspaper The advertising party a quires distinction in th ir eyes, and thus they are led, in making a choice, to prefer him. But hy far the most im portant effectof advertising is one of an indirect nat re. Inal conveys the impression that the par ty-pretending or not pretending, quackish or not quackish—is anxious for business. One who is anxious for business, is unavoidably supposed |° a " ‘ndustrious, attentive, civil person, who ke°ps the best articles at the cheapest rate, does t very t tng in tha neatest and most tradesman i - e manner, and in general uses every expedient Jo gratify and a tract customers. People of course like to purchase unde these circumstances, and the system of advertising assuring them that such circumstances exist at this particular shop, they i it accordingly. S uc t, &re th the old tradesman alluded to. and ♦ > ° P,,lu>n * °f tamly supported by fact; fur wherevi?* °Cr sive or regular system of advertising ■ T n * and no backdrawmg or unco« q uefa“, PfUtl * d . stances exist, it is usually seen to I Clrcu,n * with a considerable share of success* ture in the philosophy of the subject m’„ at u fea ’ fully attended to. A faint anu tern of advertising does nut succeed ev **** ! £«“■"• “Drink Jeep or last. f* , Spring. ’ The power so. evil possessed hv the f" | wonderful. It drew the people a ' lolje b j ated them from affections to their true : and attachment to ihe.r own principle j now the Globe and Extra is doing tL *' the Administration. Wherever that vH°? * or slander and defamation is scattered, it the very fruit of its former seed, arid the hopes of the very power which it w ded so sustain. The labor of the W-eV^ 0 ' has been to open the eyes of the p eo .|’ > res * the result of the Globed course LaslicenV *!* j gu«t the People with the Administratis - V.'*’ | instruments. So obvious has been the ,to 1 character of this mouthpiece of the Ad*. tion, that it has itself discovered its ow, ! r " t siveness, and now complains that the T | not reatl its poisonous effusions. V s ■ j uze Ik, i Flour.-—Sixteen thousand live hundred I i, els of wheat and fifteen hundred barrels 0 f ft j started on Wednesday for Liverpool in nj v r land.— N. Y. Am. ‘ “ A Pleasant Town.—The Michigan 4 t. cate, published at Jackson, says—“ \\V( m this village one distillery in operation, ami oL' 1 the progress of erection, one ball alley amok? Hard rooms, fifteen places for retailing LritnJ' liquors, and tne State prison!” ~ h ’ 5 A pain er was employed i». painting the in the Thames, on a stage suspended under Jr stern. The captain had got in:., the boat alon ; -side, to go ashore, ordered the cabin boy to L ! go t nepwnter, (>he rope that holds a boat)- j 1 he b \y instantly went aft, and let go tbe jby which the painter’s stage was hold The | captain, surprised at tbe boy’s delay, cried out | “Confound you for a lazy dog! Why dan’, V .,J let go me painter?”—‘He’s gene sir.” replied tie noy, “pots and all!” r j c O M MEKxJi AL ~~~ fMtest dates from Liverpool, October 3 Latest dates from Havre, September $ Baltimore, Oct. 2d. Coffee. —The sales of the week are over 200u bags, most of which were at auction. < n Wednes day JbSi bags Rio were soldat ii a I2g cent-.; and .WO bags Laguayia at J1 cents. We note sale’s bv private contract of R.o at cents, and of La guayra a: il£ cents. The Mock of iiio m { in[ hands is again exhausted—perhaps hOO would now cempn-e it. Cotton —A sale of a few bales new North Caro lina al iIT cts. We note a sale of 8J bales Geor gia Uplands on terms not transpired. Flour. — lijiFard-strest Flour. —The store price for Howard-stieet Hour has declined a shade.ad we now quote al $4 94. The sales of the wet* until yesterday, were unify, in at £5, for good com men unmd Aoout lOuO dol> were taken yesterday and this morning from stores at $4 94, an holders are now offering to seii at the sane rate. Wecoa t.nue to quote the re* eipl price at $4 87. City Mills Flour. —.Sales ea.ly in the week atss, and afterwards at £4 cash, or interest addtd.’ Molasses. —The cargo of the schooner Track,;n Green, from Matanzas, consisting of 177 hhds. and 18 tierces, was offered at auction to-Jay, but a few lots oniy were sold at 23 a so cents —the baln.ee | withdrawn. Frovisions. —A general dullness has prevailedin j fie provision man ret tnroughout the week, and the j transactions in all the variou-, articles under this I iiead have been confined almost entirely to small I j lots to the retail city trade. We quote Me?s Pork j |at sl7, with small sales and dull. Prime al sls; j Mess Beet at sl4 ; No. I at sl2, and Prime at $ 10, j with limbed sales. The Mock of all deecriptious of liacon continues light, and the demand very iim- I ited in extent. We conti ue to quota Western I Hams at 12j to 15 cents, the first named rale for I interior, and the last lor a superior article. Mid- ] i dlings at 10 to and Miouldeis at 9 ce.u. i Sales of Baltimore cured Hams of gi.od bze and in handsome order, have been made at l-Utoi? cents. Sugars —At auction to-day the cargo of the brig j W r ater Witch, from i otto ivico, consisting of .47 j hfids. was offered but oniy 108 sold at $7 >5/isSbO. I At the same ;itr.e was ottered the cargo ol he sebr. I Gallant Alury, also from I*ollo Rico, consisting ol I 152 hhds., but only 90 hhJs. we.e sold al oil? j $S 50. Whiskey —We note sales of hhds throughout 1 the week al 21* cents, and of bbls. at 26 cts. To day bbis. are a little scarce, and a half cent rr.oiel' occasionally paid for a lot of approved qua itv. i he wagon price of bbls. is now 22 cents. exiTo sive of the barrel. The inspect oos o. the week romp.ise 92 hhds and Ibo 2 bbls, of which 92 hid* an.‘ 250 bb.s. come from the Susquehanna River, and 280 bbls by the busquehauua iiari Road. Philadelphia. October *24. Cotton —Market inactive, and the sale? to a lim ited extent at nearly Meady prices. BaUs of about 2no Upland and v iiginia at 11 n 1 cts.y Jb. on time, and a lot of common Tennessee atS cents cash. Boston, October 2!. Cotton —A sale of 3.0 bales New Orleans uni 100 do. Uplond was made at 11c, cents for the for mer, and 11 cts for the other, to manufacturers. Molasses —Very dui 1. * Sugars —Prime retailing, in good demand. THE UEAUi.NG JROO.rI Attached to this office is open to subscribers, otrangers introduced by them, every day and e ve “ nuig (Sunday evenings excepted) until 9 o’clock'. •Subscription $5 ; lor a firm or two or more j! 1 AUGUSTUS REES, ATTORNEY AT LAW, sept 5-ly Madi c on, Morgan county, o a> JOHN 11. STANFORD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, jy 17] Ciirkesvill^fi^, 11. 11. C)Vii,HliV, ATTORNE Y A T L A W, feb 25 Jefferson. Jackson co mty,^ Tk : JOHN. J . it Vli D , NOTARY PUBLIU, Will be thankful to his friend for any paid ol •“ sincss in the above line, which will Le attends • witn recciluae, Ac. oc \'} Hr. J. J. WILSON has removed tor t‘ e Summer to the house of James Gardner, L' l’, door below the Academy. GARDNER, fmmerly resident sunreoo n tlte New ork Hospital, and physician a 1 vile Hospital, New York, tenders to the puuk c lU> professional services. . 1 * < tibce in Washington street, between Dread 3 1 GUIs streets Kesid. ncc, t nited states ilote.- a P - -- | (TT AUGUSTA BENEVOLENT SOVIET)-' For the benefit of the sick poor of Augusta- 1 f committee for tfie present month are as follows; Division No. l.—Ty.us Pike, Nathaniel Gre t 8 1 Miss Margaret Smith, Mrs. Eliza Wightrran. I Division No. 2.—W. F. Pemberton, J. M- N e ' T •’ I | Mrs. H. F. Kobe rson, Miss A. C. iiighton. S Division No. 3.—John Cashin, James Pa‘ l! ' Mrs. Tremiey, Mrs. E. Cam field. , o t 23 JR w. WIGHTMAN, K tj (Dj* Mr. ADAMS resumes his SCHOOL this uj Oct. 12th,) in the room adjoining the Unttar* Church, on Green street. oct (O’ EXCHANGE ON NEW YORK—At si^ 1 i •nd at one to twenty days sight. For sale o' oct 23 GAKDELLE RHLV-- . J