The Augusta chronicle and gazette of the state. (Augusta [Ga.]) 1789-1806, July 03, 1802, Image 2

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From the Avgusta Herald. Lou'ifvUlt, 16th June, i8o2« Mr. Bonce, IT is hoped that impartiality will in duce yon to give the following a place in next Wednesday's paper. I am Sir, Your obedient ferv’t. THOS. COLLIER. GENERAL JACKSON has been much surprised at the Tight of a publica tion in your paper of the 23J inst. sign ed Ralph Spence Philips, containing a narrative of the affair of honor between him and Col. Watkins, of the 18th. Publications on fach occasions arc always bed avoided, but when inferred ought never to be so expatte; the principal or lecond on the other fide ought, as jullice requires, to have a mutual examination and correction, that errors or improper •ixprefilnns might not creep in to rip up old fores and disturb exilting harmony, ‘he foundation whereof uuy be but hare >/ laid. The General, although on a lan jjuifliing bed, feds himfclf more hurt than the wound .he has received by an ex prefiion ot Mr. Philips’s, t( that ii\con “ forpiity to tbcpofirive inilruPaons which he 1 Si.td received, arrangements were " m:ide to ‘meet the General on his own " ground, accordingly the place was fix ned in Burke county, on the main road ‘•'Lading from Louisville to Waynelho " rough, about 24. miles from the former " and one from the latter.” The Gene ral is at a lyfs to know how this could be called or underload as the General’s own ground—he declares that he does not own 4>ne .foot of land in the county, and it is •vcfl known that in the vicinity of AYayrclborough, Col. Watkins has as enny friends as the General. If as Mr. Philips observes he proposal, it had been igreed to be half way between their re fpcflive refidcnccs, the meeting rauft have taken place at the -ower end of Scriv en county, tbr the General’s rcfidence is Chatham, and Col. Watkins’s Richmond county ; this would have been worse for he Colonel as to filiation in case ot the General’s death. In Jeffcrfon, the Ge trerai has a plantation but no rcfidence, even a dwelling house on that plan kton, nothing but a bare temporary •i welling made pf his cotton house In fum mer-—fyjt the Colonel had made Louis ville his own ground by giving the chal lenge there, and the General by all the rules of honor could have confined him to that ground ; these observations might be extended, but a vvifh to prevent the , Irenes too oflcn exhibited to view for the peace and happiness of two amiable females vnd their infant families from being afted over again forbids it—we need go no fur thcr to prove the impropriety of a publi cation at all. Mr. Philips has called on i.Te to cornil any part of his relation, 1 wiih to impute no improper motives to that gentleman from his publication. — After the affair of the 18th was over, and General Jackson on his bed at Carter’s, I rtlked Mr. Philips if it were intended to poblifh on the fob j est ; he replied he Ihoald only publilh the tranfaftions of that day, which I might rdt assured would Ue perfectly fatisfadory to all parties— General Jackson questioned me on the point, anil gave me immediate inltrudllons to return and infill on there being no pub lication at all, at least- without I had a previous fight and correftion of it. Col. Watkins and Capt, Philips during this conversation (for I immediately fought them) had left town. I (hall touch on one or two points and r.OC dwell on the fubjeft—it appears that by Capt. Philips’s declaration, the di stance was left to me which I chose at ten steps—it is a jullice to General Jackson :o declare, that his directions to me just before we reached the ground, were to take a position of eight or ten steps, and advance a step every fire—this was pro posed by me, but I was told that it was inadmissible, that as we begun we mpft finilh, and a filth article was that neither of the principals were to leave their ground. Capt. Philips is also a little incorretl in the statement of the time when the parties (hook hands; it was not on the ground, but after the wound had been Tome time examined. The General was returning to his station for another (hot, the furgeons'interfered and'infilled on examining the wound received firft, and on examination, doubts were enter tained whether the ball had penetrated the • cavity or not, as if it had, mortality might tnfue, and by this time the Gene ral could not have stood another fire, it appeared also to me that both parties were equally forward to reconciliation as re spected animosity and oblivion, to the IB difagrecable and dangerous conflidls which thole gentlemen had been too often en gaged in—The greatness of the General's mind, as Col. Waikint himfelf expressed \ * ' > 4 * * V it at the time, as well as the gcncroCuy of his heart, was evident from his con dad at a period when his antagonist’s ball was thought to be lodged In his body. On the General's obfervition to Col. Watkins, mentioned by Capt. Philips, after being conveyed from the ground as to another (hot—he added, had you kill ed me I (hould have died happy, for on Wcdnefday, I obtained an objed (allud ing to the ratification of the ceflion of our Weficrn Territory) for which I have been struggling thefc seven years pad. I mean nothing herein mentioned, to impeach the bravery or conduct of Col. Watkins during the contest, no man could have behaved better. ' General jackfon requests me to add, that from the unqualified expreftions of frlcndihip which Mr. Philips alludes to. in his account of the reconciliation, it may be understood by fomc, that neither party is to oppose each other on political grounds in future ; this conduction mud not be placed on the event. The Gene ral has no right to control Col. Wat kins’s political tenets or principles, for that would have a tendency to destroy the republic and public principle thro’ the means of private feuds. Os course the Colonel can have no such demand on the General—whiift therefore he buries all private animosity, and wishes a friend (hip with Col. Watkins, he allures his republican friends and compatriots, that nothing (hort of life (ball make him desert that cause, which he has so many years labored to fupparr. THOMAS COLLIER. Note. —The printers throughout this and the United States, who publilh Mr. Philips’s relation of the duel between General Jackson and Col. Watkins, are requested to pubiifh the foregoing. Reply to the above. AS no improper motives are imputed to me in Mr. Collier’s publication, I (hould willingly remain (ilent on this fubjed, were it not for a few observations which I think myfelf called upon to notice. I disclaim any intention of injuring the feelings of Gen. Jackson by the words al luded to, the meaning of such expreflions is eafdy comprehended—they occur in Mr. C's. own statement, nor docs choice of ground, on such occasions, convey an idea of private property. As toexparte bufineE, it appears from Mr. C’s. own statement that he was aware of my design, to which he did not objtd, although I had an interview with him just before ray departure from Waynelborcugh, which was, I suppose, at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and at the door of the house in which the General was lodged ; the Colonel and I had gone there to pay our refpeds to the General previous to our leaving the place; I must also remark, that my statement was not publilhed until the 23d, this afforded a (pace of four days to make objedion to the original Undcrftanding ; but hearing of no wiih of Mr. C’s. to fee my statement before it was printed, I took it for granted that he had no such inclination. I presume it escaped Mr. Collier’s rccolledion to mention two matters which 1 (hall here insert. An article of agreement between us was “That as we began we were to con tinue in all our arrangements to the end;” the other is the time of his making the pro position to me for the gentlemen to advance a step each fire, this was not made until as, ter fcveral (hots were exchanged, when I objeded to it from an unvvillingncfs to in. fringe one article, or I could have informed Mr. C. that my inftrudions from the Col. were to allow him the privilege of naming any distance from 10 to 4,3, 2, or even one pace if they wilhed it. On a review of my statement Mr. C. may difeover that 1 have not fpecified any precise time or place when or where the parties (book hands ; but only the im pfdfions under which it was done, and therefore he will not find any incorrednefs in this refped. My intention throughout has been to ad with candour and impartiality; and if in any refped I may have deviated, it has been the result of inadvertency and net design. RALPH SPENCEP HILIPS. The Printers throughout the li nked State, who have publilhed Mr. Collier’s statement, will, I hope, do me the justice to give this reply a place in their papers also. 4 4-s- WILL BE SOLD, On Wednejday the nthof Augujinext , at the market-house in the city of Aue,u{la y ALL the personal estate of Isaac Wingate, deceafcd.—Conditions of sale Cadi. MARY WINGATE, Admix. PHILADELPHIA, June g. St. Domingo. How must their fronts be bronzed, how callous must be their feelings, who can defend those who attempted the infamous involvement of the United States ir the tranfartions of St. Domingo. Well might Mr. Ada*,-, fay, that “ for all that is land was worth, he would not that he had any hand in it.” Yet we fee persons , impddent enough to Hand forth as the eu logists of the adminiltration which was guilty of the tranfartions. We have be fore us the official paper of Touflaint, containing his proclamation against Ri gaud, dated the zoth Brumairc, gih year, in which we find Rigaud publicly charged Touflaint with entering into a treaty with “ Maitland and the Prefidcnt of the United States, in which there were . fecrct articles and Touflaint cooly re plies—“ Cela ejl <vrai” —it is true! By what authority did Mr. Adams con clude this treaty ? when did thefenate re ceive and ratify it ? We were led at this time to notice this tranfaftion, by the pe rusal of an article, which has been badly translated into English, from a Paris pa per, and which we subjoin. The Paris writer has evidently no cor rert knowledge of the constitution of our government, or he must have known that no treaty could be valid or binding upon America, which had not received the consent of the fenatc of the United Stat es. The treaty thus acknowledged to have been concluded by Touffaint, with Mait land and the Prcfident of the United States, and all the mealures flowing from it, were the arts, not of America, but of an individual or a few individuals — unauthorifed by the constitution, and fuh jert to incapacitation forever from holding any office under die government for the treasonable art. The furnifhing of arms and ammuni tion cannot be confidcred as the art of the American government. The mode in which they were conveyed, andinwhofe Ihips is well known, and it will belong to congress, in the progress of its mve fttgation?, to develope the whole of their iniquity. We cannot avoid remarking that the h'jiory of John Adams's admi tnft ration, which makes so much noise at present, is totally silent on the tranlarti ons of St. Domingo. Was this ignorance, or was it produced by the fame spirit of accommodation which panegyrized Ha. vulton and iiurr in the fame book. From the Gazette de France. Every body, perhaps, has not remark ed with the fame attention, a paifage in the firft dispatches from general Lcclerc, in which he observes, that the gtms, can non and powder which were found at the Cape, were furnifhed by the United States of America. Perhaps it would be unjust to found up on this circumstance a serious reproach a gainst a government supposed to be attach ed to France by principle, by interest, and by a just sentiment of gratitude.— But if we connect this fart with several other things; if we apply it to a general system of politics adopted by the United States, under the presidency of Mr. Jef ferloa’s predecessor, the above mentioned pallagc in general Lcclerc’s letter may not appear infignificant. Some months ago \\c publiflied in this paper an anecdote, which, though it re mained unknown for some time, did not the less deserve serious attention. It re lated,to an interview which took place at St. Domingo, between Touflaint Lou verture and the commercial agent of the United States, at ,the moment in which the result of the famous buttle of Marin, go had been made known. The plan of the American government was then to art in concert with the Britilh, to determine Touffaint to declare the independence of St. Domingo; and that was one of the principal inftrurtions of the commercial agent. Conferences continued to take place upon this iubjert, when Touffaint, informed of what had taken place in Ita ly, changed his resolution all at once, and cried out, in the accent of difpair, Mot pas connoitre ca qus devenir — man Martngo le tuer mot, (I know pot what all this will produce ; but this Ma ringo kills me) and upon this the nego ciation was put an end to, or at ieaft fuf pendec*. That Mr. Jcfferfon, become fincePre fident of the federal government, has not followed the political system of his predccef ! for, that he has adopted a mode of condurt less Machiavelian, appears inconteftible. But the ideas, either more or less liberal, of a man who is placed for a time at the head of an elertive government, ought not to be of any weight in the judgment which may be formed upon the order of things to which he belongs eventually ; and when it is neceffury to examine tlit general interests and situation of America the private opinion of Mr. Jeffcrfon be! comes almost a matter of indifference. If we pay attention to the rapid in. crease of the population, the induftrv, trade and wealth of the United States we cannot avoid forefeeing that, that power is destined one day to rule over the new world, and to place under its yoke all the Wcft-India colonies. Is it not the interest of Europe, to endeavor, while it is yet time, to remove that epoch to a greater distance ; and does not policy re, quire that there ihould be eftablifned, as soon as possible upon the continent of A. merica, a barrier against the presum ed ambition of a people, to whom nature has promised the empire of half the world ? The idea of rc-attaching Louisiana, to the domain of France, is perhaps, of all political conceptions, the wisest and most important. England herfelf could not avoid applauding the plan of ettablifhing on the terra firtna of America, an Euro pean power capable oi opposing an inipc. netrable barrier to the torrent which might one day,- without that precaution, ipread from the North to the South, cover Mexi. co, the Welt-Indies, Canada, and Ihut Europe out from the paffageof the Atlan tic. Spain, enfeebled, has too many di stant poiidfions to defend and preserve, to keep the power of the United States con fined within its present limits. Great- Britain heiiclf is not in a condition to form a military cftablilhihcnt upon terra Jirma, capable of insuring the pretensions and rights of Europe, upon that part of the world. It is true that the government of the Union has,promifed to other nations to re main within its present limits. But do we not know, that in politics, the exe cution of thelc kind of promises remain always subordinate to a multitude of e vents and circumstances which cannot be fbrefeen ? And bcfidcs, though the fede ral government (liould renounce for a ten. tury, all fyltem of aggrandizement, is it nothing to occupy a territory fertile and extcnfive enough for the support of 100 millions of inhabitants ? Is it nothing to rule over 500 leagues of maritime coast, to have 50 Hies under the eye and hand, to reign on the Atlantic, and to feeinfdf separated from the fouth Tea, only by la vage nations, ready to receive the yoke from whatever power fhali appear before them in arms ? What means this project of civilizing the Indian tribes; and to whom would these people belong, but to the government who takes upon itfelf 10 polilh them, and which has no rival to fear, being itfelf alone eftablifhcd in the centre of the new world ? Let it not then be imagined that the plan of uniting Louisiana to the dominion of the French republic is diftated by am bition, or that it is part of a pure and ftmple system of aggrandizement. The preservation of the European poflcftiGns in the Weft-Indies has rendered this plan ne cessary ; and the interest of all the mari time powers cf Europe is, to fee the frrong eft amongst them form an eftablifiiment ca O t I the continent of America, fufficicntly im posing and important to serve as a ccan terpoife to the domination of the United States. j WASHINGTON CITY, June ir. 'The triumph of Rcpublicanifni in the E- | lefiion of the Slate of 2VVw-2 orb, I Previous to the left eleflion, there I were ten members in the heufe of repre- I lentatives of the congrcfs cf Ihe United I States for this state. * I Forty-three members in the senate and I one hundred and eight in , the aftembly oi I the state. | The republicans then had in congress I fix—The federalifts, four members; but I onefcdcral member resigning, his Icat v/iS I 1 replied by a republican. I Re pub. Fed, I In the state senate, 19 24. I In the aftembly, 82 if) I Under a new arrangement, the number I cf the members of congress was iivcreafod I to 17 ; that of the state senate reduced w I 32, and of the r.ff.mbly to 100, and the I last clcftions have turned out as follows: ; I Repub . Fed, >■ In Congress, 11 6 I In the senate, 20 12 I In the aftembly, 77 23 I The general accuracy of this ftatetneot I may be relied on. N, T. Cit • | June ii. I On the 17th arrived at Baltimore, tbs I Hoop of war Courier, capt. Mount fort, -a I French national Ihip, from L’Orienf, I which place she left on the 28th April. I the commander arrived in this city y’edcr- I day, # I We learn that the objeft rs this veffei' s p hsrs wag to apprise admiral v ui> I