The Augusta chronicle and gazette of the state. (Augusta [Ga.]) 1789-1806, October 30, 1802, Image 1

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■sATURD.vY , Oflobei 30, ISO 2. (THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE A n o GAZETTE O F THE Jp TATE. IF REE D O M of the PRESS and TRIAL bv JU R Y shall remain Isolate. CmgMiio. of Georgia, —— „ AUGUSTA: P«»»„ bv JOHN E. SMITH. . EA a the mArket. {[3 Dolls, per Annum. A Lift of Defaulters in Columbia county , for the year 1802. Capt. Whitcomb's Dijiricl . George Worthy, Ralphard Avaryr, John Partrick, John Sargeant, James Puckett, William Wiifon, Arthur Grady, Middleton Cone, Francis Bo roughs, Benjamin Darling, David Piick ett, Asa Savidge, Zachariah Savidge, William Haufon, Zachariah Corfey, John Garnett, jun. j fuh Underwood, Ramon Boroughs, Miles Edwards, Arnos Mitchell, William Breant, Danian M‘ Neir, Capt . Culbreath's DiflriEl. Juhn Ledlce, Richard Boothe, Brad ley Garner, Ecachem Owens, Charles Crawford, jun. Thomas Beal, Abraham Pearre, Caleb RuiTcll, Stephen Liles, James Bayard. Capt. Meriwether's DiflriEl. Walhington Jennings, Edward Gar nett, Joseph Sharp, Douglass Brown, William Mimms, Charles Worlham, Le muel Dixon, William Meriwether, John Dixon, Richard P. White,* Reuben Gar nett, John King, Robert Ta.ikeifl/, 1 Jcffe Lively, Daniel Corfey, James Ed- | roundfon, Snodcn Griffin, Henry Thomp fpn. Capt, Willingham's Dijiricl. Jofe'h Owens, John Walls, Miller Mur!i, Stephen Hargroves, Wm, Beck, lf.ewis Ghafteen, Il'aac Jones, Aaron Wilobcy, Meriman Cook. Capt , Ford’s DiflriEl. J. Trammel, Samuel Lazenbrey, Jo seph Johnson, John Booker, William Hannon, W. Bracher, William Brown, Samuel Benton, Solomon Ellis, jun. Je remiah Perryman, J ha Willingham, fen. John G. Willingham, jun. Capt. Wilkins's DiflriEl. Bat. White, James Shaw, William Crane, John Jones, James Carrol, James Finney, El’as Longhorn, Record Burks, James Ross, Amos Thomas, Daniel Smith, Joab Spivy, Jcfle Durden, Geo. Tulks, JofcphCobb, fen. Charles Shaw, William Large, John Large, Cornelius Gibson, Robert MGenney, William Zachery, Isaac Lne, Philip Walker, Jo nathan Carter, Vo!. Atkinson, David Hay. Capt, Drant’% DiflriEl. John Tabour, fen. Zadock Magruder, Anthony Smith, Clabourn Alfobrack, Benjamin Durden, Thomas Wcltby, Leo nard Martin, George Darsey, 1 Harp, John Reave, David Welch, Wm, Ray, Michael Dunagy, Capt. Ayrt's DiflriEl . Jacob Groathoufe, Charles Devon*, fen. Edward Short, Thomas Shields, William Fuller, Abraham Fuller, E!e inucl Howard, John Hill, Geo. Thomp son, John Nickfon, William Stone, George Smiihers, John Clark, Parks Bacon, Charles Caller. 4 Capt. Stith's DiJiriEl, Levin Magee, William Pool, Gabriel Baker, Jonas Totton, John Wade, Ben jamin Reece, Joseph Smith, Martin Haife, James Tapper, John Neelaod, Clement R. Harrifun, Wm. Todd, Jcf fc Jones, Laten Lewis, Britain Lewis, So lomon Henfm, Joseph Baker, John Race, E'ijah Granade, Z idock Edwards, John Mash. Capt, Baldwin's DiflriEl. William Linch, Wm. Sharp, Richard Moore, Adam Scott, Peter Ryan, Ri chard North, Kham Moore, William North, James North, Thomas Jenkins, T m. Morriffon, Theodious Bell, Jtffc Stubbs, Samuel Stubbs, Charles Lynn, Haniel Weft, Hugh Bracher, Thomas Phillips, James Wiifon, William John son, Richard Jones, John Jones, Wiili- Clabourn, John Harmon, Michael Coftlcjr, Jeremiah Griffin. Capt. Edmundfon's DiflriEl. 1 Robert Huggins, William Nettles, John Kendrick, Doffcn Calh, Paten Worthy. W. FLEMING, P. T. R._ Blank Deeds of Conveyance (or fait at this Office. The following excellent Address, suppos ed to come from the pen of Dr. Eustis, one ot the Members of Congress irom Mifrachutert, though add relied to the People Ot that State, will, we doubt not, be read with pleafarc by the citi zens of Georgia, and thofc of every other State in the Union. To the People of MaJfachufettSy on the repeal of the Taxes. IF any one measure adopted by the present Administration has a claim to pre eminence in the public eflimation, it is the repealing of the Excise Laws, or as they are more generally termed, the Internal Taxes. Among the belt proofs of this truth, is the intemperate railing of the Oppofuion. They levied these taxes. If it was right to lay them, it is wrong to aboliih them. Their characters are at is sue; and, like desperate gamcllers, they Hake the lall remnant of their reputation to retrieve the whole. In the found and truly federal policy of abolilhing this com plicated, unequal and opprdlive fyrtem of [ Excise (when rightly understood) they anticipate the lalt and fatal blow to their expiring influence. Hence their desperate efforts to misrepresent one of the plaincll rranfaCtions which can be offered to com mon underloadings. In'order to form a correfl judgment on this fubjeCt, it will be ufeful to call a re trospective eye over the pall. When the formation of a Federal Constitution was in contemplation, neither the Delegates to the Convention, nor the People who elected them, entertained an idea, that the Federal Government Ihould be vested with the power of levying taxes, except ing by impost. Many intelligent citizens were of opinion that even the import should be limited to five per cent. On an oppo sition to granting even this five per-cent, import, Mr. King, our minirter at Lon don, grounded his rirft popularity in Mas sachusetts ; and so did Mr. Stephen Hig ginfon of Burton. To lay Excises and Di rect Taxes, was at that time deemed an important right, which ought to be re served to the State Governments, and which was actually exercised by them. When a concurrent right to lay Excites and Direct Taxes was fuggclted, and ac tually inferred among the po*vers of the Federal Government, it formed and was urged as an objection to the adoption of the con dilution. Independent of the general wifn of the people, that this mode of taxation should be reserved to the States exclusively, it was forefeen that two concurrent jurildic tions over the fame fourccs of revenue, were generally impolitic and inconsistent —that, after a conflict of influence, the (Longer power would eventually prevail over the weaker—that the State Govern, ments mult yield to the Federal. Such has been the refute of experiment. The State of Maffadiuietts repealed her Excise on carriages and licenses, soon after that of the Federal Government came into ope ration on the fame articles. In the power “ to lay and collect Ex cites,” which was veiled in the Federal Government, men of political experience and dtteernment fortfaw the circle of taxa tion extended, not merely to goods im ported from foreign countries, but to eve ry article of family ute, whether of fo reign or domeitic manufacture, and as a neeeffary contequence, they anticipated a holt of officers, authorised to enter their manufactories, workihops and dwelling houfes, every day and ejvery hour of the day, to taice account of their Hock, and collect the taxes laid on their property, 'without being accountable to the laws oj the State. Here lay the root of their ob jeteion, the reasonable and well-founded jealousy ot a people who undcritand free dom in a practical sense. To what extent this power might be carried, they could not know ; but they did know, for ex perience had taught them, that nothing was so liable to be ahmed as Power j and the power to place centinels and tax-gt GEORGIA. therers over their dwellings and occupa tions, with inquisitorial authority, was never palatcable to the people of Maffa chofetts. Another and not an unimportant con. fcqueace was forefeen, in the excrcife of this power. A multiplication of officers, with a ccfnfequent mcreafe of officers, by the Federal Executive, mult, in process of time, give to that Executive an influ erlce not limited to the immediate object of appointments, incompatible with, and finally deftruCtiveof the elective franchise; ? ‘in influence which in its various and ex. i tensive cifeCts mud tend to sap the foun dation of Government, and render the Executive office perpetual. In answer to these objections, and to quiet these apprehensions, it was urged by the party who afluraed to theinfelves the character ot Federalilts, that the Impoll was the great fourcc of revenue on which the Federal Government would depend, and which would prove adequate to the national exigencies; that Excises and Di rect Taxes would never lie retorted exccpt.in time of actual war, or on fume equally pressing occasion. On the faith ot such declarations, and in a zeal to e ttablifh a National Government, the Re publicans, who at that time (us well as the present) conditatcd thrcclourths of the qualified voters in the State, gave alfcat and life to the conilitailion. The period in which the wary poliri. cian knows that fear will fubfidc and pub lic vigilance Humber, was scarcely fuller ed to elaple, when the Excite fyitem was ulhered into being, and that in a time of peace, and without any apparent nccellky. Like a culprit in good company, it was smuggled into our law-books, on the cre dit ot its authenticator, meeting a cold civility from his friends, and the veto of a few honeil men. Having been once c llablilhcd, the fyllem has progrefled in re gular gradation, as fad as the apathy of the People, and the cupidity of the admi nistration, have dictated. How soon it would have been extended to every article which ad ninideis to the case and comfort of life, may be conjectured from the rapid ftridcs already made in our infant country, and the examples of countries farther ad vanced in the modern art of taxation. How long the right of fulfrage would have extded in purity, or in fafety, under the blighting influence of this Tingle branch of Executive patronage, vve are no longer tortured to conjecture. From this view of thefubject, and with these consequences resulting from the fy- Item, a reformation was demanded, by the principles of civil liberty, and by the genius of tiie conltitution. To reform, was neither more nor Id's than to alAjh the taxes, by repealing every law which related to them. It was ncceifary that the practice under the conflitu.ion (hould he brought back, and rendered conforma ble to the sense and interpretation which was originally given it; to Amplify the Government, in order that the people might, through the Adminillratkm, have one glimpse at “ thole manners, feelings and principles," for which they fought a.id bled, and by which they expected to be governed, when they adopted the conlli tution ; that the Executive (hpuld no longer derive an artificial fuppom which the cor.flitution abhors j that hundreds of Excifcmen, who were eating the public bread, (hould return, from habits of indo lence, to eat bread of their own labour ; that Manufacturers, if they were not fo ftered by the Government, (hould at lealt be freed from fetters; and above all, that the Elective Franchise should be no,longer adulterated by the poifott of Executive patronage . The Administration who have hpd the courage to make this reformation, the Ex ecutive who has dtfeovered the .virtue willingly to rest on its own basis, diverted of artificial props of its own raifinb, are held up to you as oh j efts of fcfpictbo, if not of reproach ! Paafe, my com try men ; lay a fide all refenenaent, banish parry con- I M [Vol. XVir. No. SjSJ h.*. 'v • *4' '■>' U- ? * u Alterations* and a(k yotirfcl ves what yo have gained, and wh.it you have li ft ? 400 Excifemen have 101 l their places ! Is this a cause ot mourning for a nation of free men ? 400 ohjecls of competition are re - moved. Is this prejudicial to the public, tranquility? So many Ihcasns of Execu ti vc patronage arc dried up. Who but of fice-lechers have occasion to complain r What have the people 101 l ? They an; li berated from a system unfavorable to the caufc of. freedom. One million of dollars (the sum which may he fairly ellimated as tiie amount of what the people paid direft ly or indiredily on account of thc/c taxes) inft.cad of being thus paid, is now retain ed in the pockets of ihofc who have labor ed for it, to be applied in their own way to their own uses, ‘Who is injured ? Lye him (peak. Is the public creditor defraud - ca ? Does he, not receive his intcrelf punc tually, or his principal as soon as it be comes due ? Mas so simple a provilion ever before been made for the national debt ? The price of the Hocks anfwcrs every ob jection, and liieiucs every murmur ®n. this head. Is “ the common.defence”' (nfufltelent, or “ the general tor ? Arc the frontiers not well defended ?• Do you require largergarrffohs on thefca b6ard ? Is commerce unprotected ? Far mers, mcrchams, manufacturers, mecha nics, men of politick! fcienac, anfwcr thefh plain queltions, then turn your attention to those who clamour; fee who'they any mark well their characters, and draw your own condulion?. liul, iiiier, sill, these arc pot the queftL ons. it Is on the prtnctpja that the op poßtion object. It Is dll th<| principle that the repu’qlKan.s ground iljeir junification, 'idle theory with which the federally really view the corillitutlop, and their praCtioe’uitder if, proceeding ftqp by step towards a favorite point ary detected reprobated—Their fyfteni of patronage and influence, w'e will not fay tneir barter aud fate of the right of fuftrage, yve (may* be permitted to call it their jyjtem of ar m tijiciul influence, tending tocurriiption, t\ broken up., Here is, the wound given fp ambition, a deadly wound, winch rankles in the heart of taction,, aqd envenoms tlyf whole corps of ariilycrucy, Defeated, difappoioted and exposed in their flatter, ing project ot intrbdqcing tlyis aristocratic fyifem of Exceptive teilucpce, under the fpeciyus guile of fcderaiifm, they arc;now attempting to divert yy-ir attention, fete lo.v-citiv.tus, from the, great one, ft ten be tween the two parties, Kdmfant to myej; the principle, and un’ablij' to’ defend itl they faun tiie difcuiiion of its merits, and apply thcmldves to ihe avarice, to fhs wcakr.cfs with which they know the hu man nature .they, ypgeaj to your prejud ces, and would cover your judg ment with ddufton. Wu!i an effrontery unparalitied in the hiftory of parties, they arc endeavouring, by popular clamour and mifreprefentatjuus, td disgust you with a Free Government of your own adoption, and divide you from tiie au thorities of your own choice. Attend to their objections,, and Jn a moment tlicit (hort-lived, lhadowy euce will vanish like a dream. Thcijiiirjt: and great objection is, that all the Reve nues of the country, whether of import, tonnage, or excite, arc nbt more than adequate to del ray the nariirial expenses, and provide for the public debt; that-the infernal taxes ought not: have been abo lished, because they w’crc ncceffiiry tp tiie payment of that debt. And ycr, in .the fame the fame party propefe a repeal ot tiie duties on fait, on the low priced teai, and on fug tr and codec, a inouncing to a m ich larger sum ! If they did ready believe that the Inter nil taxes coaid not be dispensed with, could they be willing to repeal the duties on imported articles of great amount ?,Hut fay they, the duties on sugar, e i and tof fee, fall on the poor—-VVha laid those burthens on the poor? Who have froqi time to time iu.reated these .burthens op