The Atlanta daily sun. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1870-1873, September 01, 1871, Image 2

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I local strength. It rtiiifht l> THK DAILY SUN. oladed from tlie nhatyby Fmdat Momrato Bn-nornm 1. Mr. Hendrick. was] fl • Office it* the Sun Building, Wetl av* office in the Sun Butldmg, Hctt tide </ Broad itreet, Second Door South </ Alabama. tdt' New Advertisements always found on Firtt Pent; Local and Butineu Notices an Fourth Page. ANOTHER TRICK OP THE HIDEOUS COALITION. > In tke ismac of the Now York Herald ot the 37th ultimo, which bet jnet reached m, we find an editorial, which we pre- y Wlo mm read am t*-d*y. Itia eetited "The lit Caute'—An Astounding Programme, though Perfectly AbturdfmtA well might tho addition bare been made to it of •<***/««." 1 by the earns maO which • the Btraid, with its notice of di the "rieehlili pamphlet” , with Us 'titrltily oomfldaaUal” I it, upon lead- ’ uMlof iii jliicb ■allr) treat*) by it forth without a tuna, and **t fkd into the hands of ia? are intended to aboat this insidi- dB el the I fom of Democracy ~ Moaaenh It is I of theeaemy. 1 el the Berdd that this l "by Alexander m «* other kin | new hired by the coalition to perform. “Mr. Stephana’ whole heart” ia not "devoted to a South ,t b jWtr^ndtOna of Nsrthera Domooraqy;” hot it is devoted to the great patriotic object of uniting the Southern and north ern Democracy against the treacherous ] flmweaMot ol their common euomy, known aa the “New Departure” Coalition. AMthfc, the atari/ men knows perfectly %all, notwithstanding the guilrful sophit- by, by which he, “serpentlfke, ’’ attempt* * taeoetrary Miff in the minds of ^unsuspecting maaiea of the JDavia,”a^fathe/*roW, “haapro- , <$»■«»«* tn Alabama and Georgia that he accept! matting ;”,and “Hr. Bhphmt in hit mtietpaper, holds the tame petition. 4 Ozgkhia ‘^atamc’’ statement, the Her ald exdaima : ••WoraOoa.” oDosbarry pota It “they are both is * tab.** h Now,|whatveor^lr. Davie may have pro- ^ inr Mahan n, Georgia, or slae- whase, ee to what “he atotptt" as the euke ol the war against Ssoeaaion, jAortjgcr.-tr::.” t *. Jferald that "Atoiauder H. Stephens" has i sweated again sad again that be doee accept, aud in good faith, all tho actual results of that war, whether legitimate or otherwise. The Htrnld knows that the position of The Atlanta Sun ("Mr. Ste- phena' newspaper") ia not that assigned it in the artiole quoted. The Her ald knows the position of Tm Sun has keen distantly stated in these plain and nnmiatakaable words ••A Iwtuaato nralt of U. wir, w* tatters, wm the ■■tUeteeai—ol settlement/brrarr—In this eountry, sfthspa'ievo* eense.lon — aprncttcnl urijo* re. dr.ee etetum an; nsnrvnUone on the putinf Its Fed- erel aovnrameai” • • • a a • • • • "These qneatlone. thsntiw. rttetluf to the right of anosertoa. for all praoScnl |«t1Ma»a and ennjtelllna.i ne trail ns thoeaMti—S*»*»*■*“» and extent at neon eerrltadem the southern su we oooatder empIteUeeilr aatof Si -deed tee We bare no disposition toie*lratbaae.aor eaxqaee- Urn |—M 4 -! tn tkrm <i» ~rnr W« b* Mar* also that la Ihte natter wa but rei-oat St a aai- roraal aaaMteaat ol tte Southern Stele." Ia this the came position which is ss- aigned to Jtr. Davis in the Heraldt Fiend- like atsdstnent I Would even Dogberry, upon hearing have said, “they art both in a taler" Would not that simph winded parson, if anoh a statement hati been presented to him, backed by any number of witnesses (claiming the two positions to be tho same) has* ewelatmail, as ha did in the play: -Doan—taarrr, sir, they bam < smxtr 1 Ht as to ooMlMh, tin We give the Heratd Dogberry’s judg- mast upon the oaae he lias made, and any to our rwadars that wo believe " thie wary remarkable pamphlet' ia nothing wiley trick ol the "Arne Coalition," to bring trouble in Ike Democratic Camp. Our duty re gains as to sound the alarm, and urge the Deaeoeraoy every where to “betcare," and to be on their guard against all the scheming of those who ere "now plotting" their destruction and the overthrow of free institutions, not only by usurpation, violence and perfidy, bnt by resorting, when oeeaaion anils their purpose, to the vflmesystem Of “.hcmlaml Am.” A.H. a the New York delegation iu the Cosaen tion ol 1868, (uotwitijMsmliiig the L»d of "reform, and eoff 'udfion," offered by his friend,) by all other Democratic poli ticians, what wonld be the fate of their S tive loaders when trusting to mere ians and sharpers. But strange to say, subsequently the idea became somo- how greatly intensified, that the good will and efficient aid of Tweed A Co. were yet indispensably necessary. Doubtless Mr. Vsliandighnm was par tially oommitted to tba ‘tauaue” as curly aa the date of the hypocritical nomination and subsequent impudent attempt to withdraw Mr. Heymour, in both of which he had a band ; but, if I am com-ctly in formed, Mid I think I am, it was not until about a year ago, that, upon his visit to the city of New York, the notion of tho New Departure was determined upon. He theu made a flying visit to Indiaaapolk, and had a conference with Hon, Daniel Voorhies, a known oppo nent of Mr. Hendricks, and the terms of surrender to Hedies' doctrines (levs' opodat Dayton, were then and there final ly aettlod. It will be aeon that they throw inStbe shade, ao far as perspicuity is con cerned, Mr. Kerr's “no reaction dodge, and wen designed effectually to dispoee of Mr. Hendricks' pretensions. This “fighting tho devil” and llis alike, with their own weapons, peeitdly In a war of invasion, it will thus be aeon, ia a dangerous experi ment. But happily the danger to the Orest Dcmoeratio party has aubstan. Hally passed. With the unquestioned overthrow of all political power hereto fore poeseased by Tweed, Belmont, Sweeny, Connelly and Hall, (the real originatori of this conspiracy against Jeffersonian Democracy), the conspiracy itself must needs go with them. I herein have no rofatsnoe to the quarrel of those men with their local opponents, though the rooord, so far, tells wonderfully •gainst them. The momont au appeal was taken from their machinations to the party at large, and the real authors of the crime and blunder committed in Pennsylvania and Ohio were made known to tho public, all real danger ceased. And to what, but the energetic course of Tub Atlanta Hun, and such like, is the country indebted for this apjioAl and this exposure 1 I have, from various sources, the heat evidence of a general reaction of E nblic sentiment. All honor to those y whom it has been brought aboat! Cato. IHlUTIt'S IN GEORGIA. uem tbSCT.ruiil.le rod Sentinel. Now a Notes «ni the hltuatiou.” NEW ORLEANS CORRE8PON OENCE. „ __-_.«knr Ones vert ted unjuet lying has* WASHINGTON CITY CORRES PONDENCE. Raw Departure aa the Wane. How Matter* are Progressing In Louisiana, WaaonaiON, August 35, 1871. The eel might as well be let out of the bag at owes, as at any future time. Mr. YWhndtfhaat was got the funnier, (if the sag roan in may bo allowod) of the New Dspartnrs, at alL Mim.iaBhaelO.Kair. . l>i Indiana, ia sntitisdto tba honor of ff Riptoing %> oiddpaUm of etliiaal looUo. s “fitting tho Devil with pahtiool an i beau fora long Urns' nasds Wfitpos “re/orm, only Hon*. Thk was a milder, or, not* vagOt way of puttie* the idea, tor aa an* Mon " implying hgptility to aattlomeat of tho war. «, Maw, the neceteity arose, as it was I thought, far some such gibberish, urban cl the great West saw proper to oourt the too* of tha Naw Yoi poUSdana in bo- half of oo* or other of in many aapirank forth* freaUancy. The ciiqo* in JYm Ttrk Oily, bautto this day only apou st and pat- pokNss, auspt so hr sate give them ofneoeadty. letter from Ivan lioc. New Oiileanh, Ang. 21), 1871. Rlilon Sun: President Grant--at lenet so say tho prillt»-denies having given any authority to tho Marshal to employ United Htdtea troops nt tlie lato meeting of the Nodical Convention in this city. He is not disposed to have his name eon uocted with su unpopular a proceeding. The Republican newspapers, all ofer the country, congratulate their party on the President's having cleared his skirts of tliis reproach, and f-pcak of tho rottrsc pttrsneit by Oaaev, Paokard and tho other Custom House officers with great severity. If these men acted without au thority from headquarters, the universal judgment seem to bo that they ought to lie summarily removed from office, i. o. decapitated, but if tho newspapers de nials of Grunt's complicity in tho affair are false—extomporixed to get his Exoul- ioncy out of an unfortunate scrape—then ho, they say, ought to be docapitoted by the whole Itepublieiui party at tlie cud of his term, turn uevor placed before tho American public again as a candidate for tho Presidency. This would seem to bo pretty good political logic. I suppose a free press in a free country is slwsys right and speaks the truth, at least it should do so. Unto this time all the Itepublieiui journals who su Qeneral Grant, ore unanimous iu their testimony on this subject, siul pruisohim to tho skies for the right and manly oourso ho has pursued. Still it is a little singular, it must be confessed, that no of these Custom House officials, who have justly awakened so much indigna tion by their insolent and overliearing conduct, have as yet been removed from office, as Governor Wnrmou'h and th* other wing of the Radicals headed by him, demanded should be doue instantly, with a view to maintain the future res pectability of Republicanism in this com mnnity, and to propitiate tlie wratli of tho large party of Republicans under his command. A scarcely audible whisper accordingly is going the rounds in cer tain eirelos, to tire effect that the news papers must have made some mistake in respect to whst General Grant lias both said aud done iu the mutter; and that if a a white lie has been perpetrated on the ocoasion, it is because the end to lie attained, vix: tlie pres ervation of General Grant's unsullied re putation, justifies any sort of means that are resorted to for the purpose. These lies, however, are ao soon found out, that the viotorie* achieved by them are gen erally very abort livod. It is certain that Casey A Co. still remain at their ports in the rail enjoyment of Federal patronage, and that no removals are now anticipated. Under oil tho oirenmstanoea of the case, it ia evident that General Grant has got himself into a little difficulty, from which it may not be be so easy to extricate him self, and still maintain his popularity, as he anticipated. Than k a good deal of wire-working going oo here just now, and parties have not yet thrown off the worm to soma tha butterfly. Democrats of the old type, who adhere to principle, are a pretty strong body among us, and will make a vigorous struggle to right them selves. we are sadly in want of political Usd era of derided ability, who ora wil ling to show their hands, but Affairs will probably be brought to a orisia in two monthi, and we shall then belter know who we are to depend upon. Meantime, we are waiting for tba developments that are to be produoed by the repent split in the Radical ranks Warmouth ia plotting tight and day on the cheeses of consoli dating hi* power by soma lucky change of the cards. He k more crafty than He hag] hogged the almighty nigger, until he has begun to oovet leas adoriferoui embraces. If he doe* not th* standard of Democracy in some its modem pluses, h* will be very to get np a Whits man's party aa t the farmer objects of bis nomag* affection*—Hum's deasudauta. In the maintenanea of sound principles, tkink we oan depend here on two organs, th* Box «"l the Bulletin edited by gentlemen of derided ability. Ik* 7Wm ia veering about, and whether tt will evwrreaeh any harbor is uncertain. I think tha Wisconsin platform would suit it vary wall, juat at thk moment. The Picayune has never been a politi cal jonmaC hut might rouse itself up to mask timely truth* under the premare of neoeunty. Ivanhob. Completion or th« New Departure Mall- way- Safe Arrival or Mr, Villi At the Terminal — Map id l*itu»|«-lion* at Laet —The New Route Now Opes all the Way— Sleeping Car Aecoiamoda* ttoae—Taaael Through the Coaetltu- tlon—Pau Through at Night—Vo to fled a Democrat, Wake up a Republic tan -turpi all About It—Fare Cheap —Only One Change of Cars—Fine Ac commodations at the Republican Rad —Hr. Ahermmn Mast Virs Way to Mr. Hill—IIpooch of the Former iu North Carolina May Mare Him - Pleat/ of Room, and (fcatckerTlaae than by aay Other Line-For Further Information, Consult the New Era, New York Tri bune, Addrsse or Mr. Hill to the People or Georgia, Mpeeeh or Mr. Akcruss North Carolina, Correspondence of N< York Herald (recently published In the Chronicle aud Sentinel,) Speech or Mr. Hill at Athens, giving Instructions In Detail r- Weather Sotoe — Gentle Zephyrs from the North—Fractlfyiug Showers- Aspect sf tho Stars—Ulysses and Benjamin In Conjanetlon—Aker- inan Sotting. Tho times lieing out of joint, wo have remarkable) events to reconi and review. Upon a recent literary occasion, before an ummopicious people, nmembled un armed, Mr. Hill, tho well known author of the “Notes on the Situation,” and of Hiindry more recent documents of inferior Ravor, treated the andioace to a dish of politics, served up under a thin crust of philosophy, so-called. It was well cooked, und presented in a form sufficiently pala table, but “from this, os from a den of distartiod vipers, crawled out innumera ble and poisonous evils, to lame our ener gies and pollute our blood.” To whom were wo indebted for the alirewd turn the literary occasion took, and the infinite entertainment and in struction of the audience on on unex pected line of thought ? Were the com mittee of invitation cognizant of the bill of fare ? Why had we Mr. Hill, or any man of equivocal position ? Informa tion is needed. Did be push ? Did he seek it ? The tiecnsion was auspicious for his ends. Did it come by accident—a mere piece of good luck—or was it by contrivance ? Tho fairness of the whole procedure, and the agreeable surprise of the audi ence in the eujoymentof u North side view of themselves and their institutions, and thoir unprepared state for this whole some shower bath on their cherished no tions and connections, served to render the scene memorable and impressive. No dispositions having been made for the unexpected attack from within, the hear ers wuro quite taken by su prise. The confusion was expressed for a while only by astonished silence, but the oompany rallied and retired in good order, leaving few prisoners behind. Most of them have since made good their escupe, and the handful left iu duress, it is no|>ed, will soon be undeceived aud appreciate the situation. The surprise attack, on the whole, was rigorous and well concerted. Our own colors were on exhibition, and it was not known how far the pew departure would reach. The orator himself, after a retro spect, had decided that “returning were more tedious than go o’er.” Bold was the leap, but tho followers few. The lookers on looked into eaeh others, eyes, rubbed thoir own, aud evidently did not understand tho business. What dowry could graco the new es pousals? Mr. Akernmnwith the election bill failed on Georgia, and was w ell nigh up set. Mr. Hill was oat of public em ployment. He pined, he longed to serve his native State. In December last (election bill, his ow n address, aud all to the contrary not withstanding) he had failed signally of carrying thorgia. So a scat in the ate/to serve his beloved State, was not secured. Cun he carry it now, by this new play on ito forbearanoe and patience? Cany Georgia thus? What an enquiry I The *gruud old Ship ot State moves steadi ly oa its way. Mr. Hill's gyrationk make no impression. We have looked over tho prow of a ship and seen a porpoise apparently leading the wav. running in front for a long while. But when the porpoise—blow ing and tumbling—turned aside from his course to aooompliah his own ends, did the ship turn aside with him? The ship proceeded on its stately way and tho porpoise on his—the great and the small their several ways. But, even if Georgia oaunot be carried, something else may happen. Some months ago the Chronicle and Sentinel caught a distant dreamy view of Mr. Hill in the Cabinet Let us watoh and wait. Possibly the good faith and good taste of all this may bo more apparent to the speaker and U) others thuu to us. Mr. Ilill may unwittingly help sound princi ples by showing whither unsound would conduct us. But aro we not a patient people? Tho great object of Mr. Hill in his ad dress seemed to be to demonstrate that in all the leading matters of dispute be tween the North and South, the North was in the right. The soundness of abo lition principles, and the superiority of Yankee civilization, were his main topics of discourse. The superior insight of the Radical party into the true policy of the oouutry was made very manifest, and our ow n errors exposed ip a masterly way. Now, if we had been invited to such a banquet (of tho Delano type), and a rep resentative man of those principles an nounced as such, had entertained us. there would have been no ground of oomplaint But to come in tho name of a disciple, and with the kiss of a disciple, was that fair play. 9 By the standard of old civilisation—no—with emphasis—no. But with the new type, fair ia not the word. Shr**d ia the word—shrewd, sharp, acute (omitting the first syllable). These wonts are popular with the new lights. Number them—count them one by one, aud try these words upon them— they will fit them all. The December address and the rail road lease were in ominous, suggestive pracimity. What is to follow the Alumni speech? What is to follow? Is it to be u seat in the Cabinet? Was that the elevated aspiration "Which v*k«d to ccaUcy the living lyr®! Or is the oonjecture of the New York Ueruld correspondent the sound view? He thinks a third party is what Mr. Hill ia after, on tha negro element as the * Mfc No one doubts ho ia after something,*— It is not in human nature to behave ao for nothing. To come more particularly to the mat ter and manner of the address. The distinguished ventriloquist ad dressed two audiences—a Northern and Southern. It was a hard task, end re quired both tact and/new; but he poseee- sed both, end one guiding thought sus tained him to speak tp tho North over the heeds of the Smith, without startling the one too much while tickling and d* lighting the other-this was tho problem. The easement wee thie, via: That the North mast be pleased at all eveota. This steadied him. Brass was in demand, bnt the supply was adequate. The display of 4tpr de ling (of tongue, not hand) was fine. The little .Tapaneeb Tommy, who cried “all riglt, ’uhc(T to jump through a barrel, not iuraiug over tnc tumbler of water, npr puling out the lights placed within on tlie bottom. Such a piece of juggle-7 ilU Nr Hill attempt. lit* went tliroutfli tlio barrel successfully, imd lar ded on tho Northern side, bnt in passing he turned over the tuinbler end extin guished the lights. His Northern audi ence wore delighted. Pieans will go up in his praise from the Republican party press. Hia speech will be s eampaigu document, ss erst wss that of tlie more illustrious Akerman. But st the South —ob, here I he spilled the residue of con fidence, if miy was left after the speech and actions of lost year. Mr. Hill’s caul dron hod been then and there turned orer and spilled in the fire. People were angry at themselves that they hid trust ed him ever. What they hid mistaken for quite unexpected manliness and ad hesion to principle on his part was all explained, and when seen exposed in its nakedness, it proved to be sham and stuff—tile mere vagariee of a man in search of tel/. The argument of Mr. Hill was at onoe loose and dogmatic. It too, waa a sham, and will pass away as a shadow. There was no close and careful study of princi ples or application of principles to facts. A few of those common places in regard to our people and our industry, which were familiar to all men of obeervation, and in perfect harmony with their own established convictions— were enormously exaggerated and blown into huge soap babbles by the breath of the speaker. They broke of themselves on the touch of reflection. The arga and cheap. The production of grain, etc., not of cotton, ivoethc prime occupation of foruiois. The tendency then was strong to the Northwest, rather than tho South. The Northern people, by virtue of intercourse with the world, had more of tho car of mankind than we; and tho South was represented us a graveyard. Life Assurance Companies assumed that it was extra hazardous to livo at tho South or even visit our section. Misrepresenta tion was equally rife of our social and moral condition. An agricultural people is really the most virtuous, hut we were as much misrepresented morally and so cially as iu regard to health. Such were among tho considerations, especially tho facto that no agricultural country iu Eu ro]* cultivated our staples, and that those in our own climate did not speak our language, which seemed to give the North a start in the way of population. There were other influences of great moment. For example, the policy of the Govern ment was to raise revenue exclusively from imports and none by direct taxa tion. The effect of this on Southern prosperity we will not discuss, as our rea ders ore familiar with it, except by point ing to two or three pregnant facto. 1st. The South furnished tlie bulk of the ex ports. 2d. The imports passed in a large measure to the Sooth, whence the export* started, ss tlie ultimate consumers. 3d. Therefore, the actual duties were puid by the South, with commissions, Ac. 4th. Also, the enhanced value of articles not imported, bnt virtually prohibited, were paid by the South under the policy of the Government. One other view; these purchases by ment assumed all the form and gravity of I the South were made with the entire crop aspect of a most philosophical discus sion, bnt it will not bear weight. If the oelentiUe aim ot it all was real, then the insults heaped on oar inslitations and people were yratuilout. They were lugged into the discussion with profuse and wasteful liberality. The form of argument selected by the speaker was tliat which gives most pluy to powers of sophistry, viz: the inference of a cause from an effect There is large range here for misrepresentation and de ception. From an effect, to go back to its cause. The effect may be complex— of long dnralion, of manifold aspect, and wound np in many an involution. The ingenuity of the aophist selects one ante cedent among the many, and says this par ticular antecedent is the came. The oar- see may be os many and os complex as the series of effect, but it is his province to direct attention to the one single antece dent assumed to be the came wbicli is to explain everything. This he exaggerates and magnifies, and so tracos ito effect, not by actual comparison with facts, but by the method of evolution out of bis own bead, instead of the historical mode of observation and comparison. Slavery is this one cause—the fountain of all our evils, "whoso mortal taste,” Ao. Never did Abolitionists look with more evil eye on slavery thsn does Mr. HilL Would it be stranger thru some things which hare happened if, in Decem ber next, hr should denounce it in the true blue style, as "the sum of all villain ies ?” We shall see. This new depart ure rood is a rapid one. "A den of dis turbed vipers" is not for short of the mark. Indeed, we are not sure but it is an improvement, which will be adopted by the rhetoricians. “A den of disturbed vipers” is oven more suggestive than “the sum of nil villainies." Mr. Hill is an expert rider of tho Abo- litinn hobby ho has mounted, and makes fine time. Ho will evidently win the race, With slavery in his eye, he can see no other causo of our troubles. That is on his brain. Be seems to forget that during the entire war the slaves of the Soath were under perfect oontrol—fed the armies in the field—fed tho women and children at home, and were among tho most indnstrious of producers, furn ishing human muscle of an inferior race, gaided and controlled by hnman brain of the superior race. Not on insurrection, and scaroely an apprehension daring the wholo war. The number of negroes, about 4,000,000, was not too great to be occupied in the production of bread- stuffs. Was slavery then an element of weakness ? Perhaps, however, it was not sla very, hut the more presence of tho black race in the South in any oondition that weakened us ? Mr. Hill did not say this, nor would it help him. His con- gralu'aiont on the success ot abolition policy would still fail him. For they are here still—the blacks. Being here, do they tcorl letter os freedmen than be fore ? Do the negroee as citizens admin ister government better than the whites without their aid ? Let Mr. Hill answer. Do the men work better 7 Are not most of the women and chihlren drones ? Do they work as before, and as do white women and children in Europe 7 la a word, has the negro labor system im proved by virtue of emancipation ? One universal outcry demonstrates ito im mense falling off and uncertainty. The negro is here still. How aro we better off ? Is he a help to the good or der, industry aud progress of society ? Answer South Carolina; answer cities with negro Aldenuin and police; answer Liberty county and sea coast of Georgia; answer deserted fields and waste plaoesof the Soath. But it may be said it was the influence of the negro on the white nun. The ne groes were for less numerous tlua the whites. There were sections where they were very few in number. Bnt the ger minal answer is to be found in this, viz: that our population was sparse, and so tho division of labor impracticable. It was not slavery but a scant population which promoted a skilled class of laborers. The effect of this at onr strength and the proper mode of meet- ing^it are not correctly given by Mr. To trace the causes of the relative growth of the North ss oomparod w ith the South would require careful study of history in detail, and muoli thought would bo uooded to oonvey sny jtut idea, or to famish rational grAand of conviction to B reader or hearer, The adaptation of the South to agriculture, tamed tho atten tion of setuera to that vocation. Not tho wantjof adaptation to other pursuits, but this was the one most tempting and re quiring least preparation, capital and combination. Tho North, presenting less ready adaption as a fanning country, the population entered more into oom- meroe and navigation, and into manu facturing. The ordinary laws of emigra tion carry people to like latitudes, cli mates, and like pursuits. The hope of mooting persons of the Mine nationality, end speaking the same language, kq much to do with the direction of emigra tion, England being oar mother ooun- try, the ohief tide for s long time was from England—just ss emigration to Mexico or Cabs was from Spain, and to Osnsds or Louisiana from France. The commerce of the North promoting its intercourse with other pooplos, gave them an advantage. Their acquaintance, the destinations of their ships, etc., gave them the start, end opened the original channels. The first emigrants, by cor respondence, brought others to the same section. The revolutionary war stopped the tile for a time, bnt when if set in from England it not orally sought the is characters of climste and prodne.- is. The magnificent grant by Vito is of the northwestern territory opened on immense body of fresh lend. produced, not out of mere profits. If we oold u cotton crop—ssy for $250,000,- 000, of which $50,000,000 was profit—the per cent of tax on imports was virtually levied on the 250 of expenditure and not on the 50,000,000. The expenditures of the Government were at the North. Ho that the bulk of the revenues were levied on the South, with half tile population, and carried to the North to bo expended. We cannot elaborate but only suggest. The influence on the ultimate results of the war, of the want of skilled lslior, is immensely over-estimated by Mr. Hill, or misunderstood by him. Our slaves were occupied in making provisions, and did it well. Our soldiers wore needed to fight, and they did It splendidly. Meet ing the skilled men of the North (so- called) they never failed on equal terms _man for man, Th' re would have been some points of advunhigo iu our prepa ration for the field, arising from skilled labor, but other causes were much more operative. We have beon oocustomed to number among the causes of our defeat the fact that our self-confidence wns too great, and prevented us from making fall use of onr resoaroeg. The food supply we met. By appreciating our want of manufacture, and arranging to keep open the blookade, wo could have converted her many crops—in war os wo did in peaoe—in to manufactured material of any sort she neoded. With the proceeds of her annual crops she oould havo had am. pie materials of war. We came near to snoeess even without them. But we nev er were—whether on the questions of im migration, of taxation, or of arrange ments for fighting—quite careful enough of our own interest, und we suffered for this reason in competition with the keen, shrewd, sharp people of the North. In our former policy, being part and parcel of the United States, our arrangements and preparation for war were for war witli foreign powers, and tbo industry of the oountry, ns a wholo, wns sufficiently di versified for all purposes of defense ns a whole. Even with hb os with an agricul tural poople, it would have been sulficieut had we boen careful jo maintain the means of exchange. Indeed, in regard to the alleged weak ness of tho South, which Mr. Hill ex plains as an effect, and slavery os ito cause, the thing to bo explained was rather our strength than our weakness. What other pcoplo with the same relative numbers have fought so welt aud so long ? Sup pose the whole strength of the remaining portion of the United States hod been turned against a manufacturing section of equal numbers, instead of against the South; would we not have starved them out muoh more qutokly than they con quered us ? Food is one of the most difficult articles to supply from s distance. It is easier to supply tools than food, for man and beast—very expensive articles of transportation. In the original idea of the Union, the deficiencies of oar section were compensa ted by the productions and lesourees of another. It is weU, however, for each section and State to diversify ito indus try. In peace it is usually practicable with what we do produco to buy what we (Jq not. It was our true polioy iu war to see to it that tins fucility of interchange was not taken from us. By caution on this point, au agricultural power, instead of being weak is really the strongest for defense. We stood out against 20,000,000 longer than would New England and New York. It was not our weakness, bat our want of foresight in making the best use of the resources we actually possessed. Anil so, on the whole, what Carlisle would call Mr. Hill's “little compact the ory" on tlie suhjeot, is wide of the mark. Ho is not muoh of a philosopher, more of a juggler. So far from having given us the cause of our weakness, he Tins as signed ono of tlie elements of our strength. To use the expressive figure of tho some writer, he has “laid his goose egg," and now thinks the wholo matter settled by bis short and easy me thod of explaining history. Indued, Mr. Hill's aim ever is not at troth bat at tip- pparances. Ho is fond of the outside. Redoes not understand the subject on which he enlightens us ,and lyia views ore as shallow as they are insulting, and ns his reseaches and convictions usually are. But why do we olass him with the Bo- publican party ? Mr. Hi 11 may deny the fact that ho ia gone orer to them, sonl anil body. His letter is an apparent effort to struggle back, but let us still “watch and wait ” He made sure of thp North by that speech, taking the chances with us, He and the North now understand ouch other. Hav ing that booty in his strong box, and be yond persdventnre, ho returns to look af ter tho lera important South, with Bnch protestations of affection, snob longings and yearnings ss to make tlie stones weep. Bnt we are too logical for all that Mr. Hill laid down hia premises, bat failed in term, to draw his conclusion—that con clusion, logically drawn, was the Bepnb- liosn party. His speech might legiti mately have wound np with s toast to that organisation. Now, it is this "Q. E. D.” which ws propose to draw. Whst wss the legitimate ooncl onion from hia E isM 7 Ought ha not, at the Alumni er, to have offered some such toast ss the following: “The Republican Party—wiser in coun cil and stronger in action ; understand oar interest better than ourselves. We apologise to them for onr stupid opposi tion in the past. We return thanks for the services they havo rendered us again it onr will. Henceforth he their policy onr policy—their civilization onr civilization. Let us have bat one cease—one party.— Above all, one pune!" This sentiment might appropriately have been followed by s song—addressed to the hood of the Cabinet Air : “A place ill thy memory—dearest.” Din ners iu high places ore tho order of the day, and Mr. Hill an expert. Would ouch a toast liuve been a non ss- qtiilnr 1 Was it not tlie just upshot and condensed essence of Mr. Hill's speech; Some Itepublioin (of color if no white man was convenient, or office holder) could have properly responded. “Abolition principles—the new civili zation—the Republican party, the uiithur of both. It is a sound principle of po litical action to co-operate with the friends ot a policy against its foes. Tin* Republican tuirty is tlie friend, tlie De mocratic party the foe ot this policy.” Hoag—to bo sung with expression.— Air: "Home at lait." What fitter conclusions from the prem ises 7 Nor was the lone less expressive of the zeal aud abandon of u new convert.— Ho saw clearly tlie way to the heart of the North, and tlie way was pleawut to the eve, und a thing to he desired to make' one—acceptable. The three posi tions succinctly set forth in the Constitu tionalist recently were those of Mr. Steph ens, of the Pennsylvania and of the Ohio platforms. Mr. Hill goes “a rood beyond the farthest mark.” Indeed, his speech is truly, “truly loyal"—Intensely loyal— and will ho so prononneed by com/ie/ent judges. His argument sound—then the Repub lican party deserves our confidence, and wlmt is more, our c<)-o]*ratlon. But bus tho speaker so conciliated onr confidence in his candor, his integrity of purpose, his calmness of thought and sobriety of judgment, that wo shonld forsake all oth ers, and cleave only unto him 7 And with him accept our old supposed enemies as onr true and only friends—ss men, wise aud not simply nlirewd—who love ns, not ours? Loud us bests the dram, no re cruits will follow tho drummer. One who sees now no plainly the contrary of what he saw so recently, does not com mend himself to us us a guide to be trusted. There are those who thiuk Mr. Hill aims to build up a third party, composed of negroee, supplemented on this block foundation by a sufficient number of old line Whigs, Americans, railroad men, office holders, Ac., Ac., to control the State. Does he so read the old Whig anil American partiee? Does ho fancy them to be mere riff-raff, subject to his bidding? Many of them rank among tho noblest patriots of the land. What it is, is uncertain, bat nobody doubts he is after something. His logic leads him to the Republicans. What need of a third party does his speech re veal? There is s suitable one already ex tant and in power, nnd so bo does best to make up to Mr. Grunt. Uneasy in his prosent quarters, he is on u courting expodition. Ho keeps wooing nnd coc- ingaround in all directions. Even “black Dinah” is not omitted as he congees around seeing that his fair friend of the African persuasion may have beaux or husbands, blessed (under tho blessed new regime) with votes. Tho gay Lotha rio is growing impatient and ciuiuot wait. Ho cannot keep down much longer, or, to change tho figure, Mr. Hill's anxiety to serve the public is growing oppressive, and ho mokes open proclamation : “Be hold, it is tho eleventh hour, and no man hath hired me.” Tho new civilization 1 Have wo not truly taken a grand start in it 7 Witness the administration of the Government, Federal and Htute, and compare them with the past, from Washington and Jefferson, Madison aud Monroe, descend to Abraham, the railsplitter, and for lower, to Grant, tho tanner and jockey. By a close day of thought, descend if you can. The decient required a decode of notion. The range is wide, nnd thought grows weary. Remember in Georgia the days of Nisbet, Bartow and tho Cobbs, now buried. Of Herschel V. Johnson and Jenkins in the Executive chuir. Remember the convention of 1861 witli the Stephens and Toombs, the Cobbs, Nisbet, Johnson, and the host of great men from one little State, who would have been illustrious in any coun try in any age. Como theu to the mon grel body, white, black and mulatto (a few names get iu os it were by chance,) who formed oar last Conslition of 1868, and join Mr. Hill, if you can, in shouting pinans to tho new civilization 1 We must be excused. Take any point of the management ot tbo past aud compuro it with tho present. Take finance. Take judicial dignity and honor. Take the lone of tho people and tho Government With ono accord, as when old time is compared with new and crude, we con sent "Tho old is lietter." His pathway of progress would elevate Georgia into a Jamaica, and South Carolina into Hayti. And this is the ultimate test Judge the two eivilizatious by their fruito. What fruito so noble as noble men 1 In old times, influeuoes like oars developed au Abraham. In our own country, in modem times, the two noblest names of modern history—Washington and Lee— we aro asked for fruits. Oar mechanical structures arc less. Onr fruits in men, and in oil that constitutes human great ness (other than its mere drapery and outfit) suporior. Mr. Bill asks for our Wcbstera? We present him (suddenly estranged and forgetful) with Calhouu and Ciay, and with the holding intellects which havo controlled the oountry—two for ono—from a section whose popula tion is as one to two. Our Storey 7 Tlie Constitution established by onr states men, this compiler oould not compre hend. Marshall expounded it Mr. Hill's mind seems much occupied with dress—clothes, lists and tho like. This all appropriate—his love of tho out side. A Northern oorreepondent says he met at tho Virginia Springs “tho worst dressed, bnt beet mannered men in America.” Let Mr. Hill judge not by the outward appearance. Look not only on tlio houses, but on tho inhabitants. Not on tho raiment, but the men who wear it. Often a professional gamester is the boat droased man in a oompany ; and to the finest type of a gentleman after the etylo of tho new civilization. We will none of him. But the most sacrilegious of Mr. Hill's assaults was tho woman of the South.— They are too far bevund tho poach of his calumny to noea a uefenso. And if they needed it, they would find a defender is every true-hearted man. U uver there was, in any oountry, a peculiar develop ment of all that ia admirable and lovely in womanhood, it was here. If purity, modesty, tendaraess, sympathy, ware aver combined with practical traits, with piety, charity, industry, attention to the tick and the poor, thougbtfuhiem for the wants of many, it was in our Southern women. When ho brought ont his comparison, to their detriment, with “black Dinah," why did not his tooguo cleave to the roof of his month 7 Bat wo must have done with three out rages on oar judgment and onr foellngo. With some comments on Mr. Hill's letter we will close: The letter is very characteristic—brim ful of /ahe imprmtione. What Ml unfor tunate man he is, forever begging for de- toy- Thu master of the art of expression, how happens it that he makes such erro neous impressions on the public mind by his actions, letters and speeches ? He keeps himself ever suspended be fore a puzzled world, buzzing about its ptihwaj. Each speech or letter is hot a pretext for another. Explanation must follow cxplmidliou; apology, apology, un til jthe public jud^mieut is a-weary.— Why docs not Mr. Hill think more in proportion to the amount of talking he does ? Ho would relieve himself aud the public by following the example of Mr. Webster, who took no steps backward, simply bocause Lo looks! before taking steps forward. Tbo sugar-coated bait he presented to the public seemed to nauseate it. 80 ho ruu*t roll it iu sugar ug*iQ—in a letter- and then publish it in a modified form, purged au 1 diluted, better adjusted to the stoma jh of tho people. Whst a delicato sense of tho proprie ties he has. He who had just been guilty of the outrages we havo been detailing ou tba kuowu sentiments aud.convictions of his audfcuue—this man sesu great iu- delicary in criticism on his sentinn nts, uuiess tho public would wait some weeks to digest his ppisou without taking au antidote. H«>w knows the public it is to be published? If the criticisms were by persons present at tho npi e U, they heard for themselves. One commentator iu his letter remarks, “If he cannot say on ■ thing to-day, and publish an entirely dif ferent thing to-morrow, he ia not the man we lake him to bi If he cannot pah- listi a speech which win eontradiet the synopsis nlrcnJy given, and the Very sense of hearing of his audience, be is wanting in tho very talent for which we give him most credit This is plain talk, but plainness of speech is sometimes neces sary. After lua hsre-faeed trifling with tho long-suffering of the public, how del icately sensitive Ee is to what is due to himself.” But whenoe tho false impressions nwl version$ ol his speech, of which he so much complains? Scattered far and wide by whom 7 _ By the very alumni rf whose unanimity in appreciation of it Mr. Hill informs us. That little conventional hnmbug called “the unanimous voice of the Atntpni" was a feeble “aye” from a few voices. To vote “no” was in the hearts of many, bnt they were more con siderate of Mr. Hill's feelings than he had boen of theirs. That is the sort of information one always gets from Mr. Hill. How foreign the impression from the facts. Again, it was a “literary ad dress,” “does not allude to politics’’—a bottle of oarrorive sublimate, labeled rose water—* Radical talk, labeled “a literary address”—the huge black oat of Abolition in a tab, softly labeled “noth- ingbuhneal," “be not afraid.” How marvelously the gentlemtfu over rates his importance and status. Mr. Hill has over-drawn on the oonfidenoe ol the public, and is now bankrupt in that arti cle. If he had understood it aright, the flection in Deoember was notice to that effect—confidence out. Mr. Hill line succeeded in ac qniring tho reputation of a sort of political bigamist, playing at fast and loose with his con sorts. There is no foundation in his po litical history fur the oonfidenoe of tho country. It lias established for him no character for wisdom, stability or sin- cerity. We have scaroely tonchod tho record that convicts him of tho contrary, HU first proceeding is to lay the ux to to the root of that reverence for all that is noble aud good, which alone can bear wbolsesome fruit All his protestations of purity of purpose and self-sacrific ing devotion to the interests ot the coun try make no impression. In the pub lic estimate he U classed with the men ho well described by Judge Longstreet, who are endowed with the daugerous and fa- tu) gift of “an oily tongue unrestrained by sincerity qf heart" It bus boon no pleasant task to review thuse oroukud ways. But it is the duty of every good man und true to endeavor to stop the current of corruption, and re store to our country, sorely beset without and within, good government aud hones ty in high places. Sknu.m i —Chronicle and Sentinel, Augusta, tin., Aug. 24. 1871. From tbo New York World. “ T lie Lost Cause”—An Astound ing Programme, Though Per fectly Absurd. We publish to-d»y, with the “strictly confidential” circular introducing the document, a very remarkable pamphlet, entitled, “Conceesion, or How the Lost Causo May 1* Regained, and tho Inde pendence of tho Houth Secured—Being an Address to my Fellow Countrymen, by a Concestionist, Ae. Published by tho Southern Association.” The “strictly confidential” circular letter is dated “Rooms of the Son thorn Association, New York, August, 1871,” thongh it ap pears to be issued for tbo “Southern A»- sociation, Washington.” And this is all that we know aliout it, thongh looking at tho indignant repudiation of the “new departure' bv Jeff Davis, Alexander H. Stephens and numerous other lending Southern fire-eaters, we may say to this extraordinary political paper, as Hamlet said to his Governor's ghost— Thoa ooni'it la aacta • qu*tetioa*SM .tape, I'll .peak to thee. The dooument before ns is divided into three parts. Part First is a compact, doublo-distillod Southern argument, in tended to show that "we, the people of the South, ore s nation, different and distinct from the people of the North,' end that ‘no effort to bind us together by force can suooeed,” and that at best “such a union can only be temporary.” Part Second enters upon the main question, "how tho Lost Cause may be regained," and says that to this end “the first step is to turn back forever upon the venal, hypocritical, false-hearted Yankee, ‘new departure' democracy of the North," beoause, intent only upon the spoils of office, “they have ever deluded and deceived us.” Next, “concentrate all yonr attention and ene> gins upon your own domestic political affairs,” and then, men of the South, having eleared the track, yon have only to do threo things to secure your inde pendence, viz:— Firat—Skcare thk complete control, through tlie htitojttok’ of la. local government of every South- Socond—When thie la dona call a cosvanlion ol Uia State, rod alact a President for your Southern Confederacy. Third—.Appoint a Oemmtaalon to Washington to demand yonr tndepandeuoe, rod Irani for a peacea ble separation. It is oontended that this plan of opera tlons, being “according to law," oaunot bo interfered with, sna that the demand suggested, if firmly made this |time, will suooeed. Ws or* next told that "North Carolina has oommenoed the good work" in tho impeachment of the Radical Gov ernor, Ac. Port Third of this "con- oessionist ” document is “addressed to the People of the North” in favor of tlie separation of the two sections, where! *y “the independence of the South end the peace, prosperity and liberty of the North ore inseparably linked together.” In other words, the two sections cannot be united till they are divided, and they must be separated in order to livo har moniously together. Whenoe comoth this extraordinary rev olutionary document 7 Yon may call it madness; “but there ia method in it.” It is oonceasioniat, and yet itia secession"' It preaches concession in order to gain secession, and, sticking s pin here, we thjuk there is something in it We are informed, in the circular letter aforesaid that this Southern programme of indeis*!" lienee “was prepared by one of the most distinguished of Georgia's statesmen, y This means, we suspect, that Mr. A. ti_ Stephens is the assn, and upony’~. 7 sumption we can sevy—J-. , liohment of 0- fieathem rights |>» (rmuinued em pesgt thretl