Newspaper Page Text
6.
THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN,
THE DAILY SUN.
Fbiday Morning August A
Tit© Atlanta New Era—The
Montgomery Advertiser—The
%New Departure.
We lay before our readers the fol
lowing article from our Radical neigh
bor, the New Era. It is a commen
tary upon, and an answer to the po
sition assumed by the Montgomery
Advertiser in its advocacy and de
fense of the “New Departure.” The
article is short, but it covers the
whole ground, and seems to us to ut
terly demolish the position of the Ad
vertiser, in assuming, as a Democrat
ic organ, to defend the “NewDepart
ure.”
The time is rapidly approaching
when, not only the “ Sentinels upon
the Watchtower,” but every man in
the country, whether connected with
the press or not, must choose under
which banner he will enter the great
struggle of 1872, Will the editor of
the Advertiser enter under the ban
ner of sanctioning open and palpable
usurpations of popular rights, or the
banner of those who condemn these
outrages? There are but two sides
to this question, and every man must
take position on one or the other.
The New Era professes to
be perfectly satisfied with the
position taken by the Advertiser.
This, of course, is not surprising
to any one, who looks to principles,
as the proper basis of party action
and association.
It is a little cool, however, for the
New Era, to speak of those as “im-
praclicables’ > and “revolutionists’
who calmly but earnestly appeal to
the people through the ballot-box, to
arrest the. consummation of what is
admitted by it, we believe, as well as
by the Advertiser, to have been pro
jected entirely outside of the Consti
tution, or at least, what no one with
any regard for truth, will deny was,
not only in its inception, but through
out, utterly revolutionary in its char
acter, aims and objects!
This is certainly a coolness- border
ing upon impudence, when addressed
to an intelligent, as well as a free
people—those who know their rights
and, knowing them, dare, “peaceably
at least,” to maintain them.
A. H. S.
Prom Uio Atlanta Now Era, August 2.
\VUat It Is.
The Montgomery Advertisin', defending
its position on the “New Departure”
platform, asks—
What then is this Now Departure about which so
much faleo and flatulent rhotoric has been expended?
Wo affirm that its whole meaning is thiB, that the
Democratic party makes a public and formal decla-
raUon that it does not intend to maintain before the
pcoplo that the XTVth and XVth Amendments to the
Constitusion are “revolutionary, null and void/’ but
that the Democratic party rogards and will treat
theso Amendments as valid parts of the Constitution.
This Is the beginning and cud of the New Departure!
And this is the embodiment of the
“ beginning, the end, and the middle” of
all that Southern Republicans can ask,
or have ever asked. Southern men who
have acted with, and been of the Repub
lican party, have never gone beyond this.
It embodies the essence of their “ De
parture ” in 1867, nnd it is just where
they stand to-day. The only difference
between them and those who now “ac
cept the situation,” is one as to time only.
The principle is precisely the same, and
the difference in party name amounts to
nothing. They can, and doubtless will,
act together henceforth, as against the
impractieables and revolutionists of both
factions. It is the only truly conserva
tive ground. It avoids the extremes on
either band, and in this responds to the
common sense of the American people
everywhere, independent of mere party
names.
IMPORTANT CORRESPOND-
* ENCE.
Our ‘Commissioner’ on tlie wing
—Collecting Northern Senti
ments a la mode the Journal
of Commerce — Through the
North—Summer Resorts—Spicy
Items "by the Wayside—Long
Branch—Gen. Grant—An “In
terview”—'The JLate Governor
of Idaho.
as witnesses, among them Tom. Harde
man, Judge Wright, Christy, Ranse
Wright and others. In my opinion the
Radical portion of that Committee did
not derive a vast deal of comfort from
tlie evidence of those gentlemen.
From Washington to Baltimore, Phila
delphia and New York, the ride is de
lightful and quickly over. Baltimore
looks gay, Philadelphia staid, and New
York effervescent—pushing, steaming
and restless. The Grand Central is the
rendezvous of Southern people mostly,
but you meet them everywhere in the
city. Of my rambles throughout Goth
am, and of a charming day I spent at
Central Park with a gifted lady of your
city, I have not time to speak, nor would
your readers be edified thereby. I may
say, however, that I met with an old ar
my officer, and one who did good service
in our army, who told me something of
Grant—was with him in Mexico, and
knew him intimately. Says Grant was a
good sort of fellow, and very companion
able—gave no sort of evidence of ability
at that time, but bad great firmness
of character as a young man
was fond of a cocktail, a good cigar, and
would go it “heavy” sometimes on the
Mexican game called monte, as well as
American faro, of which some Georgians
know something. Lieut. Grant’s star
was not in the ascendant in those days,
and he had a rough time of it, until final
ly, after the close of that war, and the ar
my returned home, he was stationed in
Oregon, where his career as an officer en
ded in drunkenness 1 From that period
my informant could not trace him be
yond the rumors of his tannery experi
ments, his wood-hauling exploits, &c.—
He next appeared on the stage about
Cairo, during the late war. And here
ril drop Gen. Grant for the present.
I grew weary of New York in one
week, and then what, was the question ?
Not up into Massachusetts among Ben.
Butler’s spindles, or the cobblers of
Henry "WilsoD, nor over into Jersey,
where cider is the chief product, forme;
and I scratched my head in a complete
state of non-plussedness. Where should
a Southern man, tired of New York, af
ter transacting his business, and having
a few dollars and a week’s leisure left, go?
A friend said to Long Branch.
And to Long Branch I came. I’m here
now.
A good hotel, a fine beach, and mag
nificent drives, much fashion, a great
deal of shoddy, parvenue, and fancy
people, are at this same Long Branch,
among which must not be forgotten the
portable government. Gen. Grant is here,
and some of the other officials, not
to mention that frightful swarm of gad
fly politicians ever to be found where roy
alty treads. At Washington, when there
is an office to be had, or a political job to
“do up,” the attacking party ordinarily
makes an assault directly in the front,
but here it is a series of flank movments
and raids in the rear—a “social’’is gotten
np, in which some pretty woman is. as
signed a role, or a yacht ride, a horseback
gallop, or something of the kind. The
President is a vast beleagured fortress
all the while, in which his relations make
inore breaches than any body else!
Well! and now I am coming to
the point. You will give me cred
it for the accomplishment of that
which few have had the hardihood to un
dertake. I have “interviewed” the Pres
ident in a most extraordinary manner, as
you will see, and have madewhim talk—
and it was not all horse-talk either, as
you will see—though the subject of asses
did come up incidentally. I, a quiet,
unobtrusive citizen of Georgia, have out-
Bohemianed anything you ever saw or
heard of, completely eclipsing those per
sistent ebaps of the London and New York
press who, within the past year or two,
went in vigorous quest of Bob. Toombs,
Ben. Hill, Stephens and others. Well,
how did this come about ? you ask. I
will tell you:
I saw General Grant repeatedly on the
drives, and became possessed of a desire
to “speak with him.” Now, Bir, since
boyhood’s bright and happy days
I have had singular good luck
in the achievement of ends both difficult
Long Branch, July 26, 1871.
When I promised to send you a letter
occasionally, as we puffed a cigar on that
pleasant evening in the vestibule of the
*‘Kimball,” I did not comprehend at the
time the rashness of that promise. You
people of the professional quill do these
things easily, but it is out of my line.—
But here’s at you.
In one of the Kimball sleeping cars,
where I ensconsed myself at Atlanta,
the trip to Bristol is quickly made;
thence to Washington by the same pro
cess, is equally a small affair, for in ftw
progressive age we rush frantically
through the country (and through life)
at break-neck speed, whir-r-ing and buz
zing along as if it were absolutely neces
sary for us to get somewhere in just about
twenty minutes. Well, a day in Wash
ington suffices to illustrate the intensely
uninteresting condition of the place now.
With the portable government at Long
Branch, there was not an object worthy
of interest save the Ku-Klux Committee,
and I had no desire whatever to see tbia
high imperial Commission. Took by
the hand a few Georgians who were there
and delicate. I suppose almost any
one might be introduced to, and speak a
few commonplace words with, Gen.
Grant, by taking the proper course; but
the idea with me was to “draw him out,
dig all around him, and find out some
thing. Few men now alive have ever
done that, and the reasons are good
enough, for in the first place the Presi
dent of these United States don’t know
more than a President ought to know;
and secondly (and here is the secret of
his reticence) he knows just enough to
know how to keep people from knowing
what he don’t know! But I “went for”
him; and you, and your readers shall
have the result of that expedition
just as it occurred. Fortunately
had met here among the gayest
of the pleasure-seekers, an army officer
not long ago on duly in Georgia, a gen
tleman of culture, with whom I had fre
quently been thrown in association, busi
ness and otherwise. He kindly proffered
to present me to the President, and the
time was fixed for 10 o’clock, to-day.
was so elated with the prospect before
me, and thinking of what topicsl should
introduce when the presentation should
occur, I locked my door, stretched my
self upon a sofa, and fell into a train of
deep meditation, which became scarcely
distinguishable from sleep. In this con
dition I had a “dream which was not all
a dream.”
The hour for the presentation seemed
to have arrived; my friend, the Colonel,
had called according to appointment,
and we both made our departure to the
President’s quarters. We found General
Grant in his private office. His seeming
leisure indicated that the morning’s busi
ness had been transacted. Visitors, oth
er than ourselves, there were none.
General, good morning,” said my
friend. “Permit me to introduce Mr.
, of Georgia, a very unrepentant reb
el, but to whose acquaintance and kind
offices many old officers in Georgia recur
with pleasure.”
“Happy to meet yon, Mr. ; take
seats,gentlemen. The morning is pleasant,
and I am more free of official demands
to-day than I have been for a month.
Colonel, when do you return to your com
mand ? I wish to send a personal mes
sage to Gen. , through you on your
return.”
To which my army friend replied, when
Gen. Grant turned to me:
“Well, sir, a little warm in Georgia
just now, I guess, and you are here to
snuff the sea breeze.”
“Yes, General, and to meet old ac 1
quaintances and make new friends,
have always believed, sir, that if
those who were arrayed against each
other in the late war could meet
oftener, and know each other better,
sectional animosities would disappear al
together in a brief while. When I first
met, in Georgia, the Colonel here, I was
in no frame of mind to approach him in
a friendly spirit, even upon matters of
business ; but you see we are quite good
friends now, and were so long before he
left my State; and I must confess, Gen
eral, that we all felt, much more kindly
towards you after reading your report on
the State of affairs in the South soon af
ter the war closed than we did before.”
Here the President gave a puff of his
cigar, and assumed the meditative air for
a moment, then answered : “But your
people have assumed an unfriendly post
tion, both to the Administration and to
myself.. You gave a majority of 50,000
at the last election, in opposition to Re
publicanism, though, in other particulars,
Georgia stands deservedly high as one of
the reconstructed States, and it gives me
pleasure to meet her citizens.”
“Thank you, General, for the compli
ment. The 50,000 against Republican
ism to which you allude may admit of
some explanation. It was not against
you personally that it was given, and per
mit me to say that the party to which you
belong is, in many respects, one thing in
the North and quite another thing in the
South. I will not call in question the
honest intentions of a portion of the Re
publican party in the North, but among
them in the South honesty and real love
of country is rarely to be met with. Very
few of your party at the North under
stand us, while those of the South who
are acting with your party understand us
very well, but for purposes of plunder it
suits them to misrepresent us. Sir,
and I disclaim any disrespect to you, but
it is a melancholy fact that the leaders
of the Republican party in the South are
mostly composed of the bummers of your
army, who have nought but their own
mercenary ends to subserve; andsuch has
been their deportment that the honest,
well meaning masses of Georgia look
upon the Republican party with very
great disfavor. And, General, allow me
to say that the charges of disloyalty which
these men are continually ringing in your
ears, so far as they have foundation at
all, rests solely upon the protests of the
Southern people, not against the Gen
eral Government, but against the vile
horde of bummers who are so fearfully
misruling them.”
“Ah,” said Gen. Grant, and here taking
a fresh cigar, and offering one to each of
his visitors. It was plain that he had
brought me out upon an unpleasant sub
ject.
“My friend there,” pointing to the
Colonel who had introduced me, “can
bear withess, General, to the fact that
the people of Georgia have no desire to
oppose the Government of the United
States; and he can, though a member of
the Republican party, farther bear wit
ness to the general bad character of the
men who have been conducting the
affairs of the Republican party in that
State. Sir, do not understand me as
holding you entirely responsible for their
elevation to office, for you, like the mass
es of the Northern people, do not know
them, and even if you did, you alone
should not be held entirely responsible
for their actions. They are camp-fol
lowers, and for purposes of gain, have
foisted themselves upon your party.”
“Yes, I suppose there are bad men
among them.”
“But, in alluding to the unfriendliness
of our people to you, General, you will
not lose sight of the fact that it was a man
in Georgia who first nominated you for
the Presidency.”
“Ah; who was that ?”
“It was Dr. Samuel Bard, was it not,
who first suggested your name in an
Atlanta paper, and advocated your elec
tion?”
“Perhaps he did—I don’t remember,
but it does not appear to have been much
to my advantage to have first received the
nomination in Georgia, as Seymour led
me 50,000 votes.”
“Well, it does look that way, General
but you recognized the obligation,
and whether it was of service to you
or not, reciprocated the compliment by
appointing the Doctor to office.”
“How is that?”
Bard Gov-
* Why you appointed Dr.
emorof Idaho.”
“Oh, yes, I recollect;” and for the first
tiniA a smile flitted over his face.
“But the Dr. did not prove steadfast,
General; he opposes you now in his pa-
What is his paper, and
per.
“Ah! indeed,
where is it published? And where is
be?” „ .
“He calls it the True Georgian, anu it
is published in Atlanta, Ga.”
“I didn’t know, as I have not heard of
him since he was in Washington about
a year ago. I was importuned by some
gentlemen of Georgia belonging to both
parties to give him some place,
It was represented to me, if I recollect
correctly, that Dr. Bard was a sort of a
good-natnred gentleman, who meant no
harm to any man or party, and had no
principles or purposes beyond a public
provision for his private comforts. A re-
tired station for him, with good perqui
sites in some remote place, was therefore
thought to suit his own views, and was
believed to be as little distasteful to the
views of all parties in Georgia as any
disposition I could make of him. To
these representations I yielded. But two
planes were then left on my hands of a
remote nature, and I had been for some
time seeking incumbents for them. One
was an unimportant place in the Peru
vian Islands, which I gave to Col. T. Mc-
Barron Timmoney. The other was the
Territory of Idaho, which I gave to Dr.
Bard, and I did so in deference to the
wishes of numerous Georgians. X offered
the place to Captain Bryant, but he re
fused, then to Swayze, and finally to
Bowen, of South Carolina, but they all
refused. Had the latter accepted,
should have been released from the disa
greeable party necessity of pardoning
him.
Col. Timmory, some one told me, bor
rowed money in Washington and put
out for his place, and I thought Dr. Bard
had done the same, but I recollect now
that he got two months leave of absence,
and then resigned.”
“The Dr. is still with us in Georgia,
and is opposing your administration
through his paper. He has hoisted the
name of Gov. Hoffman, of New York,
for President in 1872, and is running the
“New Departure” line of Democracy.”
“Well, that’s good for us, whatever it
may be for Hoffman. The New Depart
ure platform is just what we want the
whole country to get upon, as that will
secure our principles, at all events, and
is moreover the surest way to secure our
men, also.
I am glad now that Dr. Bard did not
go to Idaho, and to learn that he is now
serving his old friends in a very impor’
taut way, by urging upon their opponents
the adoption of our own policy and meas
ures.”
Just at this moment the loud sound of
the dinner bell aroused me. I found that
the hour appointed for the actual inter
view, which was to do me so much honor,
had long since passed. My friend, the
Colonel, had called, and finding my door
locked had left, supposing I was out.—
“Sic transit gloria mundi.”
Your most trusty “Commissioner,”
B. O. Heihan.
For the Atlanta Daily Sun.
Hon. B. H. Hill on White Labor.
Keen was the shaft, but keener far to feel
She nursed the Pinion that propelled the fatal utec..”
This distinguished Georgian has
sprung a new mine in his fruitful aud
creative brain, and ventilated its
odours with its gems over a body of
cultivated gentlemen convened for
literary purposes and social joy at the
University of Georgia; and sought
through the alliances of that time-
honored Institution to give circula
tion as well as dignity to his depart
ures from the tenets of his past life.
I shall not discuss the extraordina
ry proceeding in so far as it violates
approved usage and shocks refined
taste,—although these enter largely
into the demerit of the thing when
we consider that so large a number of
the rising intellects of the. country
are to be affected by the models se
lected for them upon such an occasion.
I will concede to Mr, Hill the right
to offend and disgust the Alumni of
his Alma Mater, and the large collec
tion of the educated ladies and gentle
men of his native State; and for the
purposes of this article only enter a
protest against his right to falsify the
history of my country.
If correctly reported in the Era of
to-day, he said:
Moreover, we ignored the claims of the mechani
cal classes. We kept the mechanic in a scale be
tween ourselves and the slave, and refused to assim
ilate or associate with him. Labor was looked down
upon as ignoble,mercenary and debasing,and hence
the brave and intelligent mechanics of other sections,
when asked to share with ns his fortunes and his
labors, proudly answered, “No, sir; I am not a slave
thank yon.’’
Whatever purposes of Mr. Hill may
be answered by this statement, in his
rapid passage from the prond position
of author of “Notes on the Situation”
and the vindicator of Southern hon
or, and the motives of Southern peo
ple, to the embrace and fellowship of
those against whose detractions and
slanders he so nobly defended us,
when examined as matter of fact, the
mildest term that can be applied to it is,
that it is not true; and it is pre
suming too much in favor of the ig
norance of the great orator, to say
that he did not know it was unfoun
ded.
It must have been known to him
from the day of his youth to the end
of the late struggle, that there was
not a country on the globe where
the white citizen, mechanic and * la
borer, were so nearly assimilated to
and associated with the owners of
property, as in the Southern States;
and where there were fewer
barriers to social, intellec
tual and religious intercourse.;
that no man in the South ever be
came so rich or aristocratic that he
would not invite a mechanic or a la
boring man into his parlor, to his ta
ble, into his hed-cliamber, into his
church pews, aud send his children
to be educated at the same school.
The menial race of this country,
which in all countries have been de
nied these privileges, were negro
slaves, who were a distinct and infe
rior race, upon ’ whom God, in His
■wisdom and mercy, had indelibly
stamped the badge of inferiority.
. All that Mr. Hill says in favor of
labor—educated labox*—is fully ap
proved; not only that it is best for
our race morally, physically and in
tellectually, and for the progress of
our country, but that our situation
makes it a necessity. But we should
not allow a glaring misrepresentation
of the past progress and development,
and their causes, to go uncorrected.
It is true, in fact, that tlie property
holders of the-South were not the
laboring class, for the simple reason
that a large part of their property
was. labor, which served to relieve
them from the necessity of actual
toil. The system, Mr. Hill now
thanks God is abolished, was so pros
perous, brought so much ease aud
leisure, so much domestic peace and
comfort, so much time for intellectual
and moral culture, that we were not
only farther removed from the hard
ships and burthens of life, but had
reached a higher degree of cultiva
tion, refinement, moral elevation, and
intellectual power, in the aggregate,
than any people on earth.
Mr. Hill seems to measure the pros
perity of the Southern people and
their happiness m the past by the
rule of immigration and the intro
duction of foreigners and new breeds,
augmenting the masses of the inhabi
tants of a given area of country. By
this rule every part of the united
States has been more prosperous and
happy than the people of the South.
But this is uot the true rule when
applied to a historic period, aud to a
people.
Take the ancestors of the North
and South, aud-aggregate their in
crease, their wealth and their intelli
gence and comfort, and it will be
found that ours have more actual de
scendants, who have lived better, had
more comforts, and enjoyed more of
the blessings life, aud have in the main
attained a higher moral and intellectu
al standard. The negro slaves of the
South increased more than the native
Yankees, and enjoyed better food, shel
ter and raiment than the laboring clas
ses among them. Under the system de
fended by Mr. Hill until now, the
people of the South were in great part
exempt from labor, and by the use of
labor which they owned as capital,
they produced the exportable wealth
of the United States. Georgian.
Atlanta, August 2.
VIRGINIA.
The Great Jlg-riculturisls .Imoner the F.
F.
Alexandria, August 2.—Hon. Horace
Greeley, who was here on a visit, deliver
ed an address at the Methodist Episcopal
Church this evening. The notice being
short, there was not a large, though high
ly intelligent audience, composed princi
pally of Southern men. Mr. Greeley
thought it desirable to have a respite of
politics this year, in anticipation of the
grave issues that would have .to be met
next year. Reconstruction had been
thought slow, but it had been fast enough.
Had all been agreed, six years under
military rule would have been better, be
cause of the imposition of light taxes.—
There would have been no parties, no
fury, and no creation of debt. Southern
SUN-STROKES.
B@^,Tlie Courier-Journal of the 1st pro
poses to “depart” on a narrow gauge
railroad.
Kentucky * will hold an election
next Monday for the purpose of continu
ing Governor Preston H. Leslie in office
Salt Lake wants a public park in
which to show off its numerous and in-
teresting wives.
►-•-<
BQL. Col. Tyler M. Peeples has pur.
chased the Gwinnett Atlas, and will ffi
future be its editor and publisher.-—
Boully retires.
B@r,. “Marriages between cousins are
permitted in Kentucky, and the result is
an increase in the idiot and insane popu
lation of the State.” This may account
for the Courier-Journal's lunaev.
The Courier-Journal says: “JJr.
Stephens says he has no indisposition to
answer any and all questions that may he
put to him. Then, Mr. Stephens, ‘Sup
pose you were shut up all night in a
tower with a small baby, what would yon
do?’ ” In such a situation, Mr. Stephens
could do no better than to send for the
editor of the Courier-Journal, who, judg
ing from the matronly manner in which
he handles the “New Departure,” would
make a most excellent wet-nurse.
The Louisville Courier Journal ought
now to be intensely satisfied with its
course since it has received an approving
pat on the back from that high Radical
cockalorum, Morton. In the course of
his speech at Louisville, a few days ago,
Morton said: “The Couriei'-Journal,
representing the progressive element of
the Democratic party, is leading in the
right direction, and in its war upon the
Bourbon Democracy, who refuse to read
aright the lessons of the war, we bid it
God speed.” The Courier-Journal lias a
most rapacious vanity, but it was enabled
to surfeit itself on that tit-bit.
men were not prepared to go into the
union at once from the war. The South
had recuperated faster than any other
country did before; faster than this
country did after the revolution.
Froicriptlon Should be Set JLside.
If the men who seceded were to be rep
resented, they wanted their first, not their
fifth choice. Efforts to disfranchise ne
groes ought not to be made. He warmly
favored the “new departure,” saying that
foreigners could not be disfranchised
twenty years ago, how could four millions
of blacks be now disfranchised ? The
Democracy ought to accept the Fifteenth
Amendment, and the Republicans would
then doubtles advocate the removal of
disabilities. When the questions passed
away finance would claim attendance. He
argued strongly in favor of
Faying the jyalional Debt at Fail «« Fallible
It was the only way to keep up the pub
lic credit.
, Virginians thought too much of poli
tics. They should devote their attention
to the development of their natural re
sources. They had all the resources of
Pennsylvania, and could be equal to that
State. They wanted wise and active men.
They should have faith in their State.—
Every man ought to look for a mine, for
a water-power, etc., in order to be a util
ity-
He closed with a eulogy on Henry Olay
mid the policy of the deceased statesman.
He was warmly applauded; and most of
those present were introduced to him.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
•* Conservative Triumph in Charleston.
Charleston, August 3.—The count of
the votes cast in yesterday’s election is
not iyet concluded; but the election of
Wagerier, as Mayor, and the whole citi
zen’s ticket is now conceded by their op
ponents. The majority, at the lowest
estimate, is 500 votes. There is great re
joicing among the people.
“Why, Uncle Johny,” said his
friend, “can you afford to eat shad at
twenty-five cents a pound ?” “Mine
Got,” said Uncle Johnny, triumph
antly, “I can put him in mine ice
che3t and keep him till he gets cheap
er.”
• Fairness, in controversy, is a vir
tue that is as important as truth. A ri
valry that has to resort to unfairness to
substantiate its claims, is no rivalry at
all, but miserable envy tbat does no cred
it unto him, or them who use it. Ever
since Atlanta has been the Capitol of
Georgia, a bitter hatred toward her has
been encouraged among, the people in
the lower part of the State; and there
has been nothing too mean for them to
say about the city, and the people of At
lanta. True, all this cannot injure the
city at all; yet it evinces a malevolent
disposition that ought not to exist be
tween any two sections of the State.—
The last number of the Federal Union,
a paper published at Milledgoville, con
tains an article which illustrates this
point. The following is an extract from
the article in question:
Not long ago The Atlanta Sun, in.
reply to some remarks of a Marietta paper,
against Atlanta, asks why their are so
many editorial flings from papers all over
the State against. Atlanta. The Early
County News answers that question, and
gives many good substantial reasons why
there should be flings against Atlanta
from all over the State. We have copied
the article from the News in another
place, and, in addition, we will give a
few more reasons for these editorialflings
against Atlanta. To induce the Conven
tion. to move the Capitol to Atlanta, the
people of that burg promised that the
State should not be called upon to pay
one cent for public buildings for ten
years—that they, the people of Atlanta,
would’furnish all the necessary public
buildings for that time free of every
charge to the State, and after that the
people of Atlanta, by tbeir promises,
induced the Convention to comply with
their wishes, they utterly refused to com
ply with their part of the contract, and
have been demanding and getting various
amounts of money for public buildings
ever since, and, having broken their part
of the contract, the whole contract with
the Convention is rendered null and void.
Nothing could be farther from the
truth than the assertien that Atlanta has
violated any contract she made in order
to induce the passage of an ordinance
removing the capitol from this place.
True, she is not now paying rent for the
use of buildings for the State, but she
paid one hundred and teirly-five thousand
dollars of the purchase money for the
present State house, in lieu of rent, and
also paid ten thousand dollars for the fur
niture in the Executive Mansion. This
does not look much like violating a con
tract and it is hoped the Union will he
just enough to make the correction. The
article in the Early County News, to
wliich the Union refers, closes with the
following paragraph, which contains all
the point there is in the whole article:
At Atlanta, too, do congregate, to get
their share of spoils, all manner of vil
lains.
This assertion is correct to a very lhU'
ited extent, as a few of the people of
Atlanta, remember to have seen the edi
tor of the News here some time ago.
NORTH CAROLINA-
The Flection in JVorth Carolina.
Wilmington, August 3.— The election
passed off quietly. The 2d ward of this
city returns a Conservative gain of 75.
At Magnolia, Duplin county, the Con
servatives gain 17. The whole vote oj
the city shows a majority of 973 against
the Conservatives, which shows a Con*
servative gain of 21 since the last elec
tion.
18SL. “Through tickets to go round the
world” are advertised in London. 1*
they are through tickets why are they to
go round?
Savannah buried 24 of her citizens
last week, of whom 6 were white.