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. ' ,V - ■ BY S. B. ‘CRAFTON. THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN IS PUBLISHED E VER Y TUESDA Y MORNING, TERMS: |j|' If paid‘strictly in advance, per year, $150 If not paid at the time of subscribing, $2 00 These teems will-be strictly abHered TO, WITHOUT RESPECT TO PERSONS, AND ALL SUBSCRIPTIONS WILL BE REQUIRED TO BE SET TLED UP EVERT TEAR. Advertisements not exceeding twel /e lines, will be inserted at'one dollar for: the first in sertion, and fifty cents for each continuance. Advertisements not having the number of in. sertions specified, will be published until for. bid. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, law to be advertised in a public gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. The sale of Personal Property must be ad vertised in like manner at least ten days. Notice to. Debtors and Creditors of an es tate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of ordinary for leave to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekLy for two months. Citations for letters of administration, must be published thirty days—for dismission from Administration, monthly for six months—< for dis mission from Guardianship, forty days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months^—for estab lishing- lost papers, for the full space of three months-^for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond hiisbcen giv en by the deceased, the full space cf 3 months. Publications will always be continued ac cording to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. All letters on business must be post-paid fiOLITICAL. ADDRESS To the Whigs of the United States The undersigned, members of the thirty- second Congress of the United States, ad dress you under an imperious sense ofdu ty. Events have occurred at this Capitol within the last twenty days which are worthy ofyour serious and immediate con sideration. They are likely to affect the future unity of the Whig party, as they have already disturbed the harmony of its members. We desire to state them accu rately, that you may estimate their tenden cy and force correctly. A plain narrative of facts, in proper connection, will accom plish this purpose and will serve, at the same time, to impart a correct conception of our own motives and,conduct. In the early part of this month, at a meet ing of Senators, it was determined to invite a consultation between the Whigs of the Senate and House of Representatives. Who initiated this momement, or for what purpose is known from the following no tice, which was published in the newspaper of this city on the 7th day of April, 1852, by direction of J Ion. Willie P. Mangum, of .North Carolina: “The Whig Members of Congress are re quested to meet at the Seriate Chamber on Friday evening next, the 8th instant, at seven o’clock, to consider of matters ofim portance to the Whig party. “Wednesday, April 7th 1852.” At the time and place suggested by the notice, some sixty-eight members of the two Houses assembled. Mr. Mangum was called to the chair, and Messrs. Chandler and Dockery were appointed secretaries. Before any distinct proposition was submit ted to the consideration .of the meeting, af- ter the statement from the Chair, a .motion was made to adjourn to a subsequent day, that a more numerous attendance of the Whig members of Congress might be ob tained. Remarks were made by several gentlemen indicative of a desire to limit the attention of the meeting to the single ob ject of determining the time and place for a National Convention to select .Whig can didates for the Presidency and the Vice Presidency. And it was urged that the most important results might flow from the determination of the time and place for the convention, as each point was calculated to affect the nomination. It was then sugges ted (by Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky) that it was deemed immaterial the. meeting should pass upon another proposition before pro ceeding to determine time and place for tho National Convention—a proposition which affected the persons to exercise the right of determining the time and place for holding the convention. He observed that at the the commencement of this session of 'Congress, certain gentlemen had retired from a meeting of Whig Representatives because that meeting refused to lav on the table a resolution endorsing the position of the present Administration upon the series of measures known as “the Compromise measures”—that some of; the same persons had, during the session, publicly as sailed the said resolution as an untrue ex pression qf Whig sentiment in regard to those measures—-and that these persons were present now, to assist in determining the time aud placedbr the Whig National ConyeBtion. Considering the position of the Administration on this class of .ques tions,] the condition of. political parties, and the fact that, by some, the resolution re ferred to was deemed cardinal as a princi- Tfe, it was “any to be the pro- Si tion which the Whigs in Congee* hold^n before proceed tlfo steps preparatory for a conven- ; the Whier party. He then remarked the National Convention ; were determined he designed to submit a resolution to the the meeting embodying the principle pro claimed by the* Whig Congressional chucus of December last; and he hoped all present to participate in the proceedings, would a- gree to the same. This view was met by the argument, from one quarter, that the Whig members of Congress were only authorized to fix the time and place for the National Con Vention; and therefore any resolution to test political opinion Was beyond their pro vince to consider in the meeting. In an other quarter it was argued that the at tempt to harmonize the opinions of Whites on the Compromise measures or their ef fect, or upon the questions springing from the institution of slavery, was useless; that the proper course was “to agree to disa gree” where radical differences were known to exist, and that true policy required all to abstain from effort to engraft new prin ciples upon the long-established creed of the party, leaving every section to think and to act at will where a common plat form was inaccessible. The debate was participated in by sev eral gentlemen, and we only seek to state the points of it. The Chairman remarked tn at, before submitting the question of ad journment, he felt bound to say that should the resolution indicated by the member from Kentucky he offered at the next meet ing, the Chair would refuse to entertain it, and should decide it to be out of order. This statement the Chairman made in .ad vance, that gentleman disatisfied with the view entertained bv the Chair might pro ceed to select some one also to preside. The annunciation of a foregone determi nation by theOhairman to limit the sub jects to which attention might be directed in a meeting convened under a general no tice to consult on matters of importance to the Whig party, and this refusal, in advance to consider a political proposition whieh is, in the opinion of many, vita! to the Union and essential tB the integrity of the Whig party, at once invested the future action of this Congressional consultation with an in terest and importance that had not there tofore attached to it. The assumption of the Chair was met by instant remonstrance. The right to present the resolution was pressed now as a point of principle, and notice was given, that at the next meeting it would be insisted upon. On this issue' the meeting was adjourned to the 20th day of April. At the appointed hour,, on the evening of the 20th of April, the Hon. W. P. Man gum called the meeting to order. So soon as the Journal was read, Hon. Edward Stanly, of North Carolina, offered the fol lowing resolution: Resolved, That it be recommended to hold the Whig National Convention in the city of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, on Wednesday, the 16th day of June next, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice President of the United States.” Mr. Marshal, of Kentucky, immediately presented the resolution of which-notice had been given at the former Meeting, and asked that it might be adopted as a substi tute for the proposition of the gentleman from North Caroliua. It is in these words: ; Whereas, the determination of the time and place for holding a national Whig Con vention has been referred to the Whigs of Congress, the Whig members of the Sen ate and House of Representatives have as sembled in Convention with the explicit un derstanding that they “regard the series of acts known as the Adjustment measures as forming in their mutual dependence and connection a system of compromise the most conciliatory and the best for the en tire country that cculd be obtained from conflicting sectional interests and opinions ; and that, therefore, they ought to be ad hered to and carried into faithful execution as a final settlement, in principle and sub stance, of the dangerous and exciting sub jects which they embrace,” and do unite on this basis as well as upon the long es tablished principles of the Whig party, do hereby recommend the day of and the city of as the time and place for holding the National Whig Convention for the choice of Whig candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency respect- Mr. Stanly objected to the introduction of the substitute, because it was out of or der. The Chairman sustained the objec tion. Mr. Marshall appealed from the de cision of the Chair. Mr. Stanly moved that the appeal do lie on the table. An inform al debate ensued, which was cut off by a decision of the Chair, that all discussions was out of order unless strictly confined to the question of order. The vote was then taken by ayes and noes on the question, “Shall the appeal from the decision of the table ?” and it was decided in the affirma tive—ayes 46, noes 21. The following will exhibit the names of the gentlemen who voted, and their respective localities: AYES. Maine—Goodenow and Washburn. Vermont—Hebord-andMeacham. Massachusetts—John Davis; Fowler; Goodrich and Scudder. Connecticut—T. Smith and* Chapman. Rhode Island—Clarke and r G. G. King. New York—Fish; Bdwne; Briggs; Has- call; Horsford; Sackett; Schoolcraft: Wal- bridge and Wells. New Jersey 1 —Miller. Pennsylvania—Allison; Chandler ; T. 0. Wr-Howe; EuhnaiandMoore; arei Ohio- Wade; Barrerej L. D. Camp bell ; Hunter; B. Stanton and Taylor. Indiana—Parker* and Brenton. Illinois—rYates. Michigan—Penniman. Kentucky —tJuder wood; Grey and Ward Missouri—Porter. Tennessee—Culloin. North Carolina—Morehead and Stanly Total 46; NOES. Massachusetts—Appleton. New York— Brooks; Haws; Haven, So- hermerhprn and M HI tin. Pennsylvania—Cooper. Virginia—Strother. Kentucky—Ewing; Marshall and White. Tennessee*-—Gentry and Williams. North Carolina—Clingman; Dockery and Outlaw. ■ Louisiana—J. ‘Mooreiand Landry. Florida—Morton and Gabel. Mississippi—Brooke. Total 2i. When this result was announced several of the undersigned formally withdrew from the meeting. Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee, then submitted the folio wing to be added as an amendment to the resolution offered by Mr. Stanly : Resolved, That the Whig members of Congress, in thus recommending a time and place for the National Whig Conven: tion to assemble, are not to be understood as pledging themselves to support the nonir nees of said convention, except upon the condition that the persons then and there nominated as candidates for President and Vice President shall be publicly and une quivocally pledged to regard, the series of meaures known as the Compromise meas ures as a final settlement of the dangerous questions which they embraced, and to maintain that settlement inviolate.” Objection was made to the introduction of this amendment, because it was out of or- der. The Chair sustained the objection. An appeal was taken from the decision of the Chair; and after some debate, the meet ing sustained the ruling of the Chair. Thereupon the remainder of the undersign ed formally withdrew from the meeting. It is officially announced that, after our withdrawal, the resolution of Mr. Stan! was passed; and then the meeting adjourn ed. The foregoing statement exhibits the character and order of the proceedings, which compelled the undersigned to leave the meetiug of the 20th instant. By a reference to the list of persons who participated in these proceedings, it will be perceived there was a great disparity in the representation from.the free States and the slaveholding States. We are authorized to state that several gentlemen from the slaveholding States, belonging to the Whig party, declined to participate at all in a meeting of which the result was palpable under the intimations of purpose advanced by the Chairman at-the first meeting. The meeting was eomposed of forty six gentlemen from the free States and. twenty one from the elaveholding States. The vote is divided, forty-six to twenty-one— seven from each class of States voting with the opposing section. The entire meeting was a meagre ma jority of the representation classed as Whig in the Congress of the United States. The quota from the*slaveholding States remain ing in the meeting after our withdrawal was just one-fourth of the Whig representa tion from the slavehojding States. The determination of the time and place for the Whig National Convention may therefore justly be considered as made by the .Con gressional Representatives from the free States. Of the members of Congress from the free States present and acting in this meet ing a large majority were committed by legislative action, against the Compromise measures at their passage, or have refused to express an intention to maintain and ex ecute them since, their passage. Among those who took these proceedings were some of the most conspicuous opponents of the Adjustment and most active agitators of the North. Of the thirty-one Repre sentatives from the free States, who voted affirmatively on the proposition that the appeal do lie, only three had recorded their votes in favor of the passage of Hillver’s resolution at this session, expressing as the rftMfiirt " r 7 * ulSf *ppw j Dream vue reauza> tion of our wish, anq, because of the, effort* tv'a ItQtra Kaaii l .-i'v J '■ ' ion. y what parliamentary law or com-1 lejss these nominees, shall be. publiely and tain and enforce this settlement in ^oodfaith th f 1 cbair 5 nan of a meeting unequivocally pledged to regard the juries and honestly.. To this end we did desire a 8,Dgl ® .^ u ? s '| of measures known as the Compromise the declaration, to this effect to con* from tion, when no limitation .is expressed m the measures as a final settlement of the dan-' the distinguished gentlemen who assembled notice under which it assembled 1 DoesHie | gerous questions they embraced, and to in the capitol, under the hope that the ifoi'n- objection lie in the fact that the members maintain them inviolate.” What inference trv Wrml4 ;.nfkiic5oo*; rt oi{^ present were to be called upon to express can be drawn frqm the refusal to grant..this their sentiment as to the propriety of main- exemption but that determination existed foming apdenforcing theCompromise meas- j to commit all who participated in the meet- Ur wu j^Yeyouto: judge. I ing; to the support of the nominees of the ; What reason can be rendered for the de- National Convention, whetht r he shall Be s tha y her f! d “ tl0n I ^ . 0 ^ of order/ pledged to support the Compromise or not? it differed from Mr. Stably s in one partic- Some of the undersigned are bound by - ular only. In addition to the determina- -solemn public declaration, made in* 18 W v, Uom of theUme and place for holding tjhe : that we will support no man for office un- National Convention, Marshall’s resolution less he is known, unequivocally and beyond su pg e sted the Congressional caucus resolu- controversy, to be determined to maintain tioii of December, 1851, as a condition pre- support, and execute the laws known as tht cedent to the union of the Whig members Compromise measures—Fugitive Slave law of Congress in the approaching canvass. It. and all. We shall religiously redeem our ?i! d ^fAriTi, ttopre ? (5ribea P la ^' 0J, m for I word. We felt, after the defeat of Gentry the National Convention, or to dictate to amendment, that silence or acquiescence, ' e * e ff a fe 3 from tbe primary assemblies uuder the circumstances would committ us ot tne people. It avowed the determina- to an inconsistency, and justly awaken sus- tion of the friends to remain uncommitted picion of our sincerity. Regarding the vote and to abstain altogether from taking steps [on Gentr ’s amendment as the emphatic initiatory to a National Whig Convention, [declaration by the meeting either that the unless the condition was satisfactorily met. persons present remained uncommitted as It was not inconsistent with Stanly’s resolu- [to their own support of the Adjustment tion, but cumulative thereto by the imposi- measures, or that they refused to establish sition of a condition affecting only the ac- any suchj.est.of the qualification ofthe nom- ^ S ji° this Congressional meeting, and, im- inee of the National Convention, no course pliedly, relieving them from a committal remained, consistent with our conviction of to sustain .. the nominees of a convention duty and sense of self-respect, but to with which might fail to require the same condi- draw formally from the meeting and to re of its candidates. It did not dictate or seek | tain the position we designed to maintain, to dictate the programme of the National It has been charged that it is our delib Convention! but merely asserted an affirma-1 erate purpose to distract the counsels af thef live endorsement ofthe“finalitypf the Com- Whigs, and to create an unnecessary .schism pi omise, as »basis of union among the in the body of the Whig party. It has been present V\ hig members of Congress. Was charged that our object is to open afresh that improper? _Can the Whig members of the agitation upon the slavery questions, this Congress, who claim to be national in and to create sectional strife, in order to pre- their feelings, unite upon a candidate on | vent a concentration of Whig strength at ' It any other basis? Ought National Whigs I the approaching Presidential" election, anywhere, North or bouth, to agree, for a has been charged that we present insultiDg moment, to forego a point so vital to the terms to the North by requirinor thefeiter- preservation eff the peace of society’? We ation. of pledges to maintain and tp enforce did ardently desire the Whigs of Congress laws which exist on the statute took, and to adopt the proposition as a conclusion of which no member of Congress or political their own, and to publish it to the country aspirant has manifested an intention to dis- qs one of the bonds of their political associa- turb. These stateftients, feliow-whigs, are tion. It required no sacrifice of principle— unjust and untrue. If any schism shall occur no recantation of opinion—no renunciation in the Whig party, it will result from the of eiror; only a determination Consistent attempts of men whose presen t distinction is with the noblest impulses of patriotism—to alone attributable to the success with which abide for the future by a settlement design-[they have heretofore fell the flames ofsec- ed to restore peace to a distracted country, tional fanaticism, and whose future hope and to carry into execution honestly the J rests mainly updn the creation of sectional compacts of the Constitution. We frankly di visions. Our effort has been to induce the state that it was our deliberate purpose to Whigs to assume a national ground—&eon- announceat the threshold an unalterable servative and patriotic positioh--the only determination to aid in no scheme for an position upon which the statesman and the election associated with or allied to men patriot can maintain the harmony of these whose policy it was tty ignore the final set- States or preserve the existence of "this Gov- tlement of those dangerous and exciting ernment. questions which are embraced by what is So far from opening citation upon tlje termed “the Adjustment.” With the can- slavery questions, our avowed object is, and dor of freemen we presented in ibe proposi- the effect of the proposition we assert must tipn submitted to the meeting the position to be, to terminate agitation by assuming as a which we shall adhere. We rest its vindi- starting point for the canvass that the en- cation upon the fact that it wtd assumed tire party, North and South, faithfully 4- from a solemn sense of duty to ourselves bides by the law it exists, and maintains the and to our country; and we rely for a jus- Compromise measures as a final settlement- tifieation of our course in these proceedings of the exciting questions they embrace. How upon the honest impulses of the people, and is it possible that this position <$n afford a the patriotism of all who love the Union, basis_for renewed agitation, unless there is a determination hot to- abide by that settle- jiugned by political dealers athwart whose policy lies our own course and as we sol- eranly believe, tite true direction forj^e f pub lic good. What would be the effect of a refusal to endorse the ptoi tion we have ;B8» sum^d? What wilBl^ the! result 4f; ! ajfail- ure to respond to the. principle we have asserted? Neither nipre nor Iqas thhn the inglorious and deserved. defeat of the Whig candidate for the Presidency, be cause the platform of the party will be tpo narrow for the pariotism of the people* TBey will demand on£ as broad as.the inter ests of the wliede Union. Should both of the great polititical par ties fail to shape future party organization upon the enlarged and fair principle to which we invited the Whig meeting at the Capi tol on the 20th inst., there reinajps but one other resort. The pebple will demand such an organization, at the expense of existing partids, and it .will triumph over botlv; or infsied by political leaders, whose personal ambition rises above their love of country* the people will becorhe involved in a qgnVass conducted by candidates whose pafasitps ^i|l pander to dfeciional prejudices, and will seek political preferment by arousing sec tional passions. The next Congress,in that case, will be composed of men of all pa rties pledged to renew, the agithtiOn of questions which the 31st CongresH closed with . .so much difficulty. The result of such a strug gle human foresight cannot compass. YV'e 4ave believed that intelligent statesmanship, by tfmely action and patriotic effort, could avoid the trial and the catastrophe. We made an honest effort to point the, way.-r- We have now explained our motive and our conduct, and we confidently submit them for your judgment /Hie events of the Congressional meeting of 20th April are of significant import. It does not become the Undersigned to suggest your course in view of them. Our object is accomplished by inviting to them your im mediate consideration, satisfied, as we are, that they will awaken, your serious reflec tion, and guide you to such an action as may be demanded by tbe duties to the pres ent and the hopes of the future. W. BROOKE, Mississippi. JACKSON MORTON, Florida. JOHN MOORE, Louisiana; HUMPHREY MARSHLL, Kentucky. -M.P. GENTRY, Tennessee. C. H. WILLIAMS, Tennessee. E. C. CABjELL, Florida. DAVID OUTLAW, North Carolina. J. A.RITIDE LANDRY, Louisiana. JAMES F. STROTIIER, Virginia. M I 8 C E L L A N E O U 8, and wish to perpetrate its blessings! To assert the converse of our proposition “to agree to disagree” on questions con nected with the institution ot slavery, as it recognized by the constitution, on the Fu gitive Slave law and the finality of the Com promise—is to open willingly the sources of the most noxious agitation, and to reveal the means ; of assailing anew the harmony and, mayhap, the existence of the Union. Have the dissensions of the past inculcated no moral? Shall the progress and peace of the luture be marred by the renewed efforts of a fanaticism which halts at no barrier erected by mortal power, and exultingly pro claims ife obedience only to a power high er than human law? Shall the ties that link the various parts of a noble country to gether yield to the force of a demagogueism which wears the mask of liberty only to per petrate crime; or that it may, with compar ative impunity, excite passion, to re ware ul timately a desire for self-aggrandizement ? Will the Whig party, under existing circum stances, shroud honest convictions of pub lic duty in silence, that our candidate for the proudest honor of earth may have his opin- sense of the,country that the Compromise ions interpreted variously to suit the chang measures should be maintained as a final j ing prejudices or prepossessions of particular latitudes? Fellow-Whigs! such a policy will not—should not succeed. It is unwor thy of a great party whose sentiments are conservative, and whose aim is the prosper ity and happiness of the people. Its ten dency is to reduce the Whig party to a mere heterogeneous compound of discordant sec tional factions; the ballot-box to a recepta cle for votes obtained by fraud upon one or other, of the sections of the Uhi ted States; and the Presidential elections to a trial of chicanery and dissimulation among politi cal mountebanks. We do not seek to make an injurious ascription of motive to any man or association of men; but we repudiate and refuse, for our part, no# and hereafter, to lend our support to any candidate whose principles are not plainly defined, or to join in any crusade against popular rights, the honesty of politics, or the palpable interest of the country, for the purpose of achieving a temporary political triumph. But to return. What was the ingredi ent in Gentry’s amendment that induced the Chairman to rule it out of order? The only aim of the amendment was to exclude a eohclusion. It was framed dj^ctly with a view to absolve the Whig nfeiphers pi ent from an implied pledge to support nominees of the National Convention, ‘ - - ''‘S- " ' settlement of the questions they embraced and should be fairly and honestly executed. Nineteen had voted against that resolution. Nine were absent. These, united to the vote of the Senators, would have been suffi cient to overpower the whole representa tion present from the slavebolding States, had that representation been united. We will not dwell upon the considerations these facts suggest, or express the reflections which they naturally awaken. It is ap parent, however, that the. time and place have been determined, not only by a min ority of the Whig representation, but by a preponderance of that element of the repre sentation which either opposed the Ad justment or disavows the “finality” of the settlement. The undersigned now invite a review of their course as connected with the Congres- sionaj consultatioc. We shall pass over without eomment the evident predetermi nation of the Chairman to guide the meet ing to a fixed result, by confining it to the some this will be manifest to every one, from th8 determination he announced in advance to rule Mr. Marshall’s resolution out of or der, even as an origiual substantive proposi- ment? The principle we assert may be avowed as consistently by the opponents of the Compromise .measures as! by those whose exertions enacted them. When part ners have litigated questions arising.in their former dealing, and a decree has been ren dered asserting the true state of their ac count, would it be considered insulting or unfair that, in opening new books, one should demand of the other that the decree be accepted as the basis on which they re new business? Would the answer be con sidered satisfactory-—“You have your de cree—enforce it if you can; but not require an acknowledgement of its justice, by com pelling me to assert that I will abide by it J” Had two neighbor disagreed and referred their respective claims to arbitrators, does the loser forfeit dignity by acknowledging the award, and renewing business upon the basis thereof? These homely illustrations point to the view we take of the present du ties of all patriots in this Government. The original compacts of the Constitution estab lished the terms of this Confederacy, and constitute the organic law of government. After a series of years sectional disputes arose, and the Missouri compromise was made to quiet controversy relating to cer tain governmental powers and constitution al questions. It was faithfully executed by the United States, and submitted to by the people of the slaveholding States. After another se ries of years new acquisitions of territory were made—new disputes arose touching the same powers and the same questions; A new compromise was made whereby the balanced power was yielded by the slave- holdinging States, and the Teins of enapire were delivered up to the free States by the admission of California into the Union. The slave trade was suppressed in the District of Columbia, territorial governments were cres ted over the whole public domain, and an made, has the South murmured at the law suppressing the slave trade in this District? Look upon the opposite picture. Reply to ,~how * your own frearte. delita has the law for the fiigHive slaves been executed? •ely that the Whig party shall d th» last setelement-rthai it itself' .... vegfr s. psg lerls am*. “Save me from my Friends?'~ln, a recent action brought in London by Mi* Ivors against a faithless lover ndteed Blakey, for breach of promise of marriage, Mr.; Sergeant Wilkins addressed the jury" for the defend ant. He said he would not casf the slight est disparagement on either the daughter or the mother. No doubt the plaintiff was entitled to a verdict, but what had she lost? He thoughts!* had lost a,silly young man, as be must be who .could write to her. such doggerel as the following;-— “Thou charming fair Thy face and air They make me star©.’* laughter. tune of marrying a fool, and that it wps -a very good miss. Mr; Baron Alderspn; sugs- med up, and the jury found s verdict for the plaintiff—damages $225. . / . Weheard lately repeated, $av»the-fcook- ville American, the grounds of a strong affd devoted attachment. A young- and beautiful, but poor widow, Was about to marry-«m old, rich widower. Her friends Wished 40 know what she Was about to marry him for. She feelingly replied, “pure love—I loyeMtfee ground, meaning form, probably)On which le walks, and the very house in which he lives.” There is a platonic tove for yoh. There is none ofyour schob? girl foolishness in that r i’s ideas of comfort are raripus. A clelebrated. hangman in England, showing the gallows attached to Newgate, observed to the by-standers that he had hung tweuty persons on it at one time. Some one sug gested that it was too small. “Oh ho bleS3 ou,” said the hangman, “twenty-five peo- * could swing on that very comfortably.” The only money they Use in the back rt.of Oregon, consist of live i paying for a dollav; & sheep for keys twenty-five cehte and voi for a shilling each. If Smith $4 121'2;he ceivea for change one sheep, one and two pups.