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BY S. B. CRAFTOI.
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Professional and Business Cards.
I. H.TAFFOLD, Jr.
Attorney and Counseller at Law,
SANDERSVILLE, GA.
Will practice in the counties of Wash
ington, Montgomery, Tatnall Emanuel and
Jefferson of the Middle Circuit, also the
counties of Telfair and Irwin of the South
ern Circuit. Office in Sandersville.
February 22, 18G2 4 tf
B. D. EVANS,
Attorney at Law,
SANDERSVILLE, GA.
Will practice in the Counties ot the Mid
•die Circuit, and in Justice’s Courts in this
County. lie hopes by assiduity and a dil
igent attention to business, to merit a share
of the public patronage. Office in the
Court House.
Feb. 1, 1853. - 1—ty
JAMES S. HOOK,
Attorney at Law,
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA
WILL PRACTICE IN THE COUNTIES OF ^
) Washington, Burke, Scriven
Middle-circuit. ^ j e g* erson and Emanuel.
Southern Circuit. | ’ - - - - Laurens.
Ocmulgee Circuit j - - - - Wilkinson.
[Office next door to Wart-hen's store.]
office. jan. 1, 1852. 51—ly
' R. L. WARTHEN,
Attorney at Law,
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA,
feb. 17, 1853. 4—ly
Jan.
JN0. ¥, RUDISILL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
SANDERSVILLE, Ga.
25,1853 52—lv
MDLFORD MARSH,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law
Office, 175, Bay street, Savannah, Ga.
feb. 22, 1853. 4—ly
S. B. CRAFTON.
Attorney at Law.
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA,
Will also attend the Courts of Emanu
Laurens, and Jefferson, should business be em
rtusted to his care, in either of those countie.-
feb. 11. 4—tf
W. L. H0LLIF1ELD,
SURtSSOUI DENTIST.
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA
may 10, 1852. 16—tf
P. C. LYMAN,
Watch-Maker and Jeweler,
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA,
sept. 7,1852. 33—tf
DAWSON di GODFREY - ,
Commission Merchants,
93 BAY STREET
SAVANNAH, GEO.
[P. A. LAWSON. J. E. GODFREY.]
BEHN 6l FOSTER,
Factors and Commission Merchants
Savannah, Ga.
F.H. BEHN,] [JOHN FOSTER.
feb. 22,1853. 4—ly
JOHN MADDERY.
Draper and Tailor.
Dealer in Ready-Made Clothing and Gentla-
en’sfurnishing Goods. 155, Bay street,
Savannah, Ga.
feb. 22, 1853. 4—ly
SCRANTON. JOHNSON & CO
GROCERS.
Savannah, Ga.
D. T. SCRANTON, ) a ,
Joseph johnston. £ Savannah.
fc $ W. B. SCRANTON,
. , ( No. 19, Old Slip, N. Yor
feb. ,22 1853. : 4—ly
Inaugural Address
OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES, MARCH 4th, 1853-
My Countrymen :—It is a relief to feel
that no heart but my own can know the
personal regret and bitter sorrow, over
which 1 have been borne to a position, so
suitable for others, rather than desirable for
myself.
The circumstances under which I have
been called, for a limited period, to preside
over the destinies of the republic, fill me
with a profound sense of responsibility, but
with nothing like shrinking apprehension.
I repair to the post assigned me, not as to
one sought, but in obedience to the unsolic
ited expression of your will, answerable only
for a fearless, faithful, diligent exercise of
my best powers. I ought to be, and am,
truly grateful for the rare manifestation of
the nation’s confidence; but this, so far
from lightening my obligations, only adds
to their weight. You have summoned me
in my weakness : you must sustain me by
your strength. When looking for the ful
filment of reasonable requirements, you will
not be unmindful of the great changes which
have occurred, even within the last quarter
of a century, and the consequent augmenta
tion and complexity of duties imposed, in
the administration both of your home and
foreign affairs
Whether the elements of inherent force
in the republic have kept pace with its unpar
alleled progression in territory, population,
and wealth, has been the subject of earnest
thought and discussion, on both sides of
the ocean. Less than sixty four years ago,
the Father of his Country made the then
“recent accession of the important State of
North Carolina to the Constitution of the
United States,” one of the subjects of his
especial congratulation. At that moment,
however, when the agitation consequent
upon the revolutionary struggle had hardly
subsided, when we were just emerging from
the weakness and embarrassments of the
confederation, there was an evident consci
ousness of vigor equal to the great mission
so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fath
ers. It was not a presumptuous assurance,
but a calm faith, springing from a clear
view of the sources of power, in a govern
ment constituted like ours. It is no paradox
to say that, although comparatively weak,
the new born nation was intrinsically j
strong. Inconsiderable in population and j
apparent resources, it was upheld by a broad
and intelligent comprehension of rights,
and an all-pervading purpose to maintain
them, stronger than armaments. It came
from the furnace of the revolution, temper
ed to the necessities of the times. The
thoughts of the men-of that day were as
practical as their sentiments were patriotic.
They wasted no portion of their energies
upon idle and delusive speculations, but a
firm and fearless step advanced beyond the
governmental landmarks, which had hither
to circumscribed the limits of human free
dom, and planted their standard, where it
has stood, against dangers, which have
threatened from abroad, and internal agita
tion, which has at times fearfully menaced
at home. They proved themselves equal
to the solution of the great problem, to un
derstand which their minds had been illu
minated by the dawning lights of the revo
lution. The object sought was not a thing
dreamed of: it was a thing realized. They
had exhibited not only the power to achieve
but what all history affirms to be so much
more unusual, the capacity to maintain.—
The oppressed throughout the world, from
that day to the present, have turned their
eyes hitherward, not to find those lights
extinguished, or to fear lest they should
wane, but to be constantly cheered by their
steady and increasing radiance.
In this, our country has in my judgment
thus far fulfilled its highest duty to suffer
ing humanity. It has spoken, and will con
tinue to speak not only by its words but by
its acts, the language of sympathy, encour
agement, and hope, to those who earnestly
listen to tones, which pronounce for the
largest rational liberty. But, after all, the
most animating encouragement and potent
appeal for freedom will be its own history,
its trials and its triumphs. Pre-eminently,
the power of our advocacy reposes in our
examples, be it remembered, can be power
ful for lasting good, whatever apparent ad
vantages may be gained,, which is not has
ed upon eternal principles of right and jus
tice. Our fathers decided for themselves,
both upon the hour to declare and the hour
to strike. They were their own judges of
the circumstances, under which it became
them to pledge to each other “their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honor,” for
the acquisition of the priceless inheritance
transmitted to us. The energy with which
that great conflict was opened, and, under
the guidance of a manifest and beneficent
Providence, the uncomplaining endurance
with which it was prosecuted to its consum
mation, were only surpassed by the wisdom
and patriotic spirit of concession which
characterized all the counsels of the early
fathers.
One of the most impressive evidences of
that wisdom is to be found in the fact that
the actual working of our system has dispell
ed a degree of solicitude, which, at the out
set, disturbed bold hearts and far reaching
intellects. The apprehension of dangers
from extended territory, multiplied States,
accumulated wealth, augmented population,
has proved to be unfounded. The stars
upon your banner have become nearly three-
SANDERSVILLE, &E0EGIA, TUESDAY, MARCH 15, 1853.
fold their original number, your densely | lantry, and devotion to the public service,
populated possessions skirt the shores of the : than for unobtrusive bearing and high'
two great oceans, and yet this vast increase \ moral tone. The army, as organized, must
of people and territory has not only shown
itself compatible with the harmonious action
of the States and Federal government in
their respective constitutional spheres, but
has afforded an additional guarantee of the
strength and integrity of both.
With an experience thus suggestive and
cheering, the policy of my administration
will not be controlled by any timid forebod
ings of evil from expansion. Indeed, it is
not to be disguised that our attitude as a
nation, and our position on the globe, ren
der the acquisition of certain possessions,
not within our jurisdiction, eminently im
portant for our protection, if not, in the fu
ture, essential for the preservation of the
rights of commerce and the peace of the
world. Should they be obtained, it will be
through no grasping spirit, but with a view
to obvious national interest and security,
and in a manner entirely consistent with
the strictest observance of national faith.—
We have nothing in our history or posi
tion to invite aggression, we have every
thing to beckon us to the cultivation of rela
tions of peace and amity with all nations.
Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific,
will be significantly marked in the conduct
of our foreign affairs. I intend that my ad
ministration shall leave no blot upon our
fair record, and trust I may safely give the
assurance that no act within the legitimate
scope of my constitutional control will be
tolerated, on the part of any portion of
our citizens, which cannot challenge a ready
justification before the tribunal of the civil
ized world. An administration would be
unworthy of confidence at home, or respect
abroad, should it cease to be influenced by
the conviction that no apparent advantage
can be purchased at a price so dear as that
of national wrong or dishonor. It is not
your privilege, as a nation, to speak of a
distant past. The striking incidents of your
history, replete with instruction, and furnish
ing abundant grounds for hopeful confi
dence, are comprised in a period compara
tively brief. But if your past is limited,
your future is boundless. Its obligations
throng the unexplored pathway of advance
ment, and will be limitless as duration.—
Hence a sound and comprehensive policy
should embrace, not less the distant future
than the urgent present.
The great objects of our pursuit, as a peo
ple, are best to be attained by peace, and
are entirely consistent with the tranquility
and interests of mankind. With the neigh
boring nations upon our continent, we should
cultivate kindly and fraternal relations.
We can desire nothing in regard to them so
much, as to see them consolidate their
strength, and pursue the paths of prosperity
and happiness. If, in the course of their
growth, we should open new channels of
trade, and create additional facilities for
friendly intercourse, the benefits realized
will be equal and mutual. Of the compli
cated European systems of national polity
we have heretofore been independent. From
their wars, their tumults and anxieties, we
have been, happily, almost entirely exempt.
Whilst these are confined to the nations
which gave them existence, and within their
legitimate jurisdiction, they cannot affect us,
except as they appeal to our sympathies in
the cause of human freedom and universal
advancement. But the vast interests of
commerce are common to all mankind, and
the advantages of trade and international
intercourse must always present a noble
field for the moral influence of a great peo
ple.
With these views firmly and honestly
carried out, we have a right to expect, and
shall, under all circumstances, require
prompt reciprocity. The rights which be
long to us as a nation are not alone to be
regarded, but those which pertain to every
citizen in his individual capacity, at home
and abroad, must be sacredly maintained.
So long as he can discern every star in its
place among that ensign, without wealth
to purchase tor him preferment, or title to
secure for him place, it will be his privilege
and must be his acknowledged right, to
stand unabashed even in the presence of
princes with a proud consciousness that he
is himself one of a nation of sovereigns, and
that he cannot, in legitimate pursuit, wan
der so far from home that the agent whom
he shall leave behind in the place which I
now occupy will not see that no rude hand
of power or tyrannical passion is laid upon
him with impunity. He must realize that
upon every sea and on every soil, where our
enterprise may rightfully seek the protec
tion of our flag, American citizenship* is an
inyiolable panoply for the security of Amer
ican rights. And in this connection it can
hardly be necessary to re-affirm a principle
which should now be regarded as fundamen
tal. The rights, security, and repose of this
confederacy reject the idea of interference or
colonization on this side of the ocean by any
foreign power beyond present jurisdiction as
utterly inadmissible.
The oportunities of observation, furnish
ed by my brief experience as a soldier, con
firmed in my own mind the opinion, enter
tained and acted upon by others from the
formation of the government, that the
maintenance of large standing armies in
our country would be not only dangerous,
but unnecessary. They also illustrate the
importance, I might well say the absolute
necessity, of the military science and prac
tical skill furnished in such an eminent de
gree, by the institution, which has made
your army what it is, under the discipline
and introduction of officers not more dis
tinguished for their solid attainments, gai-
be the nucleus, around which, m every
time of need, the strength of your military
power, the sure bulwark of your defence—
a national militia—may be readily formed
into a well disciplined and efficient organi
zation. And the skill and self-devotion of
the navy assure you that you may take the
performance of the past as a pledge for the
future, and may confidently expect that the
flag which has waved its untarnished folds
over every sea will still float in undiminish-
ed honor. But these, like many other sub
jects, will be appropriately brought at a
future time, to the attention of the co-ordi
nate branches of the government, to which
I shail always look with profound respect
and with trustful confidence that they will
accord to me the aid and support which I
shall so much need t and which their expe
rience and wisdom will readily suggest.
Iu the administration of domestic affairs,
you expect a devoted integrity in the pub
lic service, and an observance of rigid econ-
my in all departments, so marked as never
justly to be questioned. If this reasonable
expectation be not realized, I frankly con
fess that one of your leading hopes is doom
ed to disappointment, and that my efforts
in a very important particular must result
in a humiliating failure. Offices can be
properly regarded only in the light of aids
for the accomplishment of these objects ;
and as occupancy can confer no prerogative
nor importunate desire for preferment any
claim, the public interest imperatively de
mands that they be considered with sole re-
ferc ice to the dut'es to be performed. Good
Do my countrymen need any assurance
that such a catastrophe is not to overtake
them while I possess the power to stay it ?
It is with me an earnest and vital belief,
that as the Union has been ihe source, un
der Providence, of our prosperity to this
time, so it is the surest pledge of a continu
ance of the blessing, we have enjoyed, and
which we are sacredly hound to transmit
undirainished to our children. The field ol
calm and free discussion in our country is
open,and will always be so, but never has
been and never can be traversed for good in
a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitable
ness. The founders of the republic dealt
with things as they were presented to them
in a spirit of self-sacrificing patriotism, and,
ns time has proved, with a ’’comprehensive'
wisdom, which it will always bekafe for us
to consult. Every measure, tending to
strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the
members of our Union, has had my heart
felt approbation. To every theory of so
ciety or government, whether the offspring
of feverish ambition or of morbid enthusi
asm, calcluated to dissolve the bonds of law
and affection which unite us, I shall inter
pose a ready and stern resistance. I be
lieve that involuntary servitude, as it exists
in different States of this confederacy, is
recognised by the Constitution. I believe
that it stands like any other admitted right
and that the States where it exists are en
titled to efficient remedies to enforce the
constitutional provisions. I hold that the
laws of 1850, commonly called the “com
promise measures,” are strictly constitu
tional and to be unhesitatingly carried into
effect. I believe that the constituted au
thorities of the Republic are bound to re
citizens may well claim the projection ofegardthe rights of the South in this respect,
good laws and the benign influence of good i as they would view any other legal (and
government, but a claim for office is what | constitutional right, and the laws to enforce
the people of a republic should never re
cognize. No reasonable man of any party
will expect the administration to be so re
gardless of its responsibility, and of the[ob-
vious elements of success, as to retain per
sons, known to be under the influence of
them should be respected and obeyed, not
with a reluctance encouraged by abstract
opinions as to their propriety in a different
state of society, but cheerfully, and accor
ding to the decisions of the tribunal to
which their exposition belongs. Such have
political hostility and partisan prejudice, in been and are my convictions, and upon
positions, which will require, not only se- j them I shall act. I fervently hope that
vere labor, but cordial co-operation. Hav-; the question is at rest, and that no section
ing no implied engagements to ratify, no ; al, or ambitious, or fanatical excitement
rewards to bestow, no resentments to re-j may again threaten the durability of our
member, and no personal wishes to consult, j institutions, or obscure the light of our
in selections for official station, I shall ful-! prosperty.
fill this dificult and delicate trust, admit-1 But let not the foundation of our hope
ting no motive as worthy either of my j rests upon man’s wisdom. It will noQbe
character or position, which does not con-j sufficient that sectional prejudices find no
template an efficient discharge of duty and place in the public deliberations. It will
the best interests of ray country. I ac- j not be sufficient that the rash counsels of
knowledge my obligations to the masses ot human passion are rejected. It must, be
my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher | felt thatthere is no national security but
objects than personal aggrandisement gave | in the nation’s humble acknowledged de
direction and energy to their exertions in ; pondence upon God and his overruling
the late canvass, and they shall not be dis-1 Providence.
appointed. They require at my hands dil j We have been carried in safety through
igence, integrity, and capacity, wherever a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those
there are duties to be performed.—Without ^ which gave us the Constitution, prevailed
these qualities iu their public servants, j to uphold it. Let the perjod be remember-
more stringent laws, for the prevention ofied as|an admonition, andhiot as an encour-
punishment of fraud, negligence and spec-! agement, in any section of the Union to
ulation, will be vain. With them, they will make experiments where experiments are
be unnecessary. j fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it
But these are not the only points, to; be impressed upon all hearts, that beautiful
which you look for vigilant watchfulness. I as our fabrics is, no earthly power or wis-
The dangers of a concentration ot all power : dom could ever re unite its broken frag-
in the general government of a confedera j ments. Standing as I do almost withfn
cy so vast as ours, are too obvious to be dis-; view of the green slopes of Monticello, and
regarded. You ha^e a right therefore to ! as it were, within reach of the tomb -of
expect your agents, in every department, j Washington, with all the cherished memo-
to regard strictly the limits imposed upon j ries of the past gathering around me, like
them by the constitution of the United.so many eloquent voices of exhortation
States. The great scheme of our constitu-1 from Heaven, I can express no better hope
tional liberty rests upon a proper distribu- for my country, than that the kind Provi-
tion of power between the State and feder
al authorities ; and experience has shown
that the harmony and happiness of our
people must depend upon a just discrimina
tion between the separate rights and re
sponsibilities of the States, and your com
mon rights and obligations under the gen
eral government. And here, in my opin
ion, are the considerations, which should
form the true basis of future concord in re
gard to the questions, which have most se
riously disturbed public tranquility. If the
federal government will confine itself to the
exercise of powers clearly granted by the
constitution, it can hardly happen that its
action upon any question should endanger
the institutions of the States, or interfere
with their right to manage matters strictly
domestic according to the will of their own
people.
In expressing briefly my views upon an
important subject, which has recently agi
tated the nation to almost a fearful degree,
1 am moved by no other impulse than a
most earnest desire for the perpetuation of
that Union, which has made us what we
are showering upon us blessings, and con
ferring a power and influence, which our
fathers could hardly have anticipated even
with their most sanguine hopes directed to
a f&r-off furture. The sentiments I now
announce were not unknown before the ex
pression of the voice which calls me here.
My own position upon the subject was
clear and unequivocal, upon the record of
my words and my acts, and i#is only re
curred to this lime because silence might
perhaps be misconstrued.
With the Union my best and dearest
earthly hopes are entwined. Without it,
what are individually or collectively ?
What becomes of the noblest field ever
opened for the advancement of our race, in
religion, in government, in the arts, and in
all that dignifies and adorns mankind ?—
From that radiant constellation, which both
illumines our own way and points out to
struggling nations their course, let but a
single star be lost, and if there be not utter
darkness, the lustre of the whole is dimmed.
dence which smiled upon our fathers may
enable their children to preserve the bless
ings they have inherited.
I
IL 3LA
Y.
Mr. Phigg's Maiden Speech.—“Ladies
and gentleman:—I will, this evening,
no, I meant to say was about to assure
you ahem! that is, the honorable pres
in fact, a certain sense of hum!
not being prepared on this occasion
in short. I must humph! Having ex
plained to you that is sometime ago
I’shaw I mean- 1 no—you—It’s
very distressing—beg pardon, ladies and
gentlemen but the fact is I’ve
I’ve forgotten the rest of it.”
Somebody lets off the following ou the
marriage of Mr. John Rush to Miss Sarah
Canter:
When Cupid did this maiden banter,
On Hymen’s course to take a brush,
At first she went it with a Canter,
But now she goes it with a Rush.
You can’t get along in this world with a
homely wife. She’ll spend half her time
in looking in the glass, and turn, and twist,
and brash, and fix, till she gets completely
vexed with her own ugliness, and she’ll go
right off and spank the baby.
Wealth and Widowhood, when united*
are dangerous things to encounter. Money
may be called the ‘widow’s might/ when in
large quantities, as in poverty it is her
‘mite.’
‘Hallo,’ bawled the commanding officer,
‘where are you going!’
‘Down to Squire Muggings, with the ram
rod I borrowed of him. You said return
rods, didn’t ye!’
. There is nothing better for a good appe
tite than a hearty dinner. Eat two ducks
and a rabbit, and you will loath food for half
a day.
Another Webster and Packman Tragedy.
—The Editor of the Lynchburg Express
has seen a letter from a friend at Kanawa Sa
lines, Va.. of which he gives the following ex
tract :
Kanawa Salines, Sunday, Feb. 13.
Dear *****; Our Valley was thrown in
to a considerable excitement yesterday and
to-day by the discovery of a very singular
murder perpetrated a few miles above us. It
seems that a man by the name ofStoghin,
owed one Romines several hundred dollars,
appointed an evening, (last Friday) for set
tleinen. Stoghin left his work in the even
ing, and went to R’s. house, telling his com
panion, that he was going to settle with R.
Since then he had not been seen or heard of
until his friends becoming alarmed at his
sudden exit, commenced a search, finally
entered R’s. house and looked every where
a body could be concealed, and found noth
ing, until one of them thinking probably of
the notorious Webster case, commenced
scraping in the ashes, and to his surprise,
found several human teeth and the cheek
bone, also, part of the flesh, supposed to be
that of the man, which had run into a crev
ice in the fire place partly roasted. It was
a very large fire place, five feet long. It is
known that R. had nearly a cord of pine
knots at his house, which it seems are all
burnt up. He was immediately arrested
and committed to jail on Sunday. He ex
ercised more ingenuity than Webster didin
disposing of the body. The few bones that
are found, will be difficult to identify as
those of a man, from their calcined state.—
His trial will be very interesting if further
developments are not made.
A Female Lawyer.—A young lady nam
ed Annie R Cooper, was recently arraigned
before the Court of Quarter Sessions, in
Philadelphia, Judge Allison, presiding on a
charge of larceny, and after the examination
of the witness against her the counsel who
had undertaken her defence very ungallant-
ly abandoned her case. In this dilemma,
she took up her defence, and notwithstand
ing the most positive proof against her she
is said to have made a brilliant defence be
fore the jury. But after all, she was con
victed. In the course of the examination it
was shown that she was of Indian or Negro
extraction and of extraordinary talents and
accomplishments. Her employment was
that of a seamstres, but it appears that her
wit and brilliancy made her a welcome visi
tor to many familes of distinction. Among
the domestics of the family in which she
had last been employed, she was regarded as
an Indian sorceress, who had the power of
producing gradual death by touching the
small part of the check. Altogether Miss
Annie R. Cooper appears to have been a
most extraordinary young woman.
The following description of a good wife
is given by a down easter:
“She hadn’t no ear for music, Sara, but
she had a capital eye for dirt, and with poor
folks, that’s much better. No man never
seen as much dirt in my house as a fly
couldn’t brush off with his wings. Boston
gafs may boast of their spinnets and their
gytars, and their eyetalian airs, and their
ears for music, but give me the gal that has
an eye for dirt, she’s the gal for my money.”
The President and Father Ritchie..—On
the morning after the General’s arrival,
while getting shaved at a barber’s shop,
Fathei Ritchie stepped in, and was informed
of the arrival. “Well,” said the venerable
editor, “I don’t care whether he has or not.
I have no favors to ask.^I only want to get
shaved.” “Glad of it,” replied the Ge ner-
al, “I am happy4o see you, Mr. Ritchie.”
So they say.
“Sal,” cried a girl looking outrofthe up
per story of a small grocery, andjaddressing
another girl, who was trying to ent6r at the
front door—“we’ve been to camp meeting
and been converted; so when you want milk
on Sunday’s you’ll have to come in the
back way.
The mere fact that children are born with
their fists doubled up, is a strong proof that
nature intended that our success in this
world should depend on the courage with
which we fight our way through it. Mark
it on your memory.
At a recent village bebate, in Vermont,
the question, “Ought a young man tofoller
a gal, after she gives him the mitten,” was
duly argued pro and con—and the presi
dent decided that he hadu’t otighter..
Struck by lightning,” is the cant term
used by thieves, &c., when arrested through
Information conveyed bv telegraph.
Somebody wisely says that a young lady
should always ask the following questions
before accepting the hand of a young man:
“Is he honest? Is he kind of heart?. Can
he support me comfortably? Does he take
a newspaper and pay for it?”
There is a young man in Ohio so attach
ed to the flame of his heart,’ that for a
breast-pin he wears one of her old shoes set
with brilliants. That’s the kind of devotion
that strikes in.
A young dandy about starting on a sea
voyage, went to a store to purchase his life
preserver.
‘Oh, you will not want it,’ suggested the
clerk, ‘bags of wind don’t sink!’
The discovery has been made by a mod
ern writer, that without a mouth a. man
could neither eat, drink, talk, kiss the girls,
nor chew tobacco. ^
