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J. W. &W. S. JONES. AUGUSTA, GA„ THURSDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 18,184 b. VOL. IX—NO. 151 v£l)romclc tmb oenlinel. ! AIJ GUSTA. G a WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEG. 17, iB4O. Things in Mllie»lgevllie. Correspondence of the Chronicle «f. S- .dim'. Millepoevu.lp, December 13. In Senate, Mr. Murphy, of the rommiitee on internal Improvement, presented an able and friendly report on the Western and Atlantic Railroad. Air. Wofford, as Chau man of the joint com mittee of twenty, presented the report ot the ma jority on the Penitentiary. This report speaks j . fan error of SIOO, made hy4he Principal Keep- i er, against himself, in his last annual report; j with this exception, the committee entirely agree j with the Principal Keeper—commend in the ! highest terms the general management of the 1 Institution, especially the remarkable improve- j mem in thecondition and disposition of the con victs—and recommend, in consideration of their arduous and responsible duties, that the Princi pal Keeper’s salary be raised from SI6OO, to S2OOO. and the deputy Keepers Rom SBOO to SIOOO. Mr. Wofford, on the part of the minority, ■onsisting ol Messrs. Wofford, Marlin, Greene, Born, McGregor and Dot many, presented a counter report; Mr, Gaulding, ol Pike, and olher Democrats on the committee, did not go with the minority. As well as I could hear the I reading of this document by the Secretary. I un derstand it to state—that reports of the Peniten tiary representing its labor as profitable to the State are false and delusive; that the boohs of the Institution are neatly and correctly kept; and, in the next breath, that there Is a mistake of about $30,000 somewhere!! A document bearing on its lace such palpa ble contradictions, will no doubt meet with the estimation to which it is entitled by a discrimi nating public, ft is a lamentable, but incon trovertible fact, that there is a numerous class of politicians,—composed of every grade, from high intelligence to stupid ignorance.—who, in the discharge of their public duties, are go verned by a blind and zealous devotion to ■parly, as a principle, leaving the good of their country out of sight, as a mere incident, to take care ot I itself—nay, are unwilling to discriminate in fa tor of the country within the minimum of their established theory; this class of politicians do not enter upon the investigation ol any subject, having a connection with party politics, as in quirers after truth, as men under the most im posing obligations to render even-handed justice to parties alike, to the country, to individuals, and to all concerned ; but they apply them elvesto their allotted task with a. pre-determi nation to be dissatisfied; to search for loops on which to hang doubts, fasten suspicions and build accusations. And where is the work ot human hands in which ingenuity aided by pre judice or malice may not accomplish --neb a purpose ? As these remarks are designed to have a spe cial as well as general application, 1 will advert i to an incident that occurred at one of the sit tings of the committee above referred to. it was proposed, for the purpose of readily and ful ly explaining some of the more difficult details connected with the Penileniiary, that Mr. Red ding (whose high moral worth, integrity" and inteiigence it is net necessary for me to herald 10 the world,) be requested m come befoie the comrnihee. This sensible and reasonable pro position was objected to by Ale-st -, Wofford I and Martin only—the latter petulantly remark- j mg (as stated by one of the committee) that Mr. j Redding; had better be. added to the. committee > There are other incidents in the progress of i the committee which, alibis time, I will with- j | hold. The majority and minority reports (200 i copies ot each) were ordered to he printed. j The Middle Branch Railroad bil', after con-; -iiierable debate, was made the special order for | Tuesday next —yeas 23, nays 17 —ami the ; | speechifying will then have to be repeated pro- j hably. ” ! A communication was read from the Direc- j | ‘ tors of the Central Bank, in compliance with : Mr. Calhoun’s resolutions concerning the Bank ! ol Darien, and referred to Mc«is. Calhoun, j Wofford and Crawford, as a select committee. Mr. Calhoun’s bill to incorporate Messrs. i J. If. Howard, F. Carter and others, as a Wa ler Lot Company in Columbus, was passed,; altera rejection of Air. Stell’.s amendment. A bill war passed, making it a penal offence | for owners of slaves to permit them (o seek or : 1* e|pr( their own employments. Adjourned till 3 o’clock. In Senate, this afternoon, ascetic look place ! almost as ridiculous as it was disgraceful. Mr. i Hacked, (who avows ids deterrninati m to 1 break up at ernoon sessions, &c..) combined i with Mr. Chastain in offering a I"- iniclinp our Senators in Congress. Ate., to have a turnpike road made through the county ol Ra bun or Union. These gentlemen, undoubtedly, had been very lately experimenting upon cer- Itrdn “effectson the conscience,” “ vivid flashes” .Mid "efflorescences,” so shrewdly and eloquently -et forth by Dv. Cooper, in his lecture on intem perance ; but they seemed totally ibigetful ot certain admonitions ot the divine Ecksiastes. that “to everything there is a season”—“a 1 1tne to keep silence and a lime to speak, &c. Air. Chastain, who has hitherto appeared to a steady and unobtrusive member, evinced :i determination to get up a rousement by falling kiulofMr. Berrien—he even stated that nobo |a l ‘y had ever heard of a Senator refusing to be I ‘ n strucled, &e. ( before Air. B. had done so—de- I bounced Mr, B. in what he no doubt designed as I v «ry “ siragorous” terms —yes, yes, “the little I *'°y kicked at the Moon !” To borrow an idea ’; ■ itOIQ Air. Pettigru, “it really beat fa-a roe !” vr—-------r - --r 7-■z-g-.’^SLgarsa:r.#.. w, pjaagi J When Air. Chastain stopped, perhaps from | weariness, the question on striking out the word ! irtsfrvcling and insetting requested, was taken — yeas 30. navs 3ft, Here the last vestige of Whig gery, (left alone in hi bean amidst Ore wreck j of his change 1 like the departing glory of the setting sun, illumined the dark countenance of (he President,- who ptomptlv and manfully voted to. strike out. Mr. Harken then moved to strike out Sena tors and insert “ lion. Walter T. Colquitt.” Mr. ( hastain again tried the forceof his lungs— evince ! little more respect for Noah Webster than the Sinn!or himself, and less, if possible, i for Lindlev Murray, and still less for true legis |ln live decorum. Mr. Chastain having once I move taken his seat, .Messrs. Craw lord and S Miller, at the same instant, popped the previous ! question. The Democrats refused to sustain I it !>}' a parly rote, and tire subject sleeps for a i day. 1 trust The constituents of these gentle men, and the “hack bone” of the country gen eral!}, will deliberate upon the character of i these proceedings. Every day wasted in the present Legislature costs the tax payers Seven hundred dollars! It being late in the evening, the Senate ad journed. In House, the day was consumed in discus sing the tax bill. After numerous amendments had been debated, rejected or received, and the bill gone through with, Mr. Sanford of Greene, proposed the existing tax law as a sub stitute. Mr. Jackson offered an amendment to reduce the taxes 25 per cent, from the last two years. Messrs. Ware, of Madison, and Bird, ’ ’ ’ Whigs, voted for the amendment; three Demo crats; Alessrs. Anderson, Ward, and Strong, voted against it- -nays 66, yeas 53. Air. Hull charged Mr. Jackson with an open attempt to embarrass the government. Air. Jenkins also seriously deprecated the course pursued by that gentleman. I will heie add that the existing tax law, apait from its being most onerously unequal in its burthens, will not raise a sufficient sum by about $30,000. Air. Hull offered an amendment requiring tax receivers to make their returns before the Ist ol July in each year, &c., which was agreed to—yeas 59, nays 56. The bill was then pass ed—yeas 65, najes 53. in Senate an ad valorem bill will be offered byway of an amendment, and we shall then see what we shall see. ft is just and equitable in principle and practice, and every tuan who has a clear and well poised sense of right will stand up to it. A. A For«f.ry.—The public mind in New-Orleans ha r been for some days excited by reports preju dicial to the character of the Hon, Rice Garland, A seriate Justice of ihe Supreme Court of Louisi ana, For two successive days, on his corning into Court-, his associates retired from the bench, re fusing to "it with him, whereupon he addressed the bar and those assembled iu Court, asserting his innorendfe and avowing his readiness to enter into an investigation. Accordingly a preliminary in vestirstion was entered upon before Judge Maurian of the Parish Court , the result of which we find in the New-Orleans papers of the 11 th insl: G. K. Smith, broker, stated that on the 22d of October last, Major J. A. Beard delivered to depo nent a note, dated the Sth of that month, payable to and endorsed by Rice Garland for the sum of ‘'6,250, at \2 months, which deponent promised to discour i and pay the proceeds next morning at 10 o’clock. The note was signed in the name es Mr. McDonough, which was familiar to him. Depo nent observed to Major Beard at the time he de livered the note, that it was disfigured and some what, broken, irom the bad quality of the paper and printing. Major B. said he had made the same observation, and was informed by Judge Garland that lie had dropped it in the gutter where there was time. The note was discounted at Bper | cent, premium, ebatging a brokerage of I per j cent, and paid the proceeds next morning, by a i check, to the order of Mr. J. A. Beard. Mr. Mc- I Doncugh passed the office of the deponent some | hours after, when the latter told the former that Ihe had the note in question. Mr. McDonough said | that im had no note out of that amount, and asked | to see it. Deponent told him it was his signature, j and Mr. McDonough said it looked like it, but did ’ not acknowledge it, and repudiated the payment iof it. Deponent went to Messrs. Beard, Calhoun | & Co., who stated they had paid the proceeds of ; the note to Judge Garland, after deducting what Ihe owed them, and showed the receipt. On speak : ing to Judge Garland on the subject shortly after, i he stated that the note was a genuine one,and that i I should be satisfied if I would go over the river I with him to Mr. McDonough’s. Deponent did not | go, but Mr. J. R. Beard did. Mr. McDonough : called on the deponent next day, and the business was seUled by Mr. McDonough giving deponent a rote for $2,802 63 cents, which the latter had dis counted at 8 percent premium. Judge Garland had i previously paid deponent tire balance, and the oiigiual note was returned to Mr. McDonough.— The latter stated tiiat the affair was entirely be tween him and the Judge ; that he had given the | Judge a blank piece of paper, with his name, to be filled up for the purchase of some negroes,hut that it had been tilled up lor more than the sum intend ed meaning that it was a breach of confidence. ; Mr. McDonough next gave his deposition, and I 1 confirmed what Mr. Smith had said o the original • ;otc. lie said he was quite astonished on seeing | the note ; tha. the signature was lib, but that he i knew nothing of the body of it. He had been in i the habit of sending presents lo Judge Garland, i with notes,and oue of these notes had been used | by Ihe Judge for the purpose of making the notejin i question. That the words of the letter must have j been obliterated by some chemical process, and the I Marik tilled up with Ihe promise to pay, and figures, i He told Mr. Smith to get his money as •soon as he j could 'flic deponent then returned home, and at ; 4 o’clock, P. M., Judge Garland presented himself at his house, begging him to save him and the honor of his children He was touched, and went next day, took up the note, and gave another fur the s2,'■CO, the balance having been replaced by Judge Garland. This is about lire substance of the evidence given befo-c the examining court. We might make many columns of the testimony, but the lyhojc affair is so painful in its character, so desolating in its effects upon the reputation, of the party suspected, and so ghastly in its details, that we forbear to enter upon them. There was sonic little contrariety in the evidence, and undoubtedly there has been pre varication on the part of Mi. McDonough—perhaps it was a desire on his part (o save the Judge from the consequences ol his guilt that induced him to give different versions ot the same transaction — but the effect of the whol? testimony was suclr as to leave no question on the mind of any one pre sent that a grave and heinous crime had been com mitted. About the time the court commenced its session.! Judge Garland attempted to commit suicide by jumping off the steamboat Sultan into the river.— He was rescued by Capt. Wilson of the steamer F. M. Streck, before drowning, and after a second time endeavoring to take his life was carried home in a state of great exhaustion. A more terrible | r-uibution never yet overtook an offender against the laws of the land. Himself a high priest of the law, he has fallen under its dreadful denunciations. The court adjourned at a late hour. Its decision has not transpired, but it was generally understood that a writ was issued against Judge Garland for forgery. Report of the Secretary of the Treasury# [continued.] At least two-thirds of the taxes imposed by the present tariff are paid, not into the treasury, but lo the protected classes. The revenue from imports last year exceeded twenty-seven mil lions ol dollars. This, in itself, is a heavy tax; but the whole tax imposed upon the people by the present tariff is not less than eighty-one mil lions of dollars —of which twentj'-seven mil lions are paia to the government upon the im ports, and fifty-four millions to the protected classes, in enhanced prices of similar "domestic articles. 1 his estimate is based upon the position that the duty is added to the price of the import, and also of its domestic rival. If the import is en hanced in price by the duty, so must be the do mestic rival; lor, being like articles, their price must be the same in the same market. The merchant advances in cash the duly on the im port, and adds the duty, with a profit upon it, and other charges, lo the price—which must therefore be enhanced to that extent; unless the foreign producer had first deducted the duty Irom the price. But this is impossible; for such now is, and long has been, the superabun dance of capital and active competition in Eu rope, that a profit of six per cent, in aaj r busi ness is sufficient to produce large investments of money in that business; and if, by our tariff’, a duly ot 40 per cent, be exacted on the nroducts of such business and the foreign producer de ducts that duty from his previous price, he must sustain a heavy loss. This loss would also soon extend beyond the sales for our consump tion to sales to our merchants of articles, to be re-exported by them from our ports with a draw-back ol duty, which would bring down their price throughout the markets of the world. But this the foreign producer cannot afford. The duty, therefore, must be added to the price, and paid by the consumer—the duty constitu ting as much a part ol the price, as the cost of production. If it be true that, when a duty of forty per cent, is imposed by our tariff, the foreign pro ducer first deducts the duly from the previous price on the sale to our merchant, it must be equally true with a duty of one hundred per cent., whieft is exactly equal to th.e previous price, and, when deducted, would reduce the price to nothing. The occasional fall in price of some articles after a tariff' is no prool that this was the effect of the tariff’; because, from improved ma chinery, diminished prices ol the raw material, or other causes, prices may fall even after a tariff’, but they would in such cases have fallen much more but for the tariff. The truest com parison is between the present price of the same article at home and abroad; and to the extent that the price is lower in the foreign market than in our own, Ihe duty if equal lo that dif ference, must to that extent enhance ihe price, and in the same ratio with the lower duty. The difference in price at home and abroad is generally about equal to the difference in the cost of production, and presents, in a series of years, the surest measure of the effect of the duty—the enhancement in the price beingcqual to that difference, if (he duty be higher than that difference or equal to it, or if the duty be lower, then the enhancement is equal to the duty; and if the article is produced, like cotion, more cheaply here than abroad, the duty is inopera tive. The great argument for the tariff is, that foreign labor being cheaper than our own, the cost of foreign production, it is said, is lessened to that, extent; and that we must make up this difference by an equivalent duty, and a corres ponding enhancement in price, in our own market, both ot the foreign article and of its rival domestic product—thus rendering theduty a tax on all consumers, for the benefit of the protected classes, ft the Alarshal were sent by the federal government to collect a direct tax upon the whole people, to be paid over to man ufacturing capitalists, to enable them to sustain their business, or realize a larger profit, it would be the sane in effect as the protective duty, which when analyzed in its simplest elements, and reduced to actual results, is a mere subtrac tion of so much money from the people, to in crease the revenue of tite protected classes. Legislation for classes is against the doctrine of equal rights, and repugnant lo the spirit ol our free institutions, and, it is apprehended by many, may become but another form for pri vileged orders, under the name of protection, instead of privilege—indicated here not by rank er title, but by profits and dividends extracted rom the many, by taxes upon them, for the benefit of the tew. No prejudice is fell by the Secretary of the Treasury against manufactu rers. His opposition is lo the protective sys tem, and not to classes or individuals. He doubts not that Ihe manufacturers are sincerely persuaded that the system which is a source of so much profit to them, L beneficial also to the country. He entertainsa contrary opinion, and claims lor the opponents of the system a set tled conviction ot its injurious effects. Whilst a due regard to the just and equal rights of all classes forbids a discrimination in favor of the manufacturers, by duties above the lowest re venue limit, no disposition is fell to discrimi na e against them by reducing such duties as operate in their favor below that standard. Under revenue duties, it is believed, they would I still receive a reasonable profit—equal to that realized by those engaged in other pursuits; and it is thought they should desire no more, at least through the agency of governmental power. Equal rights and profits, so far as laws are made, best conform to the principles upon which lire constitution was founded, and with an un devtaling regard to which all its functions should be exercised —looking lo the whole country, and not lo classes or sections. Soil, climate, and other causes, vary very much, in different countries, the pursuits which aic most profitable in each, and the prosperity of all ol them will be best promoted by leaving them, unrestricted by legislation, to exchange with each other those fsbrjes and products which they severally raise most cheaply. This is clearly "illustrated bv the perfect free trade which exists among all the States of the Union, and by the acknowledged fact that any one ol these Stales would be" injured by imposing duties upon die products o| thp others. It is generally conceded that reciprocal free trade among nations would best advance the interest of all. But it is contended that we must meet the tariffs of other nations by countervailing restrictions Thai duties upon our exports by foreign nations qre prejudicial lo us, is conce ded; but whilst this injury Is slightly iclt by the rntnufaciuren, «ts weight falls almost ex clusively upon agriculture, commerce, and navigation. It Pose interests which sustain the loss do not ask coqfiteryrilirjg restrictions, it should not. be demanded by the manufactu- rer 3 ) who do not feel the injury, and whose ; fabrics, in fact, are not excluded by the foreign legislation ol which they complain. That agriculture, commerce, and navigation are in jured by loreign restrictions, constitutes no reasen why they should be subjected to still severer treatment, by additional restrictions and countervailing tariffs enacted at home. Com-! merce. agriculture, and navigation, harassed as i they may be by foreign restrictions, diminish ing the amount of exchangeable products which : they could otherwise purchase abroad, are I burdened wi’h heavier impositions at home. ■ Nor will augmented duties here lead to a re- 1 duction of foreign tariffs; but the reverse, by, furnishing the protected classes there with the j identical argument used by the protected classes 1 here against reduction. By countervailing restrictions, we injure our own fellow-citizens much more than the foreign nation at whom we purpose lo aim their force; and, in the con ftict ot opposing tariffs, we sacrifice our own commerce, agriculture, and navigation. As w’el! might we impose monarchical or aristo cratic restrictions on our government or people, because that is the course of foreign legisla tion. Let our commerce be as free as our po litical institutions. Let us, with revenue duties only, open our ports to all the world, and na tion alter nation will soon follow our example. If we reduce our tariff’, the party opposed lo the corn laws of England would soon prevail, and admit all our agricultural products at all times freely into her ports, in exchange lor her exports. And if England would now repeal her duties upon our wheat, flour, Indian corn. ; and other agricultural products, our own re strictive system would certainly be doomed to overthrow. If the question is asked, ‘Who shall begin this work of reciprocal reduction? it is answered by the fact, that England has already abated her duties upon most of our ex ports. She has repealed the duty upon cotton, and greatly reduced the tariff upon our bread stuffs, provisions, and other articles: and her present bad harvest, accompanied by a reduc tion of our tariff, would lead to the repeal of her com laws, aud the unrestricted admission, at all times, of our agricultural products. The manu facturing interest opposes reciprocal free trade with foreign nations. It opposed the Zoll-Verein treaty ; and it is feared that no other treaty produ cing a reciprocal reduction of our own and loreign ( tariffs will receive its support. If that interest preferred a reciprocal exchange of our own for foreign fabrics at revenue dunce, it would uot have desired a tariff operating, without exception, against all nations that adopted low. as well as high tariffs; nor would it have opposed every amend ment proposing, when the tariff of 1842 was under consideration, a reduction of our duties upon the exports of such nations as would receive, free of duty, our flour and other agricultural products. If that interest desired reciprocal free trade with ether nations, it would have desired a very differ-1 ent tariff from that of 1842. It would have sought to confine the high duties to those cases where the foreign importer would sell his imports for cash only ; and admitted a drawback of one half of the duty where American exports would be taken abroad in exchange—not an actual barter of foreign imports for an equal amount in value of our products, but without any barter, where a sum equal to the value of their exports was used in purchasing here an equal amount in value of any of our products ; and the shipment made abroad of these products, upon the same principle under which a drawback cf duties is now allowed on the re-exportation of foreign im ports. This would be less simple, and is not recom mended in lieu of that absolute reduction of the duties, which will accomplish the same object ot unrestricted exchange. But.such a provision would be a self-executing reciprocity law, and should be desired by those believing in counter vailing tariffs against foreign nations, but in re ciprocal free trade with all—thus enabling our farmers and planters to seil their products (or cheaper foreign manufactures, getting more for what they sell, and paying less for what they purchase in exchange. It seems strange, that while the profit of agriculture varies from 1 to 8 per cent,, that of manufactures is more than double. The reason is, that whilst the high du ties secure nearly a monopoly of the home mar ket to the manufacturer, the larmer and planter are deprived to a great extent of the loreign market by these duties. The farmer and planter are, to a great extent, forbidden to buy in the foreign market, and confined to the domestic ar ticles enhanced in price by the duties. The tariff is thus a double benefit to the manufactu rer, and a double loss to the farmer and planter— j a benefit to the former, in nearly a monopoly of the home market, and in enhanced prices of their labrics, and a loss to the latter, in the pay- ■ menlof those higl( prices, and in total or partial I exclusion Irom the foreign market. The true I question is, whether the farmer and planter I shall, lo a great extent, supply our people with | cheap manufactures, purchased abroad with their agricultural products, or whether this ex- j change shall be forbidden by high duties on such I manufactures, and their supply thrown, as a ! monopoly, at large prices, by high tariffs, into j the hands of our own manufacturers. The number of manufacturing capitalists who de rive the benefit from the heavy taxes extracted by the tariff from twenty millions of people, does not exceed ten thousand. The whole num ber (including the working classes engaged in our manufactures) deriving any benefit from the tariff, does not exceed 400,000, ot whom not more than 40,000 have been brought into this pursuit by the last tariff. But this small num ber of 40,000 would still have been in Ihe coun try, consuming our agricultural products, and ] in the attempt lo secure them as purchasers, so , small in number, and not consuming one half of the supply oi many countries, the farmer and planter are asked to sacrifice Ihe markets of the world, containing a population of eight hundred millions, disabled from purchasing our products by our high duties on all they would sell in ex change. The larmer and planter would have the home market without a tariff, and they ! would have the foreign market also to a much | greater extent, but for the total or partial prohi- [ bilion of the last tariff. We have more fertile lands than any other na- j lion, can raise a greater variety of products,] and, it may be said, could feed and clothe the j people of nearly all the world. The home mar ket, of ilselr, is wholly inadequate for such pro- j ducts. They must have the foreign market, or a large surplus, accompanied by great depres- j sioti in price, must be the result. The States ol j Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, if cultivated to their fullest extent, could, ol themselves, raise more than sufficient food to supply the entire home market. Missouri or Kentucky could more than supply it with hemp; already the Stale of Mississippi raises more cotton than is sufficient j for all the home market; Louisiana is rapidly I approaching the same point as to sugar; and: there are lands enough adapted to that product j in Louisiana, Texas anil Florida, to supply with sugar and molasses nearly all the markets of the world. Ifcolton is depressed in price by the tariff the consequence must be a compara tive diminution of the product, and the raising ■ in its place, to a great extent, hemp, wheal, corn. - stock, and provisions, which otherwise would ' be supplied by the teeming products of the West. • The growing West, in a series of years, must 1 be tlie greatest sufferers by the tariff, in depriving i them ol the toreisn market, and of that ot the , cotton-growing States. We demand, in fact, -for our agricultural products, specie from nearly [ all the world, by heavy taxes upon all their manufactures; and their purchases from us ! must therefore be limited, as well as their sales { to us enhanced in price. Such a demand for specie, which we know' in advance cannot be ' complied with, is nearly equivalent to a decree j excluding most of our agricultural products j from the foreign markets. Such is the rigor of j osr restrictions, that nothing short ot a famine opens freely the ports of Europe for our bread | stuffs. Agriculture is our chief employment; it is best adapted to our situation, and, if not de : pressed by the tariff, would be the most profita i hie. We can raise a larger surplus of agricul j tural products, and a greater variety, than al- I most any other nation, and at cheaper rates. ; Remove, then, from agriculture, all our restric tions, and, by its own unfettered power, it will break down all foreign restrictions, and, our own being removed, would feed the hungry and clothe the poor of our fellow-men throughout all the densely-peopled nations of the world. But now we will take nothing in exchange for these products but specie, except at very high duties; and nothing but a famine breaks dowoi all for eign restrictions, and opens for a lime the ports of Europe to our breadstuff’s. If, on a reduction of our duties, England repeals her corn laws, nearly all Europe must follow her example, or give her manufacturers advantages which can not be successfully encountered in most of the markets of the world. The tariff’ did not raise the price of our bieadstuffs; but a bad harvest in England does—giving us lor the time that foreign market which we would soon have at all times, by that repeal of the corn laws which must lollow the reduction of our duties. But whilst breadstuffs rise with a bad harvest in Er gland, cotton almost invariably falls; be cause the increased sum which, in that event, England must pay lor our breadstuffs, we will take, not in manufactures, but only in specie; and, not having it to spare, she brings down, even to a greater extent, the price of our cotton. Hence the result, that a bad harvest in England reduces the aggregate price of our exports, often turns the exchanges against us, carrying our specie abroad, and inflicting a serious blow on our prosperity. Foreign nations cannot for a scries ot years import more than they export; and, if we close our markets against their im : ports by high duties, they must buy less of our i exports, oi give a lower price, or both. Prior to ihe 30th of June, 1843, a credit was given for the payment of duties; since which dale, they have been collected in cash. Before the cash duties and the tariff’of 1843, our trade in foreign imports re-exported abroad afforded large and profitable employment to our mer chants, and freight to our commercial marine, both for the inward and outward voyage; but, since the last tar iff this trade is being lost to the country, as is proved by the tables hereto an nexed. The total amount of foreign imports re-exported during the three years since the last tariff, both of free and dutiable goods, is $33,384,394 —being far less than in any three years (except during the war) since 1793, and less than was re-exported in any one ol eight several years. The highest aggregate ol any three years was 3173,108,813, and the lowest aggregate 841,315,765 —being in the years 1794, 1795, and 1790. Before 1820, the free goods are not distinguished in this particular from dutiable goods ; but since that date the re turns show the following result; during the three years since the tai iff of 1843, the value of dutiable imports re-exported was $12,590,811 — being less than in any one of seven years pre ceding since 1820, the lowest aggregate of any three years since that date being $14,918,444, and the highest $57,737,293. Even before the cash duties, for five years preceding the high tariff of 1818, the value ol dutiable goods re exported was $94,796,241 ; and for the five years succeeding that tariff, $66,784,192 —showing a loss of $28,020 49 of our trade in foreign ex ports after the tariff of 1828. The great dimi nution of this most valuable branch of com merce has been the combined result of cash duties and of the high tariff of 1843. If the cash duties are retained, as it is believed they should be, the only sure method of restoring this trade is the adoption ol the warehousing system, by which the loreign imports may be kept in store by the government until they are required for re-exportation abroad, or consump tion at home—in winch latter contingency, and at the time when for that purpose they are taken out of these stores, for consumption, the duties are paid, and ii re-exported, they pay no duty, but only the expense of storage. Under the present system, ttie merchant introduces foreign inipotts of the value of SIOO,OOO. He must now, besides the advance for the goods make a further advance in cash, in many cases, of $50,000 for the duties. Under such a system, but a small amount of goods will be imported lor drawbacks ; and the higher the duty, the larger must be the advance, and the smaller the imports for re-exportation. The imports before payment ol duties, under the same regulations now applied to our imports in transit to Canada, may be takeu from ware house lo warehouse —ficm the East to the lakes, and to Pittsburg, Cincinnati and Louisville — from New Orleans to Natchez, ANcksburg, Memphis, and St. Louis—and warehoused in these&other interior ports, the duties remain ing unpaid until the goods are taken out ofthe ware house, and out of the original package, at such ports, tor consumption ; thus carrying our foreign commerce into the interior, with all the advan tage of augmented businesss and cheaper sup plies throughout the country. It will introduce in to our large ports on or neat the seaboard assorted cargoes of goods, to be re-exported with our own to supply the markets of the world. It will cheapen prices to the consumer, by deducting the interest and profit that are now charged upon ihe advance of duty—building up the marts of our own commerce, and giving profilable em ployment to our own commercial marine. It will greatly increase our revenue, by augmenting our imports, together with our exports; and is respectfully recommended to Congress, as an important part ol the whole system now proposed tor their consideration. [concluded to-morrow. | Later from Texas. — By the arrival at New Orleans of the fast sailing atcamship New-York, Capt. Phillips, we have Galveston dates to the Sth inst. We give such items of intelligence as we | find in the Picayune and Bee. Tne weather has been uncommonly cold at Gal veston. On (be nights of the 2d and 3d inst., ac cording to the Civilian, ire was formed nearly half an inch in thickness, and in some positions did not melt during the middle of the day. The “oldest I inhabitants” were puzzled, and r.ew comers were disappointed in their expectations ol a climate of almost perpetual summer. Campo, the Tonkaway chief, was encamped near Austin a few weeks since with a small band cf warriors. The Delaware chief, St. Louis, was also near Austin. He is described as a good-look ing, sensible Indian. Castro, the Lipan chief, was expected in the course of a few days. From an article iu the Houston Telegraph, it would appear that trouble is anticipated with the Camanchcs. Two friendly Indians recently came to the hading house of the Torrcys, on the Brazos, and advised them to be on their guard, as a party of hostile Camanchcs were preparing to attack j some ope of the Texan frontier settlements. It j ,-jems that a large portion of the tribe, residing neat the sources of the Colorado, are dissatisfied I with the late treaties with the Texans. They find, too, that the herds of buffalo are yearly be coming less numerous, and they probably imagine that the settlements are encroaching too rapidly upon their hunting grounds. The east ern bands of Camanches are not engaged in this movement at all, the principal chiefs hav ing sent word to Mr. Torrey that they shall not act with any of the western bands. The Tele graph recommends the frontier settlers to keep a bright look out for the malcontents. It is thought that the Lipan chief, Juan Castro, has had some hand in exciting this new mischief, as ihe hostile parly is mustering in the vicinity of the Seratics, who are allied to the Lipans, and as it is known that he has been in commu nication with them and has a secret enmity to the whites. We learn from the News of Saturday, that the estrangement heretofore existing between ex-President Houston and General Hunt, has been completely removed, and the two gentle men being now personal a«| political friends, the News thinks “they will hereafter work to gether for their mutual political promotion”— which means, we take it, that the two have formed a coalition for the purpose of securing their mutual election to the U. S. Senate. 4t is said in the explanation that has resulted in this matter, that Gen. Houston acknowledges that he did write to the British Charge d’Affaires in Texas that the Mier expedition was unauthorised by the Government, and that the British Charge did, in consequence of that letter, communicate that fact to the Government of Mexico—thus placing the Texans engaged in that ill-fated expedition in the position of outlaws. The Civilian of Saturday, promises in its next, a “very able and interesting letter” from Gen. Houston in relation to this subject. Cukrokkes.—The N. O. Picayune of the llth hist, says:—We have intelligence a little later from (he Cherokee Nation. Col. McKis sick, the Agent, was exerting himself to put down the outbreak, but without great success. A company of Dragoons was encamped close to the line, but the Indians appeared infuriated with each other and bent on slaughter. With out giving the rumors in circulation at Van Suren, we await further facts. PROSPECTUS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME OF THE SOUTHERN CULTIVATOR A MONTHLY JOURNAL, EDeooteb to tl)e SmprotJcmcnt of tlje Agriculture of tlje Soutl). Edited by JAMES CAMAK, of Athens. In submitting to the Southern Public the Pro spectus for the Foubth Volume of the SOUTH ERN CULTIVATOR, which may now be re garded as permanently established, the Publish ers deem it unnecessary to advert to the high character the Work has attained under the edito rial control ol Mr. CAMAK, and therefore make a direct appeal to the Planters and Friends of Agriculture throughout the Southern States, to aid them in sustaining a publication devoted ex clusively to the cause of Southern Agriculture. The advantages and benefits resulting from Agricultural Periodicals, have been felt and ac knowledged by the intelligent and reflecting Til lers of the Soil in all civilized nations; to be most useful, therefore, they should be extensive ly circulated among all classes of Agriculturists; if possible, they should be in the hands of every man who tills an acre of land, and to this end we invoke the aid of every one who feels an in terest in the improvement of the Agriculture of the South. The first number of the Fourth Volume will be issued on the Ist of January next. It is pub lished Monthly, in Quarto form ; each number contains sixteen pages of matter, 9 by 12 inches square. TERMS; One copy, one year* SI.OO Six copies “ “ 5 00 Twenty-Five copies, one year 20.00 One Hundred “ “ “ 75 00 The Cash System will be rigidly enforced. The cash must always accompany the order. • J. W. & W. S. JONES. Augusta, Ga., Nov., 1845. g3r As we desire to regulate our issue by the number of subscribers, all persons who obtain subscribers are requested to send the lists as ear ly as possible to J. W. & W. S. Jones. CO M MERCIAL. New Orleans, December 10. Cotton— I There has been a fair demand to-day, and sales sum up 3300 bales, at full prices. COTTON STATEMENT. Stock on hand Ist Sept. 1845 Bales 7,705 Arrived since .....316,615 Arrived last night 1.006 Arrived to-day 2,733 328,059 Exported up to the 10th 207,506 Exported to-day 2,634-210,140 ————— Stock on hand and on ship board, not cleared.. 117,919 Sugar —A very active business was done, as holders wished to get the Sugar off the Levee, where a pretty Urge slock had been accumulating ; the consequence of which was that prices were somewhat easier. We quote fair sto 5Jc.; prime to choice 5J to Cc. Molasses —The demand has been moderate, and prices rule at 20 to 20Jc. Flour —Views of holders and buyers are still widely at variance. This morning there was a good demand at SO. but holders putting up the price to $6 50 put a stop to further transactions. Whiskey-ti o t ransaclions of moment have transpired Freights —There have been no new engagement, ex cept the ship yesterday for Havre at Ic. Vessels tor Liverpool are filling up at £d. Exchange —Sterling 5J to GJ per cent premium ; Francs 5f 35 to 5f.37i; New York, 2| to 3 per cent dis. Mobile, Dec llth. Cotton —There has been quite a brisk inquiry for cot ton to day, but in consequence of the very limited amount on sale, the transactions hare only reached some SOO bales. There has been no actual improvement in rates, yet prices have been fully up to the quotations on Wednesday, and the market may be considered firm. Our last advices from the country represent the rivers as still on the rise. MARINE LIST. Charleston, Dec. 16. Cleared ---Barque Howland, Harding, Boston. In the Offing -U L ship Sullivan, from New Orleans ; also a barque and brig. . Savannah, Dee. 15. Arrived- —Steamer Lamar, Creswell, Augnsta; str. Mary Summers, Hubbard, Augusta. Cleared —Brig Talleyrand, Knowlton, Boston. MEDICAL. DK. a. L. HAMMOND offers his professional services to the citizens of Au- Igusta and its vicinity. Dr. H. may be found at all times, when not professionally engaged, at his office on Center-street, second door north of A. Baudry’s Drug Store. ap!4-ly