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'l' - ■'— ■ " ” —' * " ■ ■ mm 15Y WILLIAM S. JONES tgltronicU cntii Sentinel. SAMVEL BASSETT, Associate Editor* AUGUSTA, GA< TUESDAY MORNING .. ..AUGUST 10. O’ The Union Party of Bulloch county are requested by Seriren county to meet tho Union Par ty of said county, in Convention, at No. 6, C. R. R., an WEDNESDAY, the 10th of SEPTEMBER next, for the purpose of nominating a Candidate to be run by tbe two Countiea for Senate. At which time and place those friendly to the Union will nominate a Candidate for the Representative branch of the State Legislature for Seriven county. Come one, come ell, to save the Union. Mast Union Mem. Sylvan : a, Seri ven Co., Ga., Aug. 13. aul9-3 Union papers please copy. Mr* Toombs In Jackson * The Hon. Robert Toombs will address the citi sens of Jackson county, and all others who may at tend, at Jefferson, on MONDAY next, the2sth inat., the first day of Coart. Mr. Toombs in Burke. Tbe Hon. R. Toombs will address the people of burke county, at Alexander, on SATURDAY, the 30th day of August, inst. The public are invited to attend. Mr* Cobb in Augusta* As we anticipated, Mr. Cobb was greeted by a large and most respectful audience, Sa turday night—7 to 800 persons of all classes— who paid him the deference of a most a'tentive hearing. He had spoken in the forenoon at Appling, rode over twenty miles, arrived here at 7j I*. ML, and at 8 was on the Stage speak ing. Os course it could not be supposed he was in tbe best possible condition for a speech. Notwithstanding all this, however, he rivited the audience for about an hour and a half, in one of the calmest, most dispassionate, closest reasoned, clearest and soundest speeches we have heard this campaign—delighting, and convincing every body, but the Disunionists, of his consistency and patriotic devotion to (he country. And if there was any man among them whose honest judgment was permitted to exercise full sway, we hazard the assertion his faith was shaken by the powerful and well directed argument of Mr. Cobb. It was a telling speech upon the voters. After Mr. C- had concluded, Mr. Toombs was called np, and although he was quite in disposed from a severe cold and consequent hoarseness, bis numarous admirers would not be pot off, but must hear from him then. lie yielded, in a few minutes warmed up with his subject, and wielded his keen Damascus blade with a skill peculiar to himself—every blow toid with powerful effeot, and he dealt them on aH sides in his happiest vein When he concluded the audience dispersed. The Latter Construed* At an anniversary barbecue of the Richland Rifle Company at Columbia, South Car lina, on the Bth inst., the following toast was given: *'JJy Guignard Scott. The late letter of Ex- Governor McDonald of Georgia: A death blow to Co operation Antecedent to seperate State action. Henceforth the contest lies between Secession and Submission.” The key to this toast is to be found in the word antecedent which we have italicised. Gov McDonald’s letter means to Mr. Goio mabd Scott, what we doubt not it means to the other people of South Carolina. ‘‘Co-opera tioa with Georgia antecedent to separate State action is impossible. But secede and shed blood. Light up tbe blaze of civil war. That will bring Co-operation.” The “bugleoian” from the weßt tells Caroti ns not to expect Co-operation antecedent to separate State action. Expediency is all that he urges against such action, and his argument on that subject ia at variance with his advice. He tells her not to walk in it, but points out to her the road to Co-operation. Suicide* John J. Smith, a young man about twenty one years of age, who had been driving th* Stage on the Greenville line for some months, committed suicide yeiterday at the United States Hotel, by taking laudanum It is sup posed from lhe best information, that he swal lowed it about 6 o'clock, A- M., and as he locked himself up in his room it was not dis covered till about 2P. M., entirely too late to afford any relief. No cause is known for the act. He seems to have been little kn >wn, and nothing is known of the whereabouts of his friends and relatives, except that a letter was found in his trunk, 'ddressed to him by B. F. Downs, Fort Kearney, who purports to be his brother in law. ‘ Hopkins L Turkey. —The most gratifying result in the Tennessee election is tbe defeat of this ultra demagogue for a seat in the Le gislature from FraufcHnoounty. We suppose he desired a decision upon his course as U. 8. Senator, and more efficient and decided rebuke no man ever received. Franklin county usual ly gives a iTemocratio majority of 800, and this year gave Trousdale, the democratic candidate for Governor 787 majority. The vote for ARLsnex, Union democrat, stood 1002, and 544 for H. L. Turkey. This was glory enough for okk day. Fikb Tobacco.— Messrs. W. 4k J. Nelsok have laid on our table a plug of “ Payee’s Ex tra Fine" Tobacco. Those of our readout who like a choice article should call and test. ita quality. UtThb following persons were appointed Dele gates from th* 121 at and 124th Districts to nominate County MemUrs to the Legislature: 12Ief District. 124tt Dietrict. Bamcbl Tar-eb, Wm. J. Rhodes, Jambs Me Nam, Asm. BSAeo, Jams* E. Cabjmm, Jaaea Timlby, Thomas Tartar. G. H. Omul —, — '■ —— —> i The Alberti Case and Pi Ice Case. With the practical enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law our readers are familiar. Tho Crafts were assisted in escaping the vigilance of agents and officers, and are now in England. Shadrach was rescued from the officers, in whose oharge be was, by mo‘j violence, in the open day, and assisted to escape into Canada. It cost the owners mire than they were worth to recover the few others whe have been restored to them. But we need not dwell upon this branch of the subject as the facts connected with it are so generally known. Alberti and Price hwe been dragged from their families and incarcerated in gloomy dungeons, for merely assisting in the execu tion of the law in a solitary instance. The former is a grey headed old man nearly seventy years of age, whom a Pennsylvania Judge bad sentenced to hard labor in tbe Penitentiary for ten years, before the expiration of which time he will probably be called from his gloomy cell to his grave. How heavily this cruel and ferocious senteuce presses upon the in firmities of this unfortunate eld man. His family weeps at home, his spirits are weighed down and crushed under the tyranny of a soulless fanaticism, that disregards those tears end feeds with hellish de light upon his torture. The above paragraph is fall of loose state men s. The slave Betsey was not arrested under the present fugitive slave law, but under the old law. Her arrest occurred August 14, 1850. The present law passed the Senate August 24, 1850. The paragraph quoted seems to have been intended to excits preju dice in relation to the present fugitive slave law. It was not then of force. The then existing law was fully and successfully carried out. Tbe slave Betsey was conveyed to Mary land, and delivered to her master, Mitchell. The indictment against Alberti and Price was for kidnapping the child of Betsey. As sisting in the execution of the present fugitive slave law, or of the old law, had nothing to do with it. The child Joel, was not, and is not claimed by Mitchell as a slave; nor if a slave, WBs there any power of attorney for his arrest. The offence charged (that of kidnapping) is an offence under the laws of Georgia, punish able by imprisonment in the Penitentiary for from 4to 7 years. (Penal Code, 4th Division, Sec. 51, Prince’s Dig. page 626). To this indictment they pleaded “ not guilty.” They were found guilty by a jury of their-own countrymen, for they were both Pennsylva nians. The case proves nothing against the fugitive slave law. It had no connection with :t. The arrest of the slave Betsey was not the offence charged—the law under which the was arrested was the old law, and was successfully carried out. Nor does the case prove anything against the laws of Pennsylvania, for those laws, if faithfully ados nistered, are the same in kind as the laws of Georgia. Convicted under a like indictment, Alberti and Price would have been, under our law, imprisoned in the Peni tentiary. What tha case does prove is, that tbe law of Pennsylvania—no; the law of the Uni ted States —was not faithfully administered. If correctly reported, of which we have no assu rance, and do not believe, it proves that the jury was corrupt, and the judge arbitrary and tyrannical. For this, they—the judge and jury —deserve the strongest reprobation. Tbe unfaithful administration of the law shows that which every body admits-—that there is much prejudice and fanaticism upon the sub ject of slavery at the North. The very letter on which the Constitutionaliet is commenting asserts “ that the anti-slavery sentiment of the North has become mere virulent by defeat, for it was utterly defeated in the Compromise measures.” Our object, and the object of the Union party of Georgia, is to strengthen tho hands of those who strive to put down such fanaticism. The Union contaihs many bad men—who is ignorant of that? Each State contains many bad men. It ia thia fact which gives rise to the necessity of Government, of Courts, of Jails, and Penitentiaries. Ae to the cost of recovering fugitive slaves —the Court eoEts amount to tea dollars. All other costs incuned by the owner are the pay ment of his agents and bis attornies’ fees If there be any costs arising from mob opposition, or like causee, they are defrayed by the Go vernment. If a negro escapes from South Carolina and gets to Texas, imstead of to Pennsylvania, the owner must bear the ex pense of sending an agent after him, and if necessary, witnesses to establish that the negro is his property. The Government cannot diminish the distance between two States, and the consequent travelling expenses of agents and witnesses. Who would have gathered any correct idea of thij case, or of theTugitive slave law, from the comments of the Constitutionalist 1 The case only proves strong anti-slavery prejudice at the North—the very fact which rendered tbe Union Organization necessary. Second Dispatch. — Boston, Aug. 14th.<—Fur ther intelligence from toe Cape of Good Hope states that.ihousands of cattle bad been cap tured by the enemy- The greet chief Keeli had gone over to the rebels, and ordered the missionaries to leave tbe territory, Im mense forces were collecting in tbe moun tains, and thi Boors were eo panic struck that they refused u> act. Fears were entertained that the savages would murder tbe farmers and other families by wholesa'e Ip one atlick they captured 3000 sheep and 700 head of cattle, but they were retaken by an English corvettq, with, 10 men, who overtook the enemy, killed 15 of them, and captured 14 guns. Stf Hear? Smith was endeavoring to negotiate peace wiiji tke rebels on condition that rhey surrender alt firearms an I ca-t.e; but wjth no success. Numbers of colonists were emigrating beyond iheJEnglish frontier, and the Cape papers state that England will have to annex all the habitable part of South Africa. > . * re informed by a gentleman, just ar rived from the neighboring farms, thsft' the cotton crop, instead of being benefited by the reoont rain, has been seriously injured. It has taken the rust—is shedding its leaves and bolls V . ery «P id,y ’ " nd * ver y doubtful If more than 300 pounds will be made to the acre. In many places the corn crop is very light, and net enough will be mape for subsistence. Tbisis a gloomy picture: It is calculated to-depress the spirits or those Who have been hoping against hope thtt the Idng drough would terminate hHrome’bcndftcial result. But alas, the rains appear to have been AUGUSTA, (IA. WEUNESDAV MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1851. more detriments! than the drought, for nothing but a miracle can now save the cotton crop from total ruin.— Eutaw (Ala.) Dtm. For the Chronicle and Sentinel, Mr. Calhoun's Position in 1847. •/ I send you a copy of Mr. Calhoun’s speech and resolutions, taken from the Union newspa per of the 19th of February, 1847, from which i made some extracts In an article I sent you a* few days since. Its publication at this time is caUed for, that the people may understand what was considered the true position for the South to take, relative to this slavery question. Mr. Calhoun, whose eagle eye looked above and be yond the present, saw in the future that the only hope for the South was to plant themselves upon the Constitution and demand of the North the surrender of two growing and cherished propo sitions one was the exclusion of slavery from the territories, better known as the Wilmot Proviso — and the other was the declaration that no more slave States should be admitted into this Union. In the adjastment, both were given up, and the principles of Mr. Calhoun’s speech and resolu tions, followed almost to the letter. The Con stitutional Union party might very successfully, rest the issue now pending upon theproposit on, that if in the Compromise any princi ple is to bi found antagonistical to Mr. Cal-\ houn’s doctrines, yea, they might go farther, and ' say that if those doctrines arc not affirmed and practically illustrated by the adjastment, they would yield the contest. And, I now boldly challenge any friend ot the Southern Rights party to point out any doctrine or principle in the Compromise measures inconsistent with Mr. Calhoun’s opinions in the speech of February, 1847. I trust every man in Georgia will read this speech, and read it attentively; it is the true doe trine, and it was, and is successfully vindicated and upheld in the measures known as the ad justment. Notice his views about the .Missouri C improtnise, which some of the fire-eaters of this Slate pretend to believe would have been a panacea for all our evils. The very doctrines he contended for, wo obtained, and now those that pretend to be his greatest admirers think it goodesusefor a dissolution of the Union, and clamor for the very thing he repudiated. From all tvhich, I think we may charitably draw this conclusion; that the men of the South, who are seeking to dissolve this Union, whether openly or secretly, on account of the late Com promise measures, would have been dissatisfied under any and all circumstances. What they askedfor in 1847, they obtained in 1850, and yet some of them have felt a want of independence, in this Union for 25 years, which .Mr. Calhoun in his speech as late as 1847, designated as "glo rious.” It is a serious question with the people of Georgia to ask themselves, what do these rest* less, dissatisfied disturbers of the pub.ic peace and quiet want ? From their present position in connexion with their past opinions, you have no security that they will bo satisfied if yru grant their demands. One thing id, 1 think, cl n ar, and that is they desire a breaking up of the Govern ment, and they are not choice in the means they have selected to effect their object. If they want the courage necessary to teil their own people th it they ought to cast off the yoke that binds them,and to relieve themselvesfrom the degrada tion, they affect to believe has been imposed up on them, where will they stand, when South Carolina rushes madly into the vortex of disun ion. JcsTica. The Slavery Question, Mr. Calhoun here rose and taid : “Mr. President, I rise to offer a Bet of resolutions in reference to the various resolutions fro n the State Legislatures upon the subject of what they call the extension of slavery, and the proviso attached to the House bill, cal ed the three mi lion bill. What I propose before 1 send my resolutions to the table is, to make a few explanatory remarks. “ Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor some time ago, that all parlies in the non-slave hold:ng States had come to a fixed and solemn de termination upon two propositions. One was, that there should be no further adnrssion of any States into this Union, which permitted by their Constitu tion the existence of slave y ; and the other was, that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the Terri or.es of the United States ; the effect of which, would be to give to the non-slaveholding States, .the monopoly of the public domain, to the entire exclu sion of the slaveholding States.” Since that declaration was made, Mr. Presi dent, we have abundant proof that (here was a satisfactory foundation for i*. We have receiv ed already solemn resolutions passed by seven of the non-slaveholding Stales —one hall of the number already iu the Union, lowa not being counted —using the s rongest possible language to that effect; and no doubt in a short space of time similar resolutions will be received from all of ihe non-slaveholding Stales. But we need not go beyond the walls of Congress, the subject has been agitated in the other House, and they have aeut up a bill prohibiting the extension of slavery” (using their own lsn guage) “ to any territory which may be ac quired by the United States hereafter.” At the same time, two resolntinns which have been moved to ex’end the Cumpr tnise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority. Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time that the Southern States, the slaveholding States, should inquiry what is now their relative strength iu thig Union, and what it will be if this determination should be carriod into effect hereafter. Sir, already we are iu a minority—l use the word' “ we” for brevity sake—already we are in a minority in the other House, in the electoral college, and, I may say, in every department of this Government, except at present in the .Senato of the Unit d States —there for the present we have an equality. Os the twen'y eight States, fourteen are non-slavetioidmg, and fourteen are slaveholding, counting Dela ware, which is doubtful, as one of tho non slaveholding States Bat this equality of strength exists only in the Senate. Cue of the clerks at my request has furnished me with a statement of what is the relative strength of the two descriptions of States, in the other House of Congress, and in the electoral col lege. There are 228 representatives, including lowa, which is already represented there. Os these, 133 are from the non-slaveholding States nnd 90 are from what are called the slave Sla.e*, giving a majoiity in the aggregate to the former of 48. In the electors! college there are 168 votes belonging to the non-slavebolding Steles, and 118 to the slaveholding, giving a majority of 50 to the non slaveholding. We, Mr. President, have at present only one pcsition in the Government, by which we may make any resistance to this aggressive policy whioh has beeu declared against the South; or any other that the nou-alaveholdiog States may choose to take. And this equality in this body is of the most transient character. Al ready lowa is a State; but owing to some domestic calamity, is not yet represented in this body. Wben she appears here, there will be an addition of two Senators to the Repre sentatives here of the non slaveholding States. Already Wisconsin has passed the initiatory stage, and vrill be here at the next session This will add two more, making a clear major ity of four in this body on the side of the non-slaveholding Stales, who will thus be enabled to sway every branch of this Govern ment at their will and pleasure. But sir, if this aggressive policy be followed—if the de termination of the non-slaveholding States is to be adhered to hereafter, and we are to be entirely excluded from thi territories which we already possess, or may possess—if this is to |e the fixed policy of the Government, I ask, what will be our situation hereafter t 1 Sir, there Is ample space for twelve or fifteen of thtisrgeU desciipiioQ of States in the Terriiories belonging to the United States. A (ready a law is in course ot passage through the other House, creating one North of Wisconsin. There is ample room for another North of lowa ; and another North of that; and then that large region extending on this side of the flocky Mountains from 49 degrees, dow < to the 9'«xan line, which may be set down fairly as an area of twelve and ■ h-ls degrees of latitude—that extended region of itself is susceptible of having six, seven, or eight large State, To ibis, add Ore gon which extends from 49 to 42 degrees, which w : ll give four more', and I make a very moderate calculat on when I say that, in addition io lowa and Wisconsin twelve more Stales upon the Territory already ours—without reference to any acquisitions from Mexico—may be, and will be shortly added to these United States. How will we then standi There will be hut fourteen on the part of the South — we are.to befixed, limited, and forever —and twenty height on the pan «-f the aeo-slaveholling states! ! Twenty-eight! Double our number 1 And with ; the sc i e di -rop rtion in the other House and in the eiecteral coll-ge ! The Government, sir, will be .entirely in the hands of the non-slaveholding States , V—overwhelmingly. \Sir. if this state of things is t> go on—if this deter mination, so solemnly made, is to be persisted in, where shall we stand, as far as this federal govern ment of ours is concerned ? What, then, must we do? We mast look to justice —to our own interests —to the Constitution We will have no longer a shield even in equality here. Now, can we rely upon the sense of justice of tl is body? Ought we to rely upon this ? These are the solemn questions which I put on all sides. . ' Sir, look to the past. If we are to look t-> that, I will not go into details, we will see from the begin ning > f this government to the present day, as far as pci uniary resources are concerned —as far as the disbursement of revenue is involved, it will be found liiat we have been a portion of the community which has substantially supported this government without receiving anything like a tantamount sup port from it. But why should I go beyond this very measure itself? Why go beyond this deter mination on the part of the non sluvehalding States, that there can be no farther addition to the slave holdingStates, to prove wbntour eondi ion is? Sir, what is the entire amount of this policy? I will not say it is so designed—l will not say from what cause it originated. I will not say whether blind fanaticism on one side—whether a hostile feeling to slavery entertained by many not fanatical on the other, has produced it; or whether it has been the work of wen, who, looking to political p->wer, have considered the agitation of thi* question as the most effectual mode ot obtaining the spoils of this government. I look to the fact itself. It is a policy now openly avowed to be persisted in. It is a poli cy, Mr. President, which aims to monopolize the powers of this government and to obtain sole poises • \ aion of its patronage. Now, I ask, is there any remedy ? Poes the Constitution aflord any remedy ? An 1 if not, is there any hope ? These, Mr. President, t-re solemn quesuaus—not oniy to us, but, let m ‘ say, to gentle men fiom the non elaveholding States, to them Sir, the day that the bala. ce between the two sec tions rs the country—the slaveholding States and the non-slaveholding States—is destroyed, is a day that will not be far removed from political revolution, anarchy, civil war, and wide-spread disaster The balance of this system tain the elaveholding States. They arc the conservative portion—always have been the conservative portion—always will be the conservative portion; and with a due balance on their part may, for generations to come, uphold this glorious Union of ours. Put if this policy should be carried out; if we are to be reduced to a hand ful ; if we are to become a mere ball to play the Presidential game with ; to count sometning in the Baliiraore caucus ; if this is to be the result; wot wo I I say to this Union ! Now, e : r, I put again the solemn question, doeß the Constituton affrrd any remedy? Is there hny prevision in it by which this aggressive policy ; bold ly avowed, as if perfectly consistent with our insti tutions an i the safety and prosperity of the United States!—may be confronted ? Is this a policy con sistent wiih the Constitution ? No, Mr. President, no ! It is, in al! itsf-u'Uies daringly opposed tothe Constitution. What is it? Ours is*a Federal Con stitution. The States are its constituents, and not the people, rite twenty eight States—the twenty nlqe St.itrs (includiu; Io wa) —stand under this gov ernrae; ’ r* twenty-nine individua s, or as twenty n:oi map would stand to a consolidated pow er. It wu3 i.ot made for the mere individual proi perity of the State as individuals. No, sir. It was made for higher ends. It was formed that every S'ate coesii'uiing a portion of this great Union o‘ ours, should enjoy all its advantages, natural and acquired, with greater security, and enjoy them more perfectly. The whole system is based on justi e and eq lality—perfect equality between the members of tni3 Republic. Nor can that be consis tent with equality which will make this public do m tin a monopoly on one side—which in its conse qu ncee, would place the whole power in one section of the Uuion to be wielded against the other section cf the Union ? Is that equality ? > “ How do we stand in reference to this Territorial question—this public domain of ours? Why, sir, what is it? It is the common property of the states of this Union. They are called the Territo ries of the Uni ed States. And what are the United States but the States united ? Sir, these Territories are the property of the States united ; held j antly for their commun use. And is it consistent with justice—is it consistent with equality, that any por tion of the partners outnumbering another portion, f shall oust them in this common property of th-irs— shall pass any law which sh dl proscribe the citizens of o'her portions of the Union from euiieratinv . with tbeir property to the Territories of the United 1 States ? Would that be consistent—can it be con sistent with the idea of a common property, held jointly for the common benefit us ail ? Would it be so considered in private life ? Would it not be con sidered the greatest outrage in tlf- world, and which any Court on the face of the gl-be wouid at once overrule ? “ Mr. President, not only is that proposition gross ly inconsistent with the Constitution, but the other which undertakes to say that no ''tate shall be ad mitted ;nto this Union, whi-h shall not prohibit by its Constitution the existence of slaves, is equally u great outrage against the Constitution of the United States. Sir, I hold it to he a fundamental procipie of our political tysietn, that the people have a right to establish what Government t! ey may think proper for themselves ; that every State about to be cctne a member of this Union has a right to form its own government as it pleases ; and that in order to be admitted there is but one qualification, and that is, that the Government shall be republican. It is not so expressly prescribed by the instrument itself, but by that great section which guaran'eea to every S ate ia this Union a republican form of Government. Now, sir, what is proposed? Ills proposed, from a vague, indefinite, erroneous and most dangerous conce lion of piivste individual liberty, to overrule this gre? t common liberty which a peop'e have of framing their own Constitution! Sir, the individual right of men is not nearly so easily to be establish ad by any course of reesoning, as his common liber ty. And yet, sir, there ara men of such delicate feeling on the subject of libsrty—there are men who cannot possibly bear what they call alavery in one section of the country-—(and it ia not so much slavery as an inst itution indispensable for the good of both races)—men so squeamish on thia point, that they are ready to atrtke down the higher right of a communi ty to govern themselves, in order to maintain the absol tie right of individuals in alt ciroum stances, to govern themselves. “ Mr. President, the resolutions that I haro pro rwed, present in exact terms thene great truths, propose to presant them to the Senate ; I propone are a votsupo » chain ; anl 1 trust there is no 1 gemleman here wbo will refuse a direct vole upon these propositions. It is mainly that we shall know the state of things. ” It is due to our constituents that we should insist upon it; and I, as one, will insist upon it that the sense of this body shall betaken; the body which repre sents the States in their capacity as communities, end the members oi which are to be their special guardians. It is due to them, sir, that there should be a lair expression of what is the sense o( this body. Upon that expression much depends. It is the only stand wh'ch we can have, it is tbe only position which we can take, which will uphold us with any thing like independence—which will giro ua any (chance) at all to maintain an equality in this Union, on those great p-inciples to which I ha-e had refer eece* Overrule these principles, and we are nothing I • Preserve them, and we will ever be a respectable portion of the community.” Sir, here let me siy a word as to the Compromise line, 1 have always considered it as a great error-r --highly injurious to the South, because it surrendered, or mere temporary purposes, th-se high principles of. the constitution upon which I think we ctight to stand. lam against any Compromise line, It st I would; have been willing to have continued tbe Compromire line. One of the Resolutions in the House, to that effect, was offered at my suggestion. I said to a friend there, [«r. Burt,] “Let us not be disturbers of this Union. As abhorrent to my feeling- as is that Compromise line, let it be adhered to ip good faith; and if the other portions of the Union are willing to stand by It, let us not refuse to stand by it. It has kept pegee for some time, and in the circumstances, perhaps it would be better to keep peace as it is.” But, sir, it was voted down by an overwhelming ma jority. It was renewed by a gentleman from a non elaveholding State, and again voted down by an over whelming majority. Well, I see my way in the Contitution. I cannot in tbe Compromise. A Compromise is but an ict of Congress. It may be overruled at any time. It gives us no security. But the Constitution is stable. It is a rock. On it I can stand. It is a principle on which we can meet our friends from the non-slave holding States. It is firm ground, on which they can better stand in opposition to fanaticism, than on tbe shifting sands of Compromise. Let us be done with Co n promise. Let us go back and stand upon the Constitution! Well, sir, what if the decision of thia body shall deny to us this high constitutional right, which in my opinion is as clear as any in j the instrument itself— the more defined and stable, indeed, because deduced from the entire body of the instrument, and the na ture of the subject to which it relates 1 What then 1 That is a question I will not undertake to decide. It is a question for our constituents—the slaveholding States. A solemn and a great question, Mr. Presi dent. And if the decision should be adverse at this time, I trust and do believe that they will take under solemn consideration what they ought to do I give no advice. It would be hazardous and dangerous for me to do so. But I may speak as an individual member of that section of the Union. There I drew my first breath. There are all my hopes. lam a planter—a cotton planter. lam a southern man and a slaveholder—a kind and a merciful one, I trust — and none the worse for being a slaveholder. I say, for one, I would rather meet any extremity upon earth lhan give up one inch of equality —one inch of what belongs to us as members of this great repub lic ! What! acknowledged inferiority! The sur , render of life ; s nothing tosinkingdown into acknow ledged inferiority ! I have examined this subject largely—widely. I think I see the future, if we do not stand up now; and in my humble opinion the condition of Ireland is merciful and happy—the condition of Hindustan is place and happiness—'he enudition of Jamaica is prosperous and happy, to what the Souihern States will be il now they yield! Mr. President, I desire that the resolutions which I now send to the table be read. (The resolutions were read as follows.] Resolved, That the territories of the United States belong to the several States comprising th ! s Union, and are held by them as their joint and com mon property. Resolved, 1 hat Congress as the joint agent and representative of the States of this has no right to make any law, or do any act whatever, that shall directly, or by i's eff-cts, iaake any discrimina tion between the States of this Union, by which any of them shall be deprived of its full and equal right in any Territory of the United States acquired, or to be acquired. Received, That the enactment jf any law which should directly, or by its effor ts, deprive the citizens of any cf the States of this Union from emigrating with their property into any of t e Territories of the United States will make such discrimination, and would, therefore, be a violation of the constitution, and the rights of the States from wnick such eit zens emigrated, and in derogation o' that perfect equality which belongs to them us members of this Union, and would tend directly tosubvert tho Union itself. “ Res lved, That as a fundamental princip'e in our political creed, a people in forming a Constitution have the unconditional right to form and adept the Government which they may think best calculated 'o secure their libertv, prosperity and happiness; and that in conformity thereto, no other condition is imposed by the Federal Constitution on a State in older to be admitted into this Union, except that its Constitution shall be Rep iblican ; and that the im position of any other by Congress would not only be ■n violation of the Constitu ion, but in direct con flict with the principle on which our political sys tem rests.” McMillan and thb VVilmot Proviso Much has been said by the Southern Rights wire pullers of this county against the vote of Mr Cobb .on the Oregon bill, containing a provision excluding slavery from that Territory, In fact, this is about the only thing they have been ab'o to say against Mr Cobb in the prevent campaign, and that they oqly use when “bush ing it ’ among the old Whig-t, as its rather a delicate topic to urg-before a Democrat who supported Polk, ( qually guilty with Cobb) up to the day of bis death, ari l then swore that he had been the greatest President since the days of Washington! Wo wish to ask the-e gentry wh»t they are goingto do about thia matter in the case of our old friend Mac, their candidate If Mr Cobb gave the vole, it ia ‘-as true as preaching” -hat Me Millan endorsed it. We will give a scrap of history for lh- especial ‘(drawing” of these gentleman and the information of (he good peopleofthis coun'y : Ata meeting of the Democratic party of Elbert county, in the year 1849, after the passage of the Oregon bill,of which meeting Mr. McMillan was a member, the following resolution, in sibstance, was tutroduced and adopted, with one dissen ting voice : Resolved : That the course of our distin guished Representative, Howell Cobb, Upon the slavery question, has been faithful to the South, and meets our hearty and cordial ap proval. L-jok at that, what say you Juror ? “do you like him ?” Perhaps some of you mav say no, not such resolutions w* passed—try it if you ftney the experiment, and we will bring the doc uments to prove, not only that it was passed, bit that your candidate voted for it We hope you will take this article along in your next oru*ade against “Cobb an. the Pro viso I”— Washington Gazette. The Michigan Conspiracy Case —The defenoe have at length closed their testimony in this case, which has already oecupied the Court nearly two months. The only new in cident worth mentioning is, that a man named j Hsrvey, who swore that Phelps employed him , o burn the railroad depot at Detroit has made a full confession, upon the stand, of ,bis perjury. He says that he whs emplofbd by , an agent of the defendant to swear as he did i and that in truth he never saw Phelps in In diana, or elsewhere, until hb was pothted out j to him at the Court hooeb. The test! nob'y of such an abandoned wrectb cannot have any weight on either side. VOLUME XV.-AO. 100. T £ GR APHIC HEWS. I, <xu«iu!t>Tor hrontclr & Sentinel . • '• •' ■ - ' Charleston Market. Monday, Aug., 18.'— Cotton —Operations sus pended. Sales to day 37 bales at 7| ots. NEWS ITEMS. From the Charleston Courier —by Telegraph. New Orleans, Aug 14 —Four hundred bales inclu ling thirty of the new crop, were sold in thia Cotton market os Thursday, and Afiddlin ’ Fair was worth 8| ct§. Pork is still advancing, and sales of Mess have been effected at sl6. For Corn there is a lair demand; mixed is quoted at froni 38 a 40,-and prime yellow at 47 oents. Advices received in this city from Galveston to the Bth inst, state that die ejection returns from four or five of counties of Texas show that Bell is far ahead for G ivernor, Anderson Democrat for Lieut'Governor, and Howard, Democrat for Congress. Accounts from Mexico to the 29th ult., give the information that the Government had Call ed * Convention of the Governp g of all the States, which was to have met at the Capital on the Ist inst , for the purpose of consulting upon financial "ffairs A discovery had bean made of the existence ol'a conspiracy to recall Santa Anna in Guanajuato,. which was frus trated. The Senate had passed a rssolut on relative to the planting of military colors on the isthmus of T huantepec. i v * Mobile, Aug. 15.—The Artie’s news has no effect on holders, and Cotton is consequently stiff at previous prices. The sales during the week amount-o 2300, and to-day. Friday, to 550 bales. The stock comprise* 30 000 bales. Middling is worth from to 7£ cents. - | ■ —! From the Baltimore American—by 'telegraph. Boston , August 14.—A most violent storm oc curred here and in the vicinity yesterday. In this city a large quantity of hail fell,' and three men were prostrated by lightning. At Gravesend, near Lynn ,• thehouse of Joseph Vicary.jr., was struck and considerably'dAmaged. James Lewis was knocked down, and with diffi culty restored. A house in Lynn occupied by several families, was also struck, making a complete wredk of everything inside. No lives were lost. **: Three persons were prostrated in Shepard street. The lightning also struck several other planes in Lynn. The whole atmosphere appeared charged with electricity. In this city the mainmast of the schooner Eg lantine was struck and shivered to pieces. At Cheslea, the wind blew a tornado, but ther® was no hail. At Long Island, hailstones weiging- a qaarter of a pound were picked up. Every wherein this neighborhood the otqrm did more or less damage. Boston, August 14.—A real estate broker, named John Elevens, doing business at-5- Ex change street, committed suicide last rtitfht fn his office by cutting an artery in his right leg. He wa < discovered this morning dead. The deceasod was formerly secretary of the Commonwealth Insurance Company, and #brth considerable property. Ho was married last Saturday to one of his tenants in Groton. i The inquest is now in progress. Huntingdon, B a., Aug. 14.—The Democrats of this county met in convention yesterday, and elected delegates to the general convention, to be held March 4th. They were instructed to vote for Cass, 49 to 3. Louisville , Aug 13, —The steamer Ocean Wave while lying at the lower levee yesterday, took; fire, and before it could be subdued her upper works were entirely destroyed. There is an insurance on the boat for four thousand dollars. Louisville, Aug 14.—Additional returns receiv ed increase Dixon’s majority for Governor to nearly 4000. Nearly every county has been heard from. Indianapolis, Ind., Aug. 13.—Tho new consti tution of this State has been adopted by 23,000 majority. Boston, August 15.—The Frenoh Consol at Hay ti was lately here and stated that he was on his way home for instructions' from Gov ernment in case Soulouque insisted on iuv*. ding Bt. Domingo He further stated that the English and French C< nsuls would present orders fort blockade of Port' atf' Prince and Cape Haytien, in case of hostilities. The American Government has refused to enforce by Violent measures, the claims of Amerioan citizens. Kingston, Canaria, August 15.—A pio nic party in a boat, was upset yesterday and 15 lema es and 4 males were drowned/ Toronto, Aug. 15 —Parliament adjourn® next The Government has accepted the invitation of >he committee to attend the railroad celebration in Boston, on the third week of September. The committee dino with Lord E'gin to day and go to Montreal to morrow. 1 Buffalo, Aug. 15.—Davis, the fugitive was this evening remanded by Commissioner Smith to hi 3 master, Mr. Moore, of Louisville! While on his way from the Court House q mob attempted to rescue him, but lai'ed in their ptl'p se. Con«iderable excitement pre-.s vailed, bnt mat ers are now quiet. Chicago, tirely disappeared from our city Cisc in®ATI. Aug. 14 —The re'urna have at length «II been received fiom the T-nth Con gressional District, and show the election of Samuel Been ion, Ind. Whig, instead of Bor den, Dein., as previously reported. The dele gation stands eight Democrats, two Whigs. The steamer Dscoiah exploded at Peoria, 111 ,on Saturday. She was bound for Mtnne sota, for the accommodation of a number of settlers who were onboard, and was wooding when the explosion took placy. E evea persons were killed and quite i number b«d lf wounded. Toronto, Aug. 14—In the Canadian As sembly last night, tho Government resolution* were adopted, by which 10 mihipus of dollars are appropiaied towards the of n ihe great trunk railway tbrougn Canada to Halifax, N. S. The decided action of this and the known favor with which this'long talked of and great national enterprise is regarded in the lower provincos, leaves tittle room to doubt hut that it will now be prosecuted to a success, ful issue. BOUNTY LaNjuS. BY an aefcaf-ths late Gongtress, Bounty LANDS Imve been granted to the Soldiers sod Wid ows of Soldiers who served in the 'ast wsr with Great t Britain, jn 1812, or |n any of the Indian wars since 1790; also to Commissioned officers of the Mexican- War. >'vsd uxuii Havit' formed an association with legal gentle - men in \ Islington City, 1 am/ fully prepared with the neost.- ury forms and raquiremeols of the Aet, to l proceed ir behoof of *U those interested therein; also to pi* • eouty. oifims of every, desoriptiou against the Govern. non t. Officeon Jackson, between Reynolds and Brosd-sti 08-ts JOHN MILLEDGK.