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ttfwMg jgUur (Eta. THURSDAY MORNING, FEB. 10, 1670. • Mr. Diitrci IleTletrcd. W$, publish this morning an able end in teresting review of Mr. Dawes late speech, and his extraor Jinay statement* concerning the economy of the Administration. The xe- •eiever proceeds upon the principle that “figures* will not lie,” and makes an exhibit which takes all the wind out of Mr. Dawes "&• IacontUtcnejr and Desperation. If, as the Constitution of this city allege*, the oblige* of malfeasance preferred by Treas urer Angler against tbe Executive, are "gen erally believed" by tbe Bryant Democracy, wby, in tbo iiAOid of icAzoii, did not the lead ers of that faction vote for a Committee of in vestigation ? The Governor asked for an in vestigation; only his enemies in the House de nied it—that is, the investigation was denied by tho very man who ottered these charges? Gan anything be more unreasonable? Is it not an open confession, on their part, that, in their opinion, the charges wen* wholly un founded ? that they were preferred aud uttered only for political effect ? “Only this and nothing more.” Mcasnres Before Congress. The total abolition of tho franking privilege hangs fire. There seems an anxiety on the part of aome Senators to load the bill with amendments, and these may result in its de feat, or at least in its material modification. The Senate bill expanding the currency of the National Banks, is now before the Hooso Committee with fair prospects of boccess. The Mormon bill (originating in the House) has been re-committed to the Territorial Com mittee. It contains sweeping pains and pen alties of disfranchisement, outlawry, Ac., on those who practice polygamy; and, if passed, will be the virtual banishment of Brigham Young and his followers, from Utah, unless they conform to tbe laws of civilized society. Tbd Reconstruction measure s,brgan in 1867, have become part of the settled policy of the country. Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas are in a fair way to be admitted, and thus will end this vexed question. Do They Want Peace 1 The Bryant Democracy, through its accred ited organ of this city, calls for a Convention of its faction, to sssemble in this city at some time previous to the re-assembling of the Leg islature on the 14th instant. Tbe alleged purpose of this proposed gathering is, to pro cure ••the administration of law without tbe intervention of the sword,” Ac. In view of the fact that the efforts of Con gress and tbe Republican party in Georgia, have been directed to this object for three ysars past, and that tbe consummation of the great work has been hindered and delayed only by the reckless opposition of tbo political mountebanks who now clamor for a Conven tion, this eall becomes exceedingly ludicrous. Do these men really desire “liberty without lawlessness?” Do they really desire • the ad ministration of law without the intervention of tbe sword ? ” Do they want peaco, order, quiet, good government, restoration to the Union, and a solid basis for capital and indus try in Georgia? If so, wby do they not cease their factious opposition to tho general Gov ernment ? Wby do they not cease their des perate and reckless efforts to preterit the restoration of the Stale to civil government? v Why do they not support the State Govern ment eatablished by tbe Congressional enact meets? Wby do they persist in keeping np a strife and nnsettleweut that is rapidly depop ulating tbo State? Wby do they seek to destroy public confidence, by keepiog «ip a sp voles of guerrilla warfare against tbo men who have been labor ing? night and day for three years to tabliah a legal State Government—one that will be approved by Congress —and therefore one under which ’ law” inav be administered “without the intervention of the sword”? No, these men do not want peace*. They want office, power, plunder. Thil is the main spring of all their patriotic protestations Rule or ruin is still their motto. They want no settlement, no peace, uo civil government- nnle^s they can be permitted to control. They do not represent tho tax-payers and producers of the 8tate. They simply represent them aetvea. Aud, in order to keep themselves be fore the public, they seek to promote strifi and eonfusioo ; to destroy confidence in the Administration. To this end, they appeal to the lowest passions^of the mob, to the pre judices and passions of the soured, tbe sore- headod, the jaundiced, the reckless, the heed less, the unthinking; to that class of men who have nothing to loose but everything to gain by preventing a settlement upon the basis of nniversa! Justice. Tbe tax-paycra of tie State have no interest in common with theeo desperate men. They are ready and willing to accept the situation, and support the Government established under and by virtuo of the late act of Con gress. In short, they accept the proportion, made iu tbe Governor's Message, to have peace upon the basis of Impartial Suffrage and Universal Amnesty. Another Sensation Spoiled. A few evenings since it was heralded over the wires, ell tbe way from Washington, and fully endorsed by the urg&u of the Bryant Democracy in thi^city, that President Grant would not sustain tbe action of Gen. Terry in aeatiug “the next highest;” and it was further more asserted that tbe President bad passed upon tbe claims of Messrs. Hill aud Miller,and that they would be admitted to seats in the United Stats* Senate.. The first seusatioo was short-lived. In fact, it came a little loo late to foster the drooping hopes of the Bryant faction of the Democracy in this city; but its fallacy was less understood in tbe rural districts where it served as a peg to bang hopes npon until something better should * turn up!” The other canard—about the President having un dertaken to pass upon n question which, in the very uiiture of the case, could only be heard and determined by the Senate—pxe- sented as little chums to j robability as tbe first; nevertheless, it was received by tbe ••faithful” with many manifestations of joy, and some simple-minded people ao*mod half inclined to helievo it true. For the satisfaction of all over credulous people, aud tor the especial benefit of our as tute ootemporsry who weun to have Mr. Bry ant in charge, we may *tate that there is not, nor has there ever been, auy foundation for these stories. On the contrary, the President is fully satisfied with the action of Gen. Terry and Gov. Bollock thus far; and neither he nor the Senate of tbo United States are in dined to entertain the demand of those who dsi*n seats in virtue of an election by an illo gaily organised body of men calling itself the Legislature of Georgia. The President and both Houses of Congress understand the situ- tion of things m Georgia. They recognize ihe present, as the first legally organized Leg islature in Georgia since ibo war ; aud it is quite enough to say that Gov. Bullock and General Terry will be folly sustained by both. Cruel —Some of our Democratic cotempo- l to indulge in rather questions- speak cf Dr. It V. M. Miller, of Part if* Tr.»i*SiIt«! with tUe Ohujifc or ilrpa.-nd real»»>*<. T?****-* pn* in Virginia tU.t rvpu^eui tbe fossil rcumiuo «.f the Democratic party— that is the shelved leaders ol that party—are dissuti-fied with the terms upon which that State has been admitted to the Union. The old leaders seem to care less for tbe material interests of the State, and tbe demands of the present generation, than for tbe resuscitation of “the Democra ic party!” They dogmati cally express.the opinion that " the Democra cy” will yet control the State ; and, in con firmation of thi-*, they point to the list cf bat tle fields on which Soa’beru sold.era have perished, and*seek to rekindle those sectional feelings which all good men desire should be allowed to slumber forever. This is the phantom that will continue to haunt all efforts to form a new or a third party. Mr. Johnson, then President of tbe United Stales, tried the “new party” movement in 18C6; but it was bounded down and ridden to death by “the Democracy” of I860; and, consequently, ended in disaster and disgrace. It was subsequently tried in this State io 1867, when it was proposed to or ganize a “Conservative” party; but the same old restless phantom of “Democracy” rode it to death also. And so it will ever be. There arc, there can be, but two political parties. One repre sents the old Hamilton-Federalist school o* politics, and seeks to make the Union some thing more than “a ropo of sand.” It seeks to establish an unity of interests and a nation ality; to recognize a Government able and willing to return protection to the humblest citizen, ia consideration of that citizen’s alle giance. The other is the disintegration party— party originating with the Jacobin Clubs of Paris in 1732, and which was imported to America and embodied in the Virginia Reso- ln ion of 1798; and which fiually attempted to disrupt the Union, and did plunge tbe coun try iulo civil war, in I860. At one time, “Democracy” was au honored name, and boasted of powerful leaders. The same true of the Girondists party of Paris ; like wise of the Conformists party of England; but it would be quite ns practicable to attempt the ressucitation of one as of the other, es pecially under a fusion which recognizes no principle but Opposition to Progress and the demands of the living Present. The mass of the people in Georgia, as in Virginia, have no desire to harrow up the memories of a disastrous Past, made hideous and disastrous through the blindness and fanaticism of mere politicians. They are quite williug that tbe name and organization of a party which ended in rain five years ago, should perish and fade from memory along with the leadership of men who have bud tbeir hey-day of political honors. Henceforth, new men will bo called npon to assume tbo duties of State, and these must stand or fall accord ing as they prove true or untrue to the de mands of tbe living Pazsxxr. »»* **.;cmocrattc“ Triii and t!is 'Itssnjc In our n»*w5« column-.'io:u»rnit:g. \ri-l be u»d torn*! current samples of Democratic liticai warfare. Argument is ignored as metbing with which Democratic editors ivc no possible acquaintance; and personal abuse of the lowest, most disgusting and ill- bred type, is freely resorted to by writers who assume to represent “all tho virtue, intelli gence and respectability” of their party ! It would be an unpardonable misrepresen tation oi facts, to say that such journals repre sent tho educated aud more respectable class cf the Ge orgia Democracy. They represent merely the individual sintimeuts of a few des perate meo, who recognize the fact that their day is well nigh past; men who have nothing to loose, and therefore nothing ia common with tbe substantial xn^u of tbe State who de sire nn early and satisfactory settlement of our national troubles. The time for appealing to tho passions en gendered by a war iu which they floated to tbe feurfac.;, has passed. It is utterly futile at this late day to attempt to keep np a political organization npon tho memories and hatreds of that e^pflict; and we congratulate the more respectable aud intelligent people of tbe State upon the prospect «*f the speedy relapse of these political mountebanks to their native obscurity. All men iu Georgia who represent the in dustrial and material interests of the State, rejoice ui tbo pros pi ut of a satisfactory and permanent settlement. They want some basin —civil law, order, government—npon which capital may venture operations and in vestment; and having uo interest in common with, or sympathy ft r tbt» knot of desperadoes and adventurers who set k to keep the State iu commotion aud strife with the gcnerul Gov ernment, they t-.au but re-joico at the fioal downfall of pseudo “Democratic” leaders who have neither the talent uecossary to success ful leadership, nor the moral worth essential to good citizenship. Impartial Suffrage and Amnesty* This, when advocated by the “Conserva tives" of Tennessee and Virginia, is called tbe policy of peace, and is bailed os tbe dawn of the ora of reason. Bnt when advocated by the Republican party of Georgia, whereof Gov. Bullock is the bead and representative, it is called “the policy of vengeauce,” and thence becomes one of the Governor's “personal schemes!” In his message of February 2d f , (inst.,) the Governor says: “Let ns unite m a complete recognition of the rights of men, irrespective of birth, color, or ptevions condition, aud frankly admit that under, and before tbe law, all men are equal—that all aro responsible and seo to it tbut, by future legislation, the re quirements of our constitution are recognized —that free schools are established and main tained, aud that protection is secured for per son aud property, and for the free expression of political opinions.” And again : V Let party lines be extended s>as to wel come and include au who abe in fa von of Impartial Suiyjuoe and Universal Amnes- hrro is no disfranchisement of i icorrigi- bles, no proscrip ion, no bitter-ender doctrine this. It is Mibstautially the platform of tbo Walker party in Virginia, a party which combines tbe moderate and progressive n;o.i of the late Democratic party cf that Slate; and, as remarked by a distin guished Tennessee Democrat of the old school, few days since, tbe Republican party in Georgia, os led by Gov. Bullock, corresponds to the “Conservative ” party in Tennessee as led by Gov. Senter. Neither desire proscrip tion, but both desire tho establishment of & liberal and just State Government —one that will harmonize with tbo principles and policy of tho National authority, nnd inculcate a sentiment of loyalty and devotion to tbe Union. The Republican party in Georgia has no enemies to punish. It seeks nothing detri mental to the political, social or personal rights of any man ; but, on the contrary, seeks 8tiiblish f defend aud perpetuate the per sonal, civil and political rights of all meu.— And all men who will now support tbe Government, established under the'Recon struction acts; all who arc willing to unite with tbe substantial citizens and property hold ers o! the State to the end that a settlemea may be bad, and peace aud order aud good government maintained, are, for all necessary purposes, good Republicans, and will be re cognized os sash. It is only a few bankrupt politicians, native and foreign adventurers, meu of desperate fortunes who seek disorder and strife aud unsettlement as a menus ’to their own recognition as leaders, that array themselves persistently and desperately against the great principles of Republicanism—Im partial Suffrage and Universal Amnesty. And it was these, doubtless, to whom reference ii made in the fol* jwing paragraph iu the Govern or's message, aud to which certain leaders of the Bryant Democracy take exception : “The wrongs which have been done, the law- lass outrages which have been committed in many parts of the State, are the acts of but a few ir-responsible persons. When all good cit izens exert their influence iu favor of justice, awlessness will cease ” Suffrage in Wyoming Territory, The recent act of the Wyoming Legislature, conferring the elective franchise npon women, reads os follows: Be it enacted by tbe Council and House of Representatives of Wyoming Territory, That every woman of the age of twenty-one years, residing in this Territory, may. at every elec tion to bo bolden under tbe laws thereof, cast her xote. And her rights to tbe elective fran cbise and to hold office shall be the same un der the election Laws of the Territory as those of electors. Sec. 2. This act shall tike effect and be in force from and after its passage. Under a fair reading of this statute, black women have tbe right to vote, whilst, under tbe existing laws ot tbe Territory, black men bavi* not! It would seem, therefore, from this, that the ladies of Wyoming have things tbeir own way, and can control the elections of the State, provided they can control their d >mestics? The Message Abroad. Tbe Nashville Banuer, the leading news and political journal of Tennessee, and the organ of the Conservative party in that State, makes a lengthy review of Gov. Bullock's Message. Speaking of tbe Impartial Suffrage and Universal Amnesty feature of the Mes sage, the Banner says of Gov. Bullock : Bitterly opposed aud personally abused os he is by bis political adversaries, the views and suggestions therein arc creditable to his temper and judgment. Iu the momentary en joyment of tho position of “top dog in the fight,” it cannot be denied that he holds ent to the opponents ot his administration and programme of reconstruction the olive branch of peace, und invites all to aid iu securing tbe moral, intellectual and material progress of the State. After quoting that portion of the Messug wherein tbe Governor recommends tho equal protection aud rights of all men regardless of color or previous condition, and the extension ol party lines so as to embrace all who are now in favor of upholding and sustaining the State govexnment as organized uudor tbe late law, the Banner continn&s : The Conservative men of our own State ac cepted similar terms at the hands ol the Seuter wing of the Republican party, was de monstrated at the election for Governor and mombers of the Legislature iu Augn&t last, and by the recent wise cud just actiou of our Constitutional Convention on the question of suffrage. It remains to bo seen whether the party under duress in Georgia has the wisdom to accept iLe situation aud rnuke the best of it, as the wisest Southern statesmen have done aud are doing in Tennessee and Virginia. The present indications, we fear, that many o! them will contiuuo “batting Against the wall” until they spill their modicum of braiux. Many of these Georgia impracticable^, we are satis fied, even now regard Teuneeseo Conserva tives as Radicals of the deepest dvc, nnd would read out of their “Democratic church” such inen as tho Hon. A. O. P. Nicholson, Neill S. BrowD, Gen. John C. Brown, Col. House and others bolding their views on the politics of tho present day. Doubtless they would bo considered even unworthy to un loose tbe shoe-latchets of such immaculate worthies as Duulnp Scott, of Floyd, aud Bry ant, of the count}’ of Richmond Verily, however, “sich is life.” When it is remembered that the Banner cc- enpies much the same relation to the Dvmoc racy of Tennessee tbut the World does to tbe party iu New York, or the Courier-Journal to that of Kentucky, the above extracts ninst prove quite refreshing to the Bryant faction of the Democracy in this State —a faction which assumes to reconstruct the old defunct party upon the basis of interminable strife, and per petual hostility to Congress nnd the General Government. Salaries of Army Ti&cers. Salary. Gen. W. T. Sherman. $18,7S0 Lieut-Gen, P. H. Sheridan 14,303 Mnj.-Gen. H. W. HWlejfc ........... 9,862 Sec. of War Relkn&p 8,000 Chief- Justice Chase 6,500 ilt at Col fax ., . 9,Qoo SPIRIT OP TIIE GEORGIA PRESS. THE ATHENS BANNER, (DEM.) Speaking of the “want of Democratic unity" complained of by the Bryant Democracy, takes occasion to condemn iu the most-pointed terms, the proposition to adopt Mr. J. E. Bryant as a decoy leader. It says: ' “What sort of “harmony" was it,-that is so much deplored ? since eight nr ten Repub licans—or l^ss—affected mortal disgust with Bullock & Co., bat it was demanded that something over sixty Democrats should vote for Iheir choice, whoso claim w&3 that he was a better Radical, a more humble servant and patron of the negro, thau tho Radical nomi nee. A number of Democrats—good men and true—-favored the alliance. How many favored it for the unworthy hope of plunder we kuow not. A tew refused to favor it—refused to trade thoir turkey for tho blackest and mean est kind of buzzard - und their refusal is now mourned over as tbe causo of our woes. If so. Id it he so. Democracy can never be pre served and maintained by time serving alli ances with the enemy. If Republicans are earnestly weary of Republican folly, they will come to the Democracy. The demand that the Democracy go to them has been tried too often. It is paying too deaf for a whistle, at last, than can be made from*sow’s ear.” TII2 MACON TELEGRAPH Reads our Democratic neighbor, the Intelli gencer, ont of the party, because it foiled to recognize tbe Bryant movement as the “sal vation of the country.” This position of tho Telegraph is a conversion of recent origin. THE FOBT GAINS MIRROR, (DEM.,) Says: W© agree with Geu. Terry iu this. We be lieve that this is the only Legislative that has been organized, according to tho spirit und letter of tbo reconstruction law. Tho re construction law never contemplated that Georgia or her people should be free to organ ize. except according to tho dictates of Con gress. Force, and not freedom, is the main spring of the whole concern. By force Geor gia has been robbed of her representatives, and others have been placed iu tbeir stead. We do not envy Gen. Terry of the iufamy that will attach to his name, on account of the prominent tool he has made of himself iu this dirty work, but it is all strictly iu accordance with the reconstruction laws. THE SAVANNAH NEWS. (K. X.,) Reviewing the Governor's Message, -Rays : Tbe message is as villainously false and in sulting to the people ot Georgia as combin ed Radical mendacity and malignity could make it and was, no doubt, concocted by tbe Bullock aud Terry conspirators in Atlanta for effect North ami on the Radical Congress, to whom they look to sustain tliera iu their past usurpations and future outrages and misrule. As an evidence of this, we obsotve that it was specially telegraphed (entire, omitting the ac companying documents) to Forney's Press, no doubt, at the expense of the State. Gold in Illinois.—The report comes that gold fields have been discovered in Chirk county, 111., And that the people of the neigh borhood are wild with excitement and leaving all other business to search for tbo precious metal. An old man seven ty-three year.? of ago ba3 been arrested near Middletown, Virginia, for Mi Salixtance of tlic Speech of Sir. Akermnn nt the Kepablicu.il Masu Meeting in At lanta., (January M-ltli, 1370. Mn. President: It was my fortune to live iu Georgia daring the existence of the South- n Confederacy. One of the harshest insti- tions of that government, (so called,) was its conscript law. I had thought that this hud passed away, with the other hardships of that oppressive period, but last Saturday a conscript officer warned me to appear here to-night. Being too poor to obtain a substitute, and hav ing no exemption from Richmond or elsewhere, and being disposed to submit to the powers that be, I have repaired to this camp of in struction, and find myself placed upon talking duty. This duty I will proceed to discharge. I understand that this meeting is called to consider the principles which all Republicans hold in common, and not those secondary mat ters npon which Republicans disagree. A Re publican is a supporter of the present national Administration, and of the principles upon which it came into power. The Republican party of Georgia was formed in 1867. Though its existence has been brief, its history is event fol. It has has had its campaigns and its bat tles, its victories and defeats, and, sad to say, it has its roll of martyrs. The prime objects of tbe organization were to put tbe State in harmony with the Government of tbe United States, and to secure justice to all her people. These objects were to be attained by support ing the reconstruction policy of Congress. It is confronted by the Democratic party. This party was organized in a convention held at Macon, in December 1867, under the auspices of Mr. B. H. Hill. Its object has been to thwart tbe reconstruction policy of Congress. No matter what Congress may propose, the Democrats ol Georgia are sure to oppose i». Two years ago tlioy blamed Congress for set ting ap a State government here. Now they blame Congress for pulling down that same gov ernment They no v pronounce it criminal toj undo what they then pronounced it criminal to do. And this conduct well illustrate the characteristics of that party. It is a party of opposition—against everything and fojjiotb- ing; at least for nothing which they dare avow.. A Republican has a positive creed. He is for the Union, and for the equal civil and po litical rights of all men. A Democrat’s creed is negative. Ask him what he is for, and he answers: “£ am against the first reconstruc tion act of Congress.” But, my Democratic iriend, what are yon for? The reply is: “I am against the second reconstruction act” But what are you for? “I am against tbe third re construction act” But what aro you for? “I am against the last reconstruction act Bn. what are you for? “I am against the Radicals, against the Yankees and against the niggers. To their general habit of negation, there is ore ex ception. They sometimes say that they ere i'or State Rights. This is a phrase of ill omen. It was the watchword of the party th&t in 1832 set ap tho pretension that a State might stay in the Union and share its benefits, and yet be relieved of a share of tbe public burdeus. It was tbe watchword of tbe party that in 1850 denied to California tbe right to establish lib- erty within her borders, and threatened to sever the Union becaase they could not have tbeir own way. It was tbo watchword of the men who, in 1861, plunged the country into se cession, and are responsible for all the calami ties that have followed that frantic step. The survivors and successors of these men cow tell us that they have abauboned the specific remedy of secession, but th&t tho doctrine oi secession is right, nevertheless. They remain uninstrncted by tho terrible lessons of ths war. Mr. Stephens pats his well-stored mfr-a to tbe task of vindicating secession in a book. According to him, it is onr true continental theory that a small district, called a State, may lawfully derange the whole continent whenever it chooses to do so. He would pat our vast interior population at the mercy of the States which happen to possess the months of the rivers. The war he holds, has settled it that bis theory shall not be poshed to its legitimate consequences. Bat he clings to the theory as absolutely right, and limits its operation only under the compulsion of phy sical force. Whereas, it is our doctrine that the whole theory—root, trnnk, branch, leaf and frnit—should disappear from the political field. We keep as fur from the doctrine of se cession as we can. Our Democratic friends keep us close to it as they dare. We find in this State over five hundred thou sand human beings of the European race. We find also over four hundred thousand of the African race. The relations of these two races present our most serions domestic problem. Formerly one of these races was subordinate to the other in a state of slavery. Freedom has coineflbnt where shall tbe freedmen fleqSIeced? A democrat would.say, “keep them as near to the condition of slavery as possible.” The Republicans say, “give them an eqaal chance with other men.” Accordingly, the Republi can party, after giving them freedom, has given them civil rights, then the ballot and the right to office. If these acts were wrong, then one of the obief articles in our creed is wrong. But these acts were not wrong. 1 am not such a visionary as to cleave to a doc trine that looks well in theory bnt works ill in practice. If the creed of equal rights is in consistent with the safety of society, let the creed be thrown away. But in this case that creed is justified by experience. Every pro motion of the colored man, from freedom op to office, has been preceded by Democratic predictions of its direful effects on his baba vior. And every one of these predictions has failed. In tho name of justice, what right have we to depress a peoplo who have borne every promotion well? We would not destroy States. For local leg islation and administration, they are eminent aud nseiol. They are indispensable elements, too, in the stractare of onr National system. Such rights as properly belong to them should bo preserved and respected. Bat among these is not the right to throw into confusion the people of thirty-six other States. That right has been asserted in the Seoate and on the field of war, but it was finally overcome when the logic of Webster was affirmed by the sword of Grant. We bow to this decision. Whatever may hare been bis former creed, every Republican now considers his nationality as represented in the Government that is seated at SVashiug- ton, and not in the Government that is seated at Atlanta. Wo have one country, divided into thirty-seven districts, not a cluster of thir ty-seven coanTles connected in a close alli ance. We have suffered as a party from not ad hering faithfully to our creed. It was a great error in the Convention to refuse to open office to all voters in explicit terms. The twelve men who voted to retain that explicit provis ion may be proud of that record. They were oot-voted, and thus the Democracy got an ex cuse (a poor excuse) for excluding tho colored members from the Legislature. By some par liamentary proceedings which I never under stood, a majority was obtained for that high handed measure. A darker page was never written in the legislative annals of any St. te. Most ot that Democratic majority had op posed the Constitution because it gave the negro the right to office, nnd yet, when sworn to support it, they eject him from office! This was a sorry exhibition from men who prate of honor. The Republicans who then faltered have cause to lament their weakness; while those who stood firm to the last have proved their fidelity by a most searching test. The exclusion of the colored members drew the eye of the nation on Georgia. An oppor tunity was afforded the State to correct the er ror by her voluntary action. '1 he Legislature refused to correct it lost winter. Lust sum mer the Supremo Court of the State interpro ted the Constitution, and decided that tho col ored man might hold office. How was this decision received? The greater number of tho Democratic leaders and presses a lvised that the decision should bo disregarded by the present Legislature. Their affected reverence for constitutions all vanished as soon as the Constitution was authoritatively construed to mean something to which they were opposed. The J edges who made the decision were de nounced. Ingenious excuses were invented for not conforming to tbo decision. Fired, £ was said that a scat in the Legislature is not an office, and as the Conrt had only decided that negroes could hold office, the decision did not extend to the case of a colored member. This ridiculous plea was followed by another to which the learned Democracy gave a Latin name, **res adjudicata.” The question, they said, had been settled by a judgment, and this judgment was binding forever. A vote in July that ail tbe members elect were entitled to scats was not conclusive, but a vote in Sep tember that the colored members were not entitled, rose to the rank of res adjudicata. and conld not be reversed! A technical rule, not universally established in parliamentary law was held np as an insurmountable obstacle t the correction of a monstrous error. We called on them to obey tbe demands of jus tice, but were told that “res abjudicaia” stood in the way. We called on them to obey tho Constitution, nnd were told that *tm adjudi cata” stood in the way. We ri iniuded them that having referred the question last winter to the Supreme Court, they wero bound in honor to conform to tbe decision; but honor was powerless in the presence of “res adjudi cata.” Whatever might be the pretext, the managi-rs of the Democratic party were determined that if they could prevent it. A few discreet men expostulated, but their voioe was overcome by ih® general clamor of their party. And it was fettled, as far as the futnre action of men can bo del tied, that the colored members must bo reseated by Congress or cot at all. There was another reason why Congress acted. . Reports went North that Republicans were the victims of lawless violence in Geor gia, aud a demand was made from all parts of the land that something should be done to stop these crimes. I take np pleasure in ex- r iiug the firnlts of the State in which I live, would rather imitate the sons of the g itriarcb, who covered their father's shame. ut truth cannot bo sacrificed to any such sentiment We know that during the last two years the soil of Georgia has often been reddened with the blood of men who were slain on account of their Republican politics. And we know that this blood is yet unavenged by humau law. Muscogee has not punished the murderers of Ashborn. Richmond has not punished the mnrderers of Kaffin. Early has not punished the mnrderers of Walker. Jeffer son has not punished the murderers of Ayer. Warren has not punished the murderers of Adkins. I will not go through the sad cata logue. These are the conspicuous cases. We remember the levity with which these and simi lar crimes were treated by the Democratic S ress. There were honorable exceptions. ut the general tone of that press was one of .'.a:isfaction whenever a Republican was taken off by assassins. And the horror with such things would strike an unperyerted mind was not expressed by the body of our Democratic citizens. From indifference, or for fear, or from sympathy with the perpetrators, they raised no outcry against these savage deeds. I must believe that tho great majority of the Demo cratic voters of Georgia are at heart the friends of law an order. It is their grand mistake to let bad men control tbeir public action. As long os they allow tho counsellors aud apolo gists of violence to be their organs aud spokes men they should not wonder to find them selves set down abroad as lawless. A perfect government is impossible. Under the best laws and the best administrations there will bo some c.ime and some failures cf justice. It is«of extraordinary crimes and cf extraordinary impunity, that we complain.— Men have been killed in other times in the hot blood that was raised by political quar rels. But I kuow of no instance ia America where men coolly premeditated and accom plished a murder ou account of politics, be- fo.e the case of Ashburn in the spring of 1868. That bloody example was followed. And wheu, in the spring ol 18C9, two members of the Legislature were waylaid and slain, and the local law forebore to lay an avenging hand upon tie murderers, it was manifest that Con gress would feel bound to legislate for Geor gia. “No State shall deny to any person with in its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws," says the Constitution of tbe Uuited States. Congress has power to enforce this provision. If wo cannot get protection from tbe State Government, we claim it from tbe N lion&l Government. I would rather get it from the State. I would rather that the peo ple of every vicinage should heartily uphold the local law aud make it effectual. Bat if they will not, we must go to the .superintend ing power. No refinements about State rights should be permitted to deprive us of those primal rights which government is established to secure. The soundest condition of tho pub lic mind is described by an ancient Greek as that in which eYery citizen feels that a wrong done to the humblest member of the commu nity is a wrong done to him elf. If our Dem ocratic citizens would briu? themselves to that noble sentiment, there would be no occa sion for Congress to regulate Georgia. But, unfortunately, tho best men iu that party do not control it. The friends of law, otder and justice in that party, have suffered themselves to be led by the passionate, the malignat and the brutal, I have spoken of the positiveness of tho Republican creed, aud contrasted it with, the Democratic negations. I will now lay down in four propositions the leading objects of tho Republicans of Georgia. First, Protection to person, to liberty and to property, secured by law recoguisiug the equal civil and political rights of all men. Second, Settled and harmonious relations with tbe national Government and with tbe rest of the American Union. Third, A thorough system of general edn cation, free to all the children of the State. Fourth, A frugal administration of tho State Government, including tho utmost cantiou ' aiding works of internal improvement. The first two of these propositions consti tute the vitals of Republicanism. The party has also committed itself to the cause of popular education. The Constitution of Georgia made it the duty of the Gen j:£:l Assembly at tbo first session to furnish an educational system. That session passed away aud no such provision was made, though Republican members nrged a prompt obedi ence to the Constitution. Tho Democratic majority, though sworn to support the Consti tution, refused to obey it. The Democrats tell us that negroes are too ignorant to take part in politics, and yet oppose onr efforts to educate them. While complaining of a dis ease, they refuse to administer the remedy. Upon my fourth proposition, the Demo crats profess to stand with me. They declaim against extravagance—the common clamor of the outs against the ins. They say that the pay of the members is too high; bnt they for get that the present compensation—nine dol lars a day—is what their own members voted to themselves in 1866. But I would not de fend expenditure on the low ground of Demo cratic example. We insist on economy as simple justice to our burdened people. Be sides a system of education which must be expensive, it must cost os much to support tho Government now as in 1860, when tbe wealth of the State was three times os great The way to retrench is to abolish useless out lays, not to be stingy towards necessary offi cers. The Indian said to the missionary, “poor pay brings poor preach.” We have a valuable property—the State Rail road. Over this, (in tbe language of Gov. Crawford in 1845 ) “the teeming West asks passport and passage;" and a road so sitaated ought to yield a good revenue to its owners. Its owners are all the people of the State, not merely those who live near it. and it should be managed for the benefit of &U of them. This can only be done with any approach to equal ity, by contributions to the pnblic treasury. Every citizen cannot ride on it; every citizen cannot send or receive freight by it; but every oitizen is interested,in having the public purse well filled. The State has begun to lend its credit to other railroads. The liabilities of this sort al ready amonnt to millions. A State, like an in dividual, will destroy its credit by going deeply in debt State aid is for the most part wanted for enterprises too unpromising to attract pri vate capital. I would exhort the Legislature to aid no company that is not pretty certain to be solvent, and thus keep out of all temptation to that Democratic vice, repudiation. I have thus presented some of onr leading objects. What do our adversaries say against them ? Tbeir standard bngbeur is “ negro equality.” They know that we do not under take to fix social relations. We do not attempt to subject one race to tho other. We do giv6 both races an equal voice in tbe government, and an equal chance, so far as depends ou the government, to win for th niseives the prizes of life. And npon what rule of fairness can this bo pronounced wrong? As a matter of domestic tranquility, I see no 6afe intermedi ate station for the colored man, between per fect slavery and perfect citizenship. Another objection is that we put incapable men into office. This is supremely impudent The old leaders of the South and tbeir follow ers complain th&t our party has uo statesmen! From the beginning of the. world until now, no civilized people have been worse led than the people of the South have been for over twenty years. That brood of old politicians have a certain Bort of talent They know how to inflame tbe people. They kuow how to carry ou tho Government while the Govern ment is running in tbe ancient grooves, bat they are not equal to extraordiuury occasions. Out of familiar paths they are bewildered.— They have none of the wisdom of the meu that the iribo of Issachar sent up to David—“men that had understanding of tho times, to kuow what Israel ought to do." Their whole his tory bos been marked by pretension and fail ure. They undertook to establish slavery in the Pacific States, and every one of those States came into the Union free. They boasted that they had planted slavery in Kansas, uud Kansas became tbe stiffest anti slavery State of the West. At lengtb, they set up a govern ment thut was to secure slavery forever. Here they had their own way. No opposition party, embarrassed them. The people freely sub milted to-their levies of money,to tbeir levies of property and to their levies of men. And the issue was tbe completest failure recorded in the world's annals. Look at tboir statesman ship, so-called, killed by pride Their did!o macy never achieved recognition from a ring! ? foreign power. Tbeir financial feats were just equal to—tbe value of Confederate money. Tbeir navy was soon stranded, blown or cap tured. Aud compare the administration of tbeir War Department with that of Stabtou. They failed with one of tho best opportunities to display capacity that tho world has ever af- d&d. And yet they have tka effrouliy lo run with the footmen, and they have wearied thse, how wilt thou contend with the horses?” Wo have had enough of you. Get away. Leave politics to others. They may do bet ter; they cannot do worse! They belong to a past age ; to a worn out system. They cherish tho dogmas of Calhoun, and banker after the reign of Davis. They forget that a Red Sea—red with tbe blood of brave Southerners and bravo Northerners too—is between them and tbo things which are so delectable tq their memories. That sea can never be recrossod. And hero is their graud mistake. They iiro organized as a party on the memories ot a lost cause. Some of us adhered to it, but when it was lost wo gave it up wholly. We are orgauized upon present, productive and vital matters. Democracy looks backward, Republicanism looks for ward; Democracy belongs to tho past, Republi canism to the future. Hence, in the nature of things, their cause must wane and ours must increase. What they call tbeir princi ples aro nothing but spites, resentment and cravings for what is irretrievable lost. Our principles are Union, Liberty, C*ler and Justice—principles which are assential to the well-being of our State. THE ADMINISTRATION. Mr. Dawes on the Public Expenditures. a. sconcniNG beview. Washington, February 3, 1870. The sensation of the last two weeks has been tho speech of Hon. Henry L. Dawes, of Mass., arraigning the administration on the charge that it is not carrying out in practice the pro fessions of ecouomy upon which it was placed in power. Such a speech, coming from the chnirman of the Committee on Appropriations, and from a Republican besides, was well cal culated to create an excitement, both among the friends and tho enemies of the administra tion. Some of the former have been much alarmed on account of the ill effect which they imagined tho speech would have upon tbe prospects of the Republican party, and have berated Mr. Dawes soundly for the part ho has takeu. To me tbeir fears seem to have been superfluous. The effect of the speech will be to induce the most rigid scrutiny of all pro posed expenditures, and tho utmost frugality in the conduct of pnblic affairs. Ii inaugu rates a species of competition in economy be tween the legislative and executive branches of tbe Government, the tendency of which mas. be to reduce expenses to the minimum. Tho people will profit by this competition, in duced taxes, or increased contributions to the payment of tho national debt, and will be lit tle inclined to withdraw their confidence from a party which presents them with practical re sults of so satmfactory a nature. Of course Mr. Dawes’ charges of extrava gance will be industriously circulated by tho Democratic press, but even supposing the case to have bees ns bad as he seemed to think it, the fact will remain that it was a publican, and not a Democrat, who called at tention to the evil; and its correction, by tbe catting down of all superfluous estimates, will be due to a Republican Congress. Bnt the truth is, that the wholesome dis cussion to which the spoech gave iise Uai shown that the estimates it assailed will bear examination far better than Mr. Dawes seemed to think. Indeed, the only charge wh : ch, if sustained, would have given the Democracy any substantial ground for self gratulation, has been distinctly dispioved. We refer to the statemout that the estimates of tho pres ent administration were in excess of those presented a year ago by Andrew Johnson. Mr. Dawes’ first speech was evidently made under the toroe of impressions somewhat too hastily formed. It is due him to say that he was mil led by the figures of tho estimate books—i. e., the books of which one is prepared each year at tbe Treasurer Department, giving in det&ii tho items of expenditure for the next fiscal year, with the estimated amount required for each. Iu the general footing np, the aggre gate amount in the book for this year was sot down at $331,000,000, andpn the book for last year at only $303,000,000. Mr. Dawes stated that there was a misprint in one item, whereby S4,000.000 had been converted into $11,000,000. Bat after making allowance for this error of $7,000,000, there still remained $324,000,000 as tbo estimates of the present administration, against $303,000,- 000 as the last estimates of the administration of Andrew Johnson. This certainly seemed to justify Mr. Dawes’ charge ; but an exami nation of tbe items which make up these re spective aggregates showed that it only seemed so. It was found that tho 303,000,000 of last year did not include the estimated expendi tures of the Post Office Department, amount ing to $24,540,413, which wero submitted sep arately npon page 124 of* the estimate-book ; while the $324,000,000 of the present year did include the accounts of that department, amounting to $25,581,093. It was evident, therefore, that before making a comparison between the estimates of the two administra tions, tho Post Office account of last year must be added to tho $303,000,000, making over 327,000,000, or else the Postoffice account oi this year must be subtracted from this year’s estimates, reducing them from 324,00J,000 to less thau 299,000,000. In the former case the difference in favor of tbe present administra tion would bo $3,000,000, in the latter $4,000,- 000. After making this correction, then, the comparison between tho two estimates siands in round numbers as follows : Johnson’s estimates, including.. Post Office $327,000,000 Grant’s estimates, including Post- office $321,000,000 completely vitiated his comparison between the estimates of the two administrations, and threw the balance on the other side. Indeed it is due to truth to say, that he showed a far stronger desire to justify him elf in the posi tion he had first hastily than ho did to do exact justice to the iv'. * istratiou. In his second, speech, hf* gave no promi nence to the comparison estimates with estimates, (which, as we have seen, results in favor of President Grant,) but relied solely upon the excess of this year’s estitmates over last year’s appropriations, amounting, as he said, to $42,000,000. This certainly eeems x to threaten a formidable increase of expendi tures in the secoud year of President Grant’s administration, as compared with the first year, bnt not as compared with any year of Andrew Johnsou’s, for we have already seen that these estimates were $78,000,000 less than the actual expenditures of the fiscal year 186S. It must be remembered, however, that the appropriations last winter were cut down to the lowest possible point, amounting only to $281,000,000, including $24,000,000 tor the Ppstoffico Department, appropriated out of its own revenues. This leaves only $257,000,000 appropriated ont of the public Treasury. Let us now institute another comparison, os fol lows : Expenditures of Johnson for fiscal year 1863 $377,000,000 Appropriations for fiscal year 1870 257,000,000 $120,000,000 To censure tho present administration for having presented . estimates iu excess of tbe amount appropriated last year is, therefore, to censure it for not having reduced the expendi tures of the Government to a point $120,000,000 less than they wero during tho last full year of Johnson’s term. This seems somewhat un reasonable at first sight, and upon close ex amination it becomes even ridiculous. For, let it be remembered, that the interest on the public debt alone amounts to $130,000,000, and if we subtract that from the two amounts compared above, there will remain for the other expenses of the Government, as follows: Expenditures of Johnson in fiscal year 1869 $247,000,000 Appropriation for fiscal year 1870 127.000,000 REVELS INTERVIEWED. Excess of Johnson’s estimates.... $3,000,000 Or, Johnson’s estimates without Post- office $303,000,000 Grant’s estimates without Post- offico $299,000,000 Excess of Johnson’s estimates-.,. • $4,000,000 There is also another item of $725,000 for sub sidies to certain mail steamships which was in cluded this year in the $324,000,000, but was not included last year in tbe $303,000,000, al though appropriated by Congress, having been submitted by Postmaster-General Randall as a separate item. Although these items aro sufficient to show that npon a comparison of estimates the advantage is with the present administration, they do not show this advan tage in the strongest light of which it is sus ceptible, for it will be recollected that the official report of Secretary Boutwcll, which was extensively published about the time of tbe meeting of Congress, put the estimated expenditures for the next fiscal year at only $291,000,0C0, or $12,000,000 less than those of Andrew Johnson a year ago. As this estimate of tho Secretary was undoubtedly made with due care, it seems to be far more worthy of reliance than an estimate book prepared by a clerk, in which a typographical error of $7,000,- 000 has been shown in asiqgle item. It can hardly be doubted that the discrepancy ot $8,000,000 or $9,000,000 between Secrota Boutwell’s report and the estimate book, as corrected above in respect to the Post Office accounts, is occasioned by similar errora, or by tbe inclusion of certain items estimated for by subordinate officials, which ought not to have been so included. It must be admitted, however, that if these few millions were all we had to show as the dif ference between the profligate administrati of Andrew Johnson and tho administration of Geu. Grant, we should have slender c.tuse for congratulation. But it must be remembered that the comparison above made is between es timates made by Grant’s administration for the fiscal year commencing on tho first of July next, and those made by Johnson’s for the year commencing on the first of July last,a year wholly outside of his own term of office. It was very easy to make economical estimates for his successor, bat tho proper criterion by which to judge Mr. Johnson is his own ex penditures while in office. These, in tac last whole year of bis term, the fiscal year ended June 30, 1863, were upwards of $377,000,000. This does not include the postal expenditures, and must therefore be compared with the $299,000,000 of the present estimates which remain after subtracting tbe estimates for the Post Office Department. It is necessary to ex plain here thut both these amounts include the postal deficiency, that is, tl^o oxcess of the expenditures of the Post Office over its own receipts, which, of course, te all the expeuse that department is to the country. The com parisou, then, is a perfectly fair one, and shows a difference of $78,000,000 in favor of •Grant's administration. A similar result would be shown by a comparison of the present esti mates with the expenditures of Johnson’s lid- ministration from July 1, 1863, to March 4, 1869, the exfdration of his term of office. It would make this letter too long to go into do tails upon this point, but tho figures may be found in full in tho able and exhaustive speech deliver, d in tho House by General Butler last week, iu reply to Mr. Dawes. , The latter gentleman, in his speech of the 27th nltimo, admitted tho point which wo have shown above, viz: that the Postoffice account was not included in tho $303,000,000 which be had previously state 1 as Johnson's estimates, nnd that it was included in tho estimates submitted by President Grant. But did not state frankly, m; he ought iu Reduction $120,000,000 This, it will be seou, amounts to a reduction of the current expenditures of the Govern ment by nearly oue-hulf. If the administra tion finds it cannot accomplish quite so much as this, it may be a subject of regret, but cai scarcely be a source of very serious disappoint ment, and certainly does not furnish any just occasion for denunciation. Tho fact is, that at the close of the fiscal year 1868-9 there was between $60,000,000 and $70,000,000 of uuexpended balances of former appropriations remaining in the Treasury to the credit of the different De partments, and tho appropriations were cut down lastj-vinter, in view of this fact, many millions lower than they otherwise would have beec. It was not expected that tbo Govern ment would actually be conducted upon the amount appiopriated, without drawing on these balances ; and it would hardly be rea sonable to expect tho same amount to suffice next year, after the balai:ccs iu question have been very largely diminished. It must not be supposed, however, that tho fell amount of $12,000,000 .in excess of last year’s appropriations is expected to be appro priated cr that it is even asked by tbe admin istration. It is always customary, in making the estimate?, to allow a small margin for cat ting down * at the other end of tho avenue," and, moreover, estimates are presented to an aggregate amount of millions of dollars, which merely represent what certain things xjootdd cost if Congress should determiuo to have them. This is the case in regard to public works Authorized by law, estimates for which tho officers of tho Government are legally bound to submit for tho enlightenment of Con gress. As a single example I may mention an esti mate of tho Chief Eugiueer of tho army for $9,500,000 lor the improvement of rivers nnd harbors, which is included in the aggregate estimates not appropriated for last year, nor recommended by the Secretary of War to be appropriated this year. That will be just as Cougresa deems expedient. In the estimates of the Pension Office there 13 au escess of $11,000,000 for army aud navy pensions over the amount appropriated last year. This is partly duo to the allowance of new claims which have been proved, but chief ly to the fact that there was au unexpended balance on hand last year to eko ont the ap propriation. Tho amount asked for pensions this year is the same as that appropriated for the year ending Juno 30, 1869, aud $3,000,000 less than the amonnt appropriated the year be fore that. Another item included iu this year’s esti mates, aud not included iu last year's appro priations, is the interest on bonds purchased by tho Secretary of the Treasury, and now owned by the Government. These bonds al ready amonnt to nearly $1,000,000, and by the 1st of July next, when tho fiscal year com mences, will amount to $150,000,000, tho in terest on which will be $9,000,009. This sum, although included iu the estimates, is not an item of expenditure, but a contribution to ward tho pigment of the national debt. In tho three items mentioned we have the following aggregate: River and harbor improvements not recommended $9,500,000 Necessary increase in pension esti- matc.*-» '..., 11.000,000 Interest to be added to tho sinking fund 9,000,000 $29,500,000 Of these items the first need not be appro priated, the second is one which no patriotic American would begrudge, and the third is not an expense, bat a payment on the pub lic debt Together they explain all but $12,- 500,000 of the excess of this year’s estimates over tho very close appropriations of last winter. There are many other smaller items which would account for even a still wider difference, quite as conclusively ns the three items named accoaut for the first $29,500,000, but it would be tedious to specify. General But ler enumerated items of this class making a total of $59,000,009, which wonld explain the apparent excess of $42,000,000, and leave a surplu3of $17,000,000 to place to the credit of Grant’s ecouomy. Whether this be an over estimate or not, it is quite clear that there was nothing in the actual estimates to occasion auy alarm among the people or justify the cry of extravagance. Theso facts are incoutestible : I. That the estimates of this year at the very worst are $3,000,000, or $4,000,000 less than those inspired by the death-bed economy of Johnson’s administration a year ago. IL That they are $78,000,000 less than the expenditures of that administration had bceu tho year before. III. That if they exceed last year’s appro priations, the excess is accounted for in a way that is eutirely satisfactory; aud IV. That thoso appropriations themselves were $120,000,000 below tho amonnt of John son’s expenditures in 1868. All things considered, the people may con gratulate themselves upon tho financial pros pect. It is evident Mr. Dawes, by his ambi tion to figure as an economist, has been entrapped into making charges which were entirely unwarranted by facts. But if his pre cipitancy conduces to a more rigid serntiuy of the estimates, and to a merciless lopping off of all expenditures which, upon such scrutiny, shall seem to be superfluous, we shall all have occasion to congratulate ourselves upon . the suit. MYSTERIOUS FATALITY Two Negroes nnd a Ilorsc Die in a Singu lar Manner. From tlie Nashville Banner.] Iu tho Banner of tho 27th of January, we chronicled the sudden death of one Wiley Harris, colored, residing at Bosley’s Beud. It was then stated that Harris died three hours after ho had ridden a horse from this city home, aud that he had previously appeared in excellent health. As soon as Harris’ demise was ascertained, his brother-in-law, Kinchen Vernclt, colored, who resides a few miles off, went to where Harris lived, nnd on the morn ing following rodo the same animal above mentioned into the city, secured a coffin, and on bis return succeeded in placing Harris’ body therein. Harris was buried that day. Tho next morning Vernett died very suddenly, and so did the horse. Tho mystery of this strange fatality has not been revealed, nor perhaps will it ever bo. It created a sensation among tho negroes oi the neighborhood, and tbe suggestions of their superstitious natures knew no bounds. Washington (Jan. 3C) Cor. New Yew Worltl.] Hiram R. Rove’s, the colored Radical Sena tor elect from Mississippi, arrived here to-day and is stopping with his friend, Mr. George T. Downing, tho colored restaurateur of the House, on Capital Hill. Some fifty <mlored mon visited him this afternoon. He received their congratulations and said that for the sake of his race he felt prond of his elevation. This evening a social party was given in his hon or by Prot Wilson, the colored President of the Freedmen’s Bank, at his house on L street; where a correspondent of tho World called and had a brief conversation with the first col ored man ever elected to the Uoited States Senate. Mr. Revels is a thick-set mulatto, with a decidedly African, but pleasant physi ognomy, and bland, agreeable manners. He was born id North Carolina, and educated io Ohio, and is about forty-five years of age. For many years he was a prominent clergyman in tbe African Methodist Episcopal Church. He held tbe position of presiding elder in South ern Mississippi, before engaging actively in politics, when ho was elected Senator from the Fourth District of Mississippi, receiving a ma jority of 3,186; while Alcoin, for Governor, received only 2,460, Mr. Revels* election by the Radical Missis sippi Legislature to tho seat in the United States Senate left vacant by Mr. Jefferson Da vis, was by a very decided majority, and drew forth the following article from a friendly journal: “ He is a man of genuine courage, and will not consent to be maltreated or ignored b3* any variety of color or caste. It will not be pru dent to snub him in the Senate, either on the ground of color, of being a carpet-bagger, or for intellectual inferiority.” Mr. Revels, when he came forward to meet your correspondent, alluded to the papers con taining these notices, and said they were cor rect. % His credentials will probably be present ed to-morrow, though he will not be able to take his seat until the State is admitted. But asked whether he expected his right would be recognized, ho said : “ O, yea ; I have no reason to doubt it.” Correspondent—What will bo the first duty entrusted to you on entering the Senate ? Mr. Revels—Well, os the Legislature of Mississippi has passed a resolution, which you have doubtless seen, requesting Congress to remove the political disabilities of certain citizens of the State, it w(li be my duty to pre sent that resolution to tbe Senate. Correspondent—You then proprosa to take ground as a Senator impartially lor the whites as well as blacks? Mr. Revels—Certainly ; I come as a repre sentative of the State, irrespective of color. Correspondent—But as-a representative of the Radical party ? Mr. Revels—Certaiuly ; as representatives of the Republican party of the State, they call us Radicals, but still I urn for the people, and the interests of the State at large. Mr. Revels, clad in a suit of black, with his not very curly, closely trimmed hair, with his cheeks cleanly shaven, leaving a closely crop ped beard on his chin, with his face all smiling and his soft brown hand softly stroking your correspondent’s knee, looked as benignant and philanthropic as one could wish. The lively conversation of some tweuty colored lad us and gentlemen rippled in his rear, and anxious glances were cast toward him which impelled the questioner to cut the conversation short, but one or two further interrogatories were therefore ventured. Correspondent—Is it likely that you will have auy important proposition to submit to the Senate ; any measure of your own? Mr. Revels—Well, as to that I cannot yet say. I don’t think of anything at present be yond what I have mentioned. Correspondent—I suppose you will be apt to take a decided part in debate when you are fairly on the floor. The fact that you were once a preacher would denote that you wero liable to talk a bit. How is it, Mr. Down ing? Mr. Downing, who overheard this purt of the conversation, replied : “It there is any thing that Mr. Revels is particularly compe tent to do, I should say it was to talk.” “Well,” said Mr. Revels, iu his most genial tone, “there’s one thing you’ll find out about me: I don’t talk when I haven’t got anything to say. I never made a habit of it I alwaya listeu to a debate on an important question with great interest. Ever since I can remem ber, I’ve been interested in legislative debates. If there is anything to say when I am pres ent und have the right to speak, which hasu’t been said by others, and which exu do good, I shall say it; but I never speak for the sake of putting myself foru'&rd or getting my name into print I may have considerable to say, but I can’t yet tell” In fact, tbo demeauor of Mr. Revels and his talk about himself were almost unexceptiona ble. He seemed to be by no means an im posing presence, but rather that of one seeking to please all whom he meets, though there is no tolling but he may flame out as a raging orator on the Senate floor before the close of his short term, which ends in March. 1871. Ho looks like a man able to taka care of him self m his own way, and who will not suffer himself to be brow-beaten even by Sumaer. Air. Chase and his Critics.—Alore About the Ycatman Letter. From the Lswrenseburg, Indians, Reporter of the 4th. Atjkoba.Ind., January 27,1870. Thomas H. Ycatman, Senate of Ohio : Dear Sib -I recently observed in the col- umns of the Cincinnati Enquirer a letter said to have been written by Chief Justice Chase to you, urging the passage, by the Ohio Leg islature, of the F :r -senth Amendment, in which occtirs the expression (in effect) that “the Fifteenth Amendment must be put through at all hazards.” Mr. Baber read tbe note in the Ohio House of Representatives. Will you do me the kiadaess to inform m<* by return mail whether the Chief Justice wrote tho letter in question ? If he wrote it, (and as it has been made pnblic,) I suppose you would have no objection to inform me of it. As a political friend of Jndgo Chase, I would be glad to know. Yours, respectfully, ChiAB F. Rockets Senate Chamber, I Columbus, O., January 29, 1870. \ Om lr F. Roberts, Esq., Aurora, Ind.: Dear Sib—Yours of the 27th inst,. received inquiring if tho letter from Chief Justice Chase, published in the Cincinnati Enquirer, and reported by the Hon. I. Baber, was writ ten by him. Allow me to kindly retarn your letter, with my reply indorsed thereon. I did receive a letter from tho Honorable Chief Justice in Oc tober last, which I presume is the one referred to. It was of a social, personal character, and in it there were no expressions, or anything whatever warranting those charged npon him in the imaginary fabrication published, as you described, by Mr. Baber—particularly such as “the Fifteenth Amendment must be put through at all hazards,” or that “the eves of the whole country are npon Ohio—on* your vote depends the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment” As before said, the letter in question being of a personal nature growing out of an inti macy as a neighbor and friend of many years, congratulating me npon my election, &c., I therefore very much regret that I cannot un der the circumstances, pablish it—as there is nothing in it of a political character which has not time and again been publicly expressed by the Chief Justice. If you were here I would show you the letter with pleasure. Very truly yours, «5bc.. Thos. H. Yeatman. Take Simmons’ Liver Regulator regularly, eDjoy yourself, aud give gratification to those about you. You will have causo to bless the day you heard of Simmons’ Liver Regulator. A Question of Elegance Rat lie r thau General Taylor, near tho beginning of his message to the Thirty-first Congress, Decem ber, 1849, said: “We are at peace with all the world, and seek to maintain our cherished re lations of unity with the rest of mankind.” A Writer for Appleton's Journal. Well, what of it? He made no mistake. Tho fault is in yourself. You do not see that the phrase “allthe world "and tho phrase “ Uie rest of mankind ” mean exactly the same thing. Lot us try it: “ We are at peace with the rest of mankind, and seek to maintain our cherished relations of amity with all the world.” . “Well, tb&v’a right Try again : “We are at peace with all the world, and seek to maintain our cherished relations of amity with all the world.” That, too, right Try once more : “ We are at peace with tho rest of mankind, aud seek to maintain our cherished relations' of amity with the rest of mankind.” Theso examples prove that the sentence, though inelegant was not inoorrect as it was written by Gen. Taylor.—Rich. Dis.