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OUlciul Journal of the United States.' 0/Tidal Journal of the State of Georgia. GENERAL GRANT, Tas Pilot who cam asd will ocide the Ship or State satilt theoose etxst srosjc. THE NEW ERA Will Vindicate the Phisciples and the Poncr Of the Eepcbdican Parti, and Sup- poet its Nokihees, State and National. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, MARCH 10, 1870. Future of tlic Democratic Party. No political party can be either permanent or powerful that is based upon the prejudices and hatreds of a past conflict. It does not satisfy the minds, nor appeal to the under standing of representative men. It may in deed call to its support a class -whoso for tunes are desperate, and who therefore have nothing to loose but everything to gain by revolution, disorganization and strife. The organization of such a party will, however, always l>c short lived. ' The real issue between the Demo cratic and Republican parties, was settled in the issue of the war. Stats Sovereignty and its accompanying dogmas and corrollory prop ositions went down forever, April 14th 1865 and Federal supremacy and its legitimate po litical sequences gained that dominion which it THE WEEKLY NEW ERA. The New Eba this week is presented to its readers as a fair specimen of what it will be in the future. It will be seen that it is printed in dear, new type, and contains about thirty columns of carefully prepared matter. This is no occasional number of the Era, but mere ly the first gotten out with our new and great ly increased facilities. Every number hereaf ter will contain fully the amount of contained in this. Our object will ba to make the Weekly New Eba a reliable compend of the history of the times in which we live. It will give in each number a carefully prepared summary of the National, State, local and foreign news of the week preceding its issue. This news is com piled with a view to the cnlighlment end in struction of the public, therefore, it will com prise that only which is reliable and nsefnb Besides this, each number of the Weekly New Eba will contain all the leading editorial arti cles which appear in the daily. In politics the paper is determinedly and unflinchingly Republican; but it discusses politics courteously, and accords to all men what It claims for itself, the right of free opin ion and freedom of action. The subscription price of tho Weekly New F.«« is only two dollars per annum. To chibs often or more subscribers it is sent at $1 SO each, thus making it the cheapest paper in the South as well as one of the best Governor Bullock Before the Senate Judi ciary Committee. We publish this morning tho speech of His Excellency, the Governor of this State, deliv ered before the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate, on Wednesday last touching the politi cab status of Georgia, as ef fected by the execution of the act of Congress of December 22, 1869. Tho argument is an able one, covering the whole ground in controversy, and oorrnctly representing the sentiment of the Republican party of this State. We do not believe there is a Republican in Georgia who docs not fully concur in all tho Governor says ; and wo com mend it to the careful perusal of every reoi able and candid man in the State, outside the Republican party. Tho position of tho Gov ernor is well taken—in fact it is the only tena ble one poeeible under tho circumstances—and Ilia arguments an- unanswerable. Everyman in the State should read it carefully. A simple statement of the fads connected with Mr. Caldwell’s record, Wall that is neces sary to show the fallacy of that gentleman’s assumptions, and to strip him of that quixot ism with which he assays to champion the cause of Georgia Republicans, and especially of the freed people whom he so cruelly be trayed in 1868. This the Governor has done in a spirit of the greatest lenl ?ncy and forbear ance, but which is none the leas effective on account of its courteous end respectfal lan guage; a mark of attention least merited by Mr. Caldwell’s recent course; but which is in keeping with the Governor's well known char acter for gentlemanly bearing toward his oppo nents. The House Bill. The passage of the Reconstruction bin by the House, may he regarded as an endorse ment by one Hones of Congress of the posi tion that the State Government of Georgia is still provisional, and that legislation was deem ed necessary to the admission of the State. It is difficult to understand how Congress could reconcile its action with peat legislation by taking any other position than this. The passage of tho Act of tho 22d of December, can bo regarded in no other light than os a practical recognition of the foot that Georgia hod no legal State Government, and as implying the existence of a provisional govermnent up to the time the Act named should be compiled with, and the action of the State ratified by theadmimion of our Senators and Repnaen- tativoe. Assertion Without Proof. Would it be anything more than a simple act of justice to their readers, if the Demo cratic press of Kentucky and Tennessee would take some pains to inform themselves of the exact political status of Georgia, before assu ming to discuss Georgia polities? The assumption of the Louisville Courier- Journal, for instance, that the Executive of Georgia is “a corrupt Governor,” is just such a plaigerism from the Ku-Klux and Bryant Democratic press in this 8fatc, as no ably con ducted journal should be guilty of. Why does not the Courier-Journal state the fact that the Governor asked an investigation of the charges of corruption made by Bryant and Angier, and that Democrats refused it? Just a Word. A number of the papers in this State are claiming "the largest city, county and State, circulation.” Are these journals willing to publish to the world the exact number of their circulation? We venture that the average circulation of not one of these exceeds one hundred (100) quires for the daily edition, and, therefore, that none of them equal the circulation of the Era. The Eba is read by both political patties, and is taken in all parts of this, and in many parts of adjoining States. The Prince of Wales Scandal. The letters of the "Sweet Prince” to Lady Mordaunt, about which there has been such a dust kicked up among the noblesse and bon Ion of England, are rather harmless billet deawe, principally about shooting and the sale of a pair of ponies. In order that tho scandal mongers may go to the bottom ot this busi ness, we reproduce, this morning, the entire correspondence. The “New Party” Movement. Speaking of the mongrel "no party” move ment in Virginia and elsewhere, participated in by old political backs, the Richmond Dis patch exclaims: "No party—no office—no nothing! Who can stand that? Ob, fortune—oh, misfortune— oh, demnition! Farrow and Wblteley to be Seated. Private Utters received in this city yesterday from prominent parties sit Washington, author ize the statement that Means. Farrow and Whitdey will be admitted to their seats in the United States Senate next week. sought in 1787. The appeal to a National Convention of those politicians, North and South, who opposed the Congressional policy of reconstruction, was virtually an appeal from the decision of arms to the ballot, as, in 1860, secession was an appeal] from the dedssion of the ballot to the arbitrament of the sword; and the Philadelphia National Conservative Convention, was but the prelim inary step to the reorganization of the defeated Democratic party of 1860. The new porty thus framed, predicated its existence upon an effete system of political philosophy. It sought strength and power through appeals to the passions and hatreds engendered by a past conflict. Under these circumstances, its utter defeat was not difficult to foresee; and now that the struggle is over, all reasonable and lair mind ed men acknowledge that to Andy Johnson and those who aided him in resnnocting the Democratic party in 1866, chiefly indebted for the disorder, strife and til feeling engendered in perfecting reconstruc tion, under the Congreaskmal enactments. No well informed Georgian can now be made to believe other than that, had Congress passeed the ‘Gherman boll” in 1865, instead of 1867, it would have been promptly accepted and acted upon by tho Southern people; and hence that the work of 1869-70 would have been consum mated in 1866. But we do not recur to these things for the purpose of recalling pest blunders. There are certainly very few pleasant reminiscences con nected with the memorable campaign of Aoor-e. we omy swu wa s> trntion of the folly of attempting to build up a ruined and antiquated party upon the memo ries of its disastrous Fast The impracticable, end therefore unsuccessful effort of 1866, conveys a wholesome lesson to those who still oppose the inevitable, and who are seeking to conform the living present to the theories and traditions of the post The Democratic party was once a great and powerful organization. It then had living issues to support asd vital ise it But now that its theses belong to that of a preadamjte age, and the verdict of the American people has set aside its princi ples as obsolete; a political organisation based upon its old name and platform end supported by nothing bnt hatred, is an absurdity. The VfirEra. Ours is pre-eminently an age of activity. The vast and varied improvements in all the arts of life, »nd especially in the facilities for commercial intercourse made during the pres, ent century, visibly impress society in all its phases. Among the changes wrought, the elevation of the masses in the intellectnsl scale is tho most notable. Never before, has there boen such a general awakening among the humble and lowly to the value of their inalien able rights. Never has there been witnessed such an apparent readiness on the part of enlightened aristocrats of the old world to yield to popnlar demands. Without abating a particle of his technical claim to absolutism, the Czar of all the Russios exhibits, in his rule, a sensitive regard to the interests of the humblest classes of his subjects. Napoleon m. turns over his kinsman, (for impartial trial,) to the Courts in obedience to popu lar demand. The British Lion instead springing ferociously upon them, silently and cautiously watches the movements of the Fenians, well knowing that unwonted cruelty would arouse into activity the sympathies of the civilised world. The oppressed and down-trodden everywhere are being ele vated in obedtenee to the spirit of the age. The inexorable logic of events crowd upon each other, and elbow the intellectual sluggard to one side of the pathway of progress. Those who have fallen asleep amid the activity and bustle of the march of civilization of our times, will sooner err later And themselves not even in telescopic view of the realities that are visible in the rap idly shifting scenery of tho present stage of action. Neither individuals nor nations oan now dare to stand still. It is folly to look back, and servilely to intimate the past; while in history, many noble examples of individnal integrity and skillful adaptation of policy to the then condition and wants of society, may bo edifying, so changed ore the circumstances and so different are the necessities of nations, that the statesmen of the ouz day find hut little in the past to indicate their present duties. The range of their beneficent influence of govern ment is broader, and extends more among the humbler classes. If any, fondly cherishing antiquated ideas and ancient customs, see in this a modern vandalism, it is because they have not sufficient mental activity to appre ciate the tact that the masses of civilized na tions are now more enlightened than were the piratical followers of William the Norman. Lika the proud Costiltian noblemen, they thus amuse themselves and fritter away their lives in boosting of the exploits of their predeees- son, while thoir ooontiy sinks in grads among This is not the day and time to claim tho impntation to ourselves of a vicari ous merit on account ot the works ot supere rogation performed by our {ndecessore. To such of these as acted well their part in their day and generation, we m«y justly point as examples worthy of re membrance. We cannot servilely imitate them nor tread in their precise path. Nations have moved onward since their time. Wo are in a different port of tho highway of civilization. We must meet the responsibilities of our own day and generation; "time and tide waits for no man.” In our day the uprising of the masses is like an ocean swell, destined to over whelm all who disdain to recognize its ap proach, and acknowledge the purifying influ ence of the interchanges of thought it pro motes. The termination of the late war between the North and the South, marks the starting point of a new era, in which many old things are passing away, and many old ideas have de mised past all hope of resurrection. The elevation of the masses, without dis tinction of race or color, or previous condi tion, by bestowing universal manhood suf frage, and securing free education to oil the children of the land, is a necessary part of the xdicy of the present government of the United litotes: Its partisans fought for, and wan the victory of undivided nationality over that il liberal and narrow view of public policy, that claimed for the few of a given section the right to decide tile weal or woe of the majority of the nation. Efffete political issues eon haTe no practical bearing while discussing the duties of living actors. The revival of them can only serve to keep alive a fretful mourning over the part, in the minds of some whose mental decrepitude indicates that they hare passed the age, when they can be expected to do ser vice in the cause of progressive humanity. SPIRIT OF THE GEORGIA PBfoS. THE CUTHBEBT AT»AL (DEM.) Undertakes to instruct formers as to thoir interest and duty. It would be a good thing if some of these Democratic editors would quit writing and turn their attention to tho cultiva tion of the soil! Tho same paper is still in foror of repudia ting the National Debt It says: The war debt, which, in its villainous details was a fraud even upon tho North itself, is in no sense a Southern obligation. That’s not new. “Brick Pomeroy” stud the same in 1865. The Appeal continues: Tho taxes under which wo groan for tho ben efit of the bond-holders, and the host of Northern army contractors who fattened upon the carnage of the late civil war, are snbmitted to, for the same reason that the defenseless traveler delivers his purse at the demand of the highwayman. When an outraged North shall inaugurate reform, with the ballot, our people of every race and color will march in seined ranks to tho hustings, and announce their verdict And yet the “Democracy" claims to he a national party. Indiscreet editors are some times great stumbling blocks [as well as block heads per «,] to the success of their own party. THENXWXAN HERALD, (DLH.) Says of the contest over Georgia now going on at Washington: We have no objection to the prolongation of the contest, form earmot see how Georgia will lose anything therefor. AH is gone now, and a change cannot make It any ■■goner,'’ The same paper thinks a Convention of the “Democracy” ot the South, at this time, would result in no practical good, and therefore dis courages the movement. On the school question, the Herald is not HU LAORAROR EXTORTER, (X. K.) lake Ben Hffl, whose organ it m, was an aid line Whig, Blue Light Federal, “Union first, last andaU the time," up to the time of the Se- cession Convention, when certain Whig-Union delegates bowed the knee to Baal in considera tion of office. And now this Know Nothing organ champions tho desperate cause of the desperate Democracy in this wisei We believe as everybody else docs, in the right ofreTolntion;andwe believe, furthermore, that the time is now when the people ought to side of the Constitution” and regardless ef principle or precedent. Speaking of the Union, this fossilized Know Nothing organ, says: (We are sorry we cuimot destroy it at anas.) We say tills coolly sad calmly, wBhaotth* Uuotloyalvengeanoa before our eyes. We despise your Union aeit is; wo hate the men who control its Government [We hope the Reporter will dp nothing rash; bnt. that it will continue to cultivate the Christian virtues amid all its trials and tribu lations! Many Churchmen of the present day believe in obsessions, and the great Teacher once declared that there woe a certain class of demoniacs who could be relieved only by “fasting.” And the devil leaving the man of the Toombs and entering the herd of swine, certainly has a fitting analogy in the fact that all the old east Off garments of the decayed De mocracy, are now donned by Know Nothing leaden, and sported by the sewerage of the Whig party! The representative men of the once powerful Democratic party—such as Brown, Johnson, Iverson, Gartrell, Jackson and Milledge—manifest no desire to convert yesterday into to-morrow, or to resurrect the grave clothes of a defunct political organisa tion.] TBS ROBE COMMERCIAL (DEM.) Thinks the proposition for s State Convention of the Democracy ** unsound and premature.'* THE SAVANNAH NEWS, (DM,) Forgetting all about its Democratic "dignity,” not to mention “virtne and respectability,” uses big “cuss words" in speaking of Gover nor Bollock. Such things are bad enough in private conversation. They ore excessively vulgar and disgusting in a public journal- The same paper has much to say about Whit- temore and cadetships, bnt not a word about Gollady, of course. THE AUGUSTA CONSTITUTIONALIST (DEM.) Does not fancy Mr. John Quincy Adams as a Democratic leader, The trouble with the De mocracy seems to be that they have neither principles nor leaders. THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL, (K. k.) In the absence of the usual quontam of per sona! abase of its political opponents, mokes a ludicrous effort to conch an agricultural essay in Biblical language, It discloses an ignorance of the Bible truly astonishing. It cant even imitate the style adopted in the King James translation! THE ATHENS BANKER (DEM.) Opposes the proposition for a State Convention of its party. THE QUITMAN BANNER (X. X.) Has s column or so of slang and tautology un der the euphonious caption of " Bollock's Vil lainy and His Apologists,” wherein the editor speaks of the Governor a* “a bora piebian, and as “riding the State to the d 1.” etc. From the manner in which the editor of the Banner batchers the "King’s English, would suppose that his education had besn sadly neglected. A few months' probation in some free school might enable this scion of the •chivalry” to speak the language of e gentle- THZ SAVANNAH NEWS (DEM.) Pronounce* the XVth Amendment “i rage and a swindle.” That dent strike ns as being very original, coming ss it does from a Democratic editor! THE AMEEXCUS BXLUBUCAK (X. X.,) Retails s slander about Governor Bollock’s personal expenses, "his extravagance,” etc., bnt says nothing about the *27,000 expended by a Johnson-Democratic Governor in fitting np the private apartments of the Executive Mansion. THE MONBOB WITNESS (DEM.,) Discusses the utility of Life Insurance. That’s bettor. The issues of 1860 is out of date. Life Insurance is not! THR ROMS COMMERCIAL (DBM.,) Likes "that allegiancewhieh prefers evens doorkeeporahip in the house of Democracy to a dwelling place in the gorgeous tents of Rad icalism.” And, wonderful to toll, it speaks of Bryant ss the prince of Skowhegan. Oh, the harmoni ous Democracy! TUB BRUNSWICK APPEAL (DEM.) Speaks of the “rascality” in the management of the Savannah post-office, bat omits specifica- eationa. THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND SBST1RRL (E. X.) Is despondant. It says : ‘Our advices from Washington are such as to leave bnt little hope for tho defeat of But ler's iniquitous Georgia bin, giving Bullock and bis taction a lease of power until 1878.” The same paper wants to “ignore dead issues bnt never abate a single (Democratic) princi ple." What a solecism! [HR AUGUSTA CONSTITUTIONALIST (DEM.) Speaking of President Grant says: We are among those who credit the Presi dent-General with the possession of a large brain and an extraordinary force of character. We believe, furthermore, that be has a great purpose in view; that he is shaping his policy to control events; and that, at the proper time, he will assume, or attempt to assume, the ab solute mastery of tho situation. A soldier o OEM.) k nietly My the if its nwrs in fortnno and tho favorite of circumstances, he undertook the management of the war as a job. Ho now runs tho Government machine as a job. He so runs it that everthing in the way of a civic sham, such as Congressional role, shall become utterly hateful to the people. When Congress can no longer be tolerated, Gen. Grant will be willing to undertakothe job Of quelling it. ‘ ‘ JTnfnrtnnat/i fnr the n<irmli(ntinnuliat, Qen. Francis P. Blair, Democratic nominee to tho Vico Presidency in 1868, made this discovery TILE BOMB COURIER (DEM.) - Quotes Scripture. [“And last of all came Sa tan also!”] THE MACON JOURNAL, A new paper, tho first number of which bears date March 6th, makes a bid for tho &p> of tho extreme Democracy, by speaking of Congress as the “ political recon struction grannies.” [Elegant language to be gin with, but adapted, we presume, to the tastes and capacities of those whom it seeks to please.] In its “salutatory,” the new condidate for public fovor speaks of “our present deplorable State as a nation.” It concludes its debut thus: To sustain the peace of society, founded upon just laws—to advance its material prosperity, by honest industry and intelligent enterprise, and to elevate and dignify our moral natures and sustain the honor of our fathers, must now be our aim. And yet, in its leading article, the Karoo pa per uses tho [words “scoundril” and “petty thief” in connection with those who adarocate the establishment of poqpe and good govern ment under the provisions of the National Leg- islature! ' a * - THE TAIaBOTTON STANDARD, (DKM. %'■ Noticing the foct that Miss Oliv ed in Atlanta on 'Woman Suffrage, fi Macon for want of an audience, those who will contend for the right of to make themselves men, we glory in that notwithstanding the demoralization and corruption that are advancing with such-rapid strides over the country, the women of ojr fair fond are icomm still; that they have no.desire to become masculine, and never will hjfce. ” the’savajwaB SJTO3, (nEM.) Like the jnan who sat down quietly river Po to wait the exhaustion of its order that he might cross over dry shod, is still anticipating the resurrection of the UWwUjfirn TW»ir»rw»tort-x»” the CUTS* of a Democratic dynasty in 1873! The 'Wild Lands-Important ( orrapond* enee Concerning Advertising the Saune. Comptroller General’s Onset. ) Atlanta, March 1, 1876, f To Ilia Excellency, Rufus B. Bullock, Governor ! of Georgia: 8nt: The list of rfnretnrned lands for forty counties has been completed and turned, over to me by the clerk appointed to do that work. Tho list is a very largo one, embracing About two million sixty-eight thousand acres ef un- returoed wild buds in the forty counties. Section 874 of tho Code require* this dficc, when the list is completed, to advertise the same for sixty days in one newspaper in each Congressional District. The list being so Urge, I have deemed it my duty to seek information as to tho probable coot of publication, and upon inquiry, I fearp, from qn old find experi enced printer, that it will cost from twclro to fifteen hundred dollars to advertise it in' one paper as the lav requires, end that the entire cost of advertising it in scorn papers for sixty days, will not be less than ten thousand dolors. Considering the great expense to the State, thus likely to be Incurred, and tho compara tively small amount of revenne that will be derived from the tax upon these lands (they be ing unimproved, and the so little) I have deemed it pro) Excellency to suspend the etfl^^^BF.the tax upon these nureturned wild iHRir 1868 until the mooting of the Legislature, when I propose to lay the subject before that body with the view of exhibiting the great expense likely to be incurred by complying with the requirements of the present law in regard to advertising these fends, and for the purpose, if practicable, of eliciting some other plan for bringing these fends into market with less ex pense to tile State. In my judgment, to carry out the present few, would cost the State sev eral thousand dollars more than the tax would amoqnt to when collected. Very respectfully, Madison Bell, Comptroller Genera}. Executive Department, I Atlanta, Go., March 4, 1870. ;) By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 70 of the Code of Georgia, the taxnpon the wild or unimproved fends that were not re-. GEORGIA, Remarks of OoTtrnor IX. Ui Bullock Be* fore the Senate Judiciary Committee. March ad, 1870. Tho speech of Governor Bollock on tho Georgia question having attracted wido atten tion, wo publish this morning his remarks in full, ns revised from tho pamphlet copy which was printed and distributed to the Committee. The points made by the Governor are vary strong. Governor Bullock said : Hr. Chairman and Members of the Judiciary Committee of the Senate: Ihavebecn placed in possession of aprmted pamphlet containing a revised edition of the papers read before yonr honorable committee on the 9th of February last, by Messrs. J. H. Caldwell and J. E. Bryant, together with an appendix containing a paper signed “N. L. Angier, Treasurer of Georgia," and entitled, “Governor Bullock’s Financial Operations,” and also nine pages of printed matter under tho following title: ■Gforo tho Judiciary Committee on Satur day, February 12, 1870, Judge Gibson, on be half of Governor Bullock, rend an argument, to which Mr. Cnldwoll replied in substance as follows: This reply of Mr. Caldwell, together with the paper signed by Angier, I desire to notice before yonr honorable committee shall have formed final conclusions and agreed upon a report in what is commonly known as tho “Georgia Questioh." Tho paper signed by Angier being personal in its character, will be noticed in a printed appendix, whieh I will leave with the com mittee. My first information that the affairs of Geor gia were to bo considered by yonr honorable committee was derived from the note of yonr honorabls chairman, dated the Gth day of Feb ruary, informing me that Mr. J. H. Caldwell, a K. Osgood, and others had applied to fey before your honorable committee certain facts in regard to the organization of the Legislature and the state of affairs in Georgia, and at tiw some time extending to me an invitation to be present on the following Wednesday at II At that time Mr. Caldwell and Mr. Bryant appeared as speakers, and to the "certain facts ” (many of whiah, by the way, proved to be very uncertain) in regard to the organiza tion of tho Legislators and the state of affairs iu Georgia, reply was made by me and pre- sented to yonr honorable committee in print, under date of the 10th of February, and will be found on pages 27 to 67, inclusive, of the pamphlet entitled “Georgia before the Senate Judiciary Committee, February 9, 1370,” and to winch the attention of your hon orable committee is respectfully invited, Tho statement, therefore, that "Judge Gib son appeared in behalf of Governor Bullock," is not correct. Judge Gibson, Harrell and Parrott, together with Mr, Conley, the Presi dent of tho Senate, and Mr. Tweedy, of the Honse, united in a communication to yonr honorable committee, printed in a pamphlet entitled “The Admission of Geornua” These gentlemon are all men of high charac ter and standing, and speak for themselves.— While i agreo with what they say in their communication, they do not represent me, more than they do any other Republican in Georgia. It is not probable, however, that either of the gentlemen would have presented their views to yonr honorable committee had it not been for the unwarrantable and insolent assault made upon the character ot Judge Gibson by Mr. Bryant in his remarks on the 9th ultimo. In my former communications to your hon orable committee I endeavored to avoid, as fer as possible, any remarks of* party or par tisan character. It was my purpose to avoid speaking of either the Republican or the Dem ocratic parties in this matter. Bnt I hope that yonr honorable committee win overlook the impropriety of my doing so at this time, because it seems to be called for by the char acter of tho communication to which I desire to reply. Mr. Caldwell assumes that under the former organisation there was a Republican majority in the Lower House, He says; •'There were several strict party votes, among them that whieh elected the Speaker, from whiah it appeared that there was a Republican majority of one in the House, the. Since then, the Republican majority has been increased by the deaths which have occurred." The feet, however, is that a Republican was elected Speaker by the foUowing vote: Hon. R. h. McWhorter, 76 votes; W. F. Brice, Dem., 74 votes; W, F. Holden, Rep., [voted for by Mr. McWhorter,] one vote, making 77 Republican votes to 74 Democratic votes, as will be found recorded in tho Journal of that House, on page 12, under the old lion. Thlv *los>tjnn look plACG OH and on the following Monday, at 9: a number of additional members having ar rived and been sworn in, the House proceeded to the election of a clerk, at which time, M- A. Hardin, Democrat, received 83 votes; Mr. 8. C. Johnson, Republican, received 78 votes. Thus the Republican vote liod been increas ed by one and the Democratic vote by nine. From that day until the present organization, there never was a Republican majority in the Honse of Representatives. It waa this same Legislature which Mr. Gold- well claims to have been Republican, that, by a vote of 95 yens to 43 nays, adopted a report which declared that John Long, of the county of Carroll, was eligible—a man who, as was shown by the report, prior to the late war held the offices of justice of the Inferior Court and clerk of! the Superior Court, and during the re bellion held the office of county treasurer. This is only a sample case; many oarers equally in eligible were by that House declared to bo eli gible, QUESTION Of HUOIBIUTT. Mr. Caldwell asserts that “hadeaoh member been left to his own conscience in the feta or- turaed for taxation for the year 1868, is hereby | gnnization, to qualify or not, jnst as .the low suspended until the next meeting of the Gen- " • - fl era) Assembly of this State, and the Comp troller General will, for the reasons given in his communication of tho 1st instant, desisi from advertising the list of said fends, with A view to their being sold, until the time men, tioned. Rurus B. Bullock, 1 Governor. — ■ A Resolution. Resolved by tho General Assembly, That aE the proceedings in the soveral courts of this State, founded on any debt or contract, made or entered into before the first of Juno, 1865, andaE levies and sales by virtne of any exe cution so founded, shall be, and are hereby stayed until twenty day3 after the recess taken by the General Assembly shaE have expired Resolved, That the General Assembly, compliance with the jnst demands of the people earnestly appeal to Major General A. H. Terry to sanction and enforco tho abovo resolution after its approval by the Provisional Governor. Benjamin Conlet. President of tho Senate. J. G. W. Mills, Secretary of tho Senate. R. L. McWhoetee, Speaker of tho House of Reps. Jno. J. Newton, Clerk House of Reps. Approved February 18, 1870. Rufus B, Bullock, Northern Correspondent*, Tho Cincinnati Commercial has—or rather has had—a correspondent in this city whosi statements concerning the poUtical affairs iu Georgia evince an incredible amount of igno re on a subject with which every intelligent man is presumed to be acquainted. His state ments may look pfensible abroad, especially when corroborated by the extreme Ku Klux wing of the Georgia Democratic press; bnt they are wholly unreliable—more unreliable, it possible, than the imaginary sketches and malicious stories of the extremists and bitter ender* of the Bryant-CaldwcU Kn Klux faction. We are surprised that a paper Eke the Com mercial should trust to such novices and blind parti nans to keep its readers correctly informed as to affairs in Georgia. Looking Back* Democratic editor* in this State are con tinually harping upon the good old days of ante bdhim times, when James Buchanan and the Locofocos were in tall blast This is natural. From the eerUert period of time, it has been the habit of non-progres- sives to complain that their juniors are degen erate, It is especially the custom ot politic cions whose race is run, to assert that states men and office holders are not as honeet as they used to be! The Provident Aid Society advertise* for la borers to go South. Rowed him to do, Ac., it is likely that a sufficient number would have refused to qualify, to make a RepubUcan majority in the two houses of 15 or 20.” With tho exception of three men who were declared to be ineligible by order of tho gene ral commanding the district, each member teas " left to his own conscience,’’ Ac., and, had there been a rigid enforcement of a literal con struction of the disqualifications fixed by the act of December 22, or by the previous acts, which declared that no person-disqualified by tho third section of the fonrtoeth amendment shaE hold office in either of tire Slates named in that act, Georgia being one of them, there would have been at least thirteen other mem bers excluded from the present organization who were permitted to participate in it These thirteen persons took the oath pre scribed in tho act of December 22, notwith standing the fact that they were candidates for nnd were elected to, offices under the State Government at on election held on the first Tuesday of January, 1861, and were commis sioned iu tho offices to whieh they were elected on or about tho 25th day of the some month, and continued from that time forward, for va rious periods, to perform the duties of their Offices during the rebellion. These persons plain-, that by the fact that tho ordinance of Secession was adopted by the secession con tention of Georgia on the 19th day of the feme mouth, a date which occurred a few days after their election and a few days before they were commissioned, they were shielded from the effect of the disqualifying clauses of tho act of Decomber 22- The claim thus set up was regarded favora bly by tho commander of the district, in defer, mico’to tho opinion of the honorable Attorney General of the United States, and these thir teen members were permitted to retain their Keats in tho Legislature. I: will ba observed, therefore, that the great- efo liberality has been exercised in construing the act of December 22, so as not to affect un favorably any person who' might, by any pos sibility, bo deemed eligible. CALDWILL’S POLITICAL RRCOSD. Mr. CaldweE attempts to cast a reflection or doubt npon the republicanism of the Speaker of die House of Representatives by saying: It wss Speaker McWhorter’s ruling which led to the expulsion of the colored mem bers, Ac. The rulings to which Mr. CaldweE refers era: That no member, whoso eligibility had been qnettioned by the committee, and which ques tion was involved in the report, was entitled to vote therein. And on page 40 of the Journal of the Honse of Representatives of the old organization, wo find that when the question of the eligibility of certain white members was under consider ation, Mr. Bryant, of Richmond county, raised the point of order that— No member whose eligibility haa been ques tioned by the committee, and which attention was involved in the report, was entitled to rote thereon. The Speaker made this ruling, and decided that they were not entitled to vote. Mr. Craw ford (Dem.,) of Bartow county, appealed from the decision of the Speaker, on which appeal the yeas and nays were required to be recorded, and resulted in yeas 84, nays 74. Among those who voted to sustain the Speaker in this ruling we find the name of Mr. GuduxiL When the report of the Committee upon Privileges and Elections, declaring colored men not eligible to hold offices or seats in the Legislature, was made, we find upon page 224 of tho Journal of tho Hoaso, old organization, that Mr. Scott, Democrat, t f Floyd, made the point of order— That upon tho decision of tho question now under considetation, tho persons whoso seats are herein contested and herein involved are not allowed to vote. Mr. Prico, the Speaker pro tern., being in the chair, decided the point well taken. Bryant appealed from the decis ion of tho choir, upon which appeal the yeas and nays were required, and resulted in yeas Kg wjral *>t« a a, . Among thoso who voted in tho affirmativo- voted to sustain the rating, not of the Speaker proper, Mr. McWhorter, but of tho Speaker pro tempore, Mr. Price, a Democrat then in the chair—in a ruling which practically expelled tho negroes—will be ibnnd the name cf Mr. Caldwell! I ! Upon the final vote, by which the men were excluded, Mr. CaldwoU was H but a few days after the expulsion had been accompli tihed, he sought and obtained permis sion to have Ms vote recorded in the negative. It is painful to thus destroy Mr. Caldwell’s consistency by referring to his political record, but the truth of history demands it. The general sentiment of the community at that time—the great Democratic Convention at New York having by its resolutions declared the reconstruction acts to be revolutionary, unconstitutional, and void, and intimated that the governments established under thoso acts should be dissipated—the threatening letters received by RepubUcan members, from their respeotivebomee, together with ih&well-kuowu impossibility of preventing, by their votes, they being largely in the minority, the expul sion of the colored members will account for the small RepubUcan vote which is found in opposition to the revolutionary action of the rebel majority in the organization.■qpipiiii From the foregoing I think yonr honorable committee will agree with me that the state ments of Mr. Caldwell that the Lower Honse of the Legislature was a RepubUcan body after the admission to it of all tho men declared by General Meade’s order to have been elected, ir respective of Abate eligibility under the law, is effectually disposed of, and that some tight has been thrown upon the consistency of the honorable gentleman’s political record. FBOPEB CONSTRUCTION OF THE PRESENT STATUS OF GEORGIA. Mr. Caldwell farther proceed* to refer total very important branch of this question by ~*ng: our attention has been directed to tbe lead ing idea of tbe Governor’s report, viz: that the purpose of the fete act of Goiigrea* was to set aside the first organization of the Legislature os illegal, and renders all its acts void, and especially the validity of the election of United States Senators and State officers. This con struction of the meaning of the act grounds itself upon the idea that the number of ineli gible persons supposed to be in the body vitia ted the whole body turd all its acta. This oUegation is not supported by anything presented by Mr. Caldwell, nor is it supported by any fact whatever. The purpose of the fete act of Congress I conceive to have been just exactly what is announced in its title, namely, topromote fee reconstruction of the State cf Georgia. After thus giving a false statement of my construction of the act, he adds; This construction of the meaning of the act grounds itself upon the idea that the number of ineligible persona supposed to be in the body vitiated the whole body and aU its acta. And then proceeds to arguo that, if any number less than a majority were disqualified members, the body—a qualified majority being a quorum—were competent to act, Ac. The argument of Mr. Caldwell on this point is very wmk imitation of the very able and compre hensive minority report made by yonr honora ble chairman on the some subject, January 25, 1869. On the 25th of January, 1869, your honora ble committee made a report to the Senate, [Fortieth Congress, 3d session, report of com mittee 192, an tho credentials of Joshua Hill, claiming to be a Senator-elect from Georgia.] In that report yonr honorablo committee ar rived at the conclusion that the right of Mr. Hill, if regularly elected, to a seat in the Sen ate depended upon three important conaidem-| tions: ■ ■ | First. Did the Legislature of Georgia, reg-| uferly organized in accordance with the Con stitution of the United States, the laws of Con gress, and the constitution of Georgia, duly ratifiy the fourteenth amendment, and comply with the various conditions imposed by the aot of June 25, 1868 ? Second. Hod the Legislature and people of Georgia, subsequent to such compliance with said act,of Congress- committed such acta of usurpation and outrage as to place the State in a condition unfit to be represented in Congress? Third. Whether on the whole case, taking the action of Georgia, both, before and since the pretended ratification of the fourteenth amendment, a civil government has been es tablished in that Stato which Congress ought to recognize? After reciting tho result of a thorough and careful investigation, yonr honorable commit tee oonoludte m follows: Wherefore yonr committee feel called npon to recommend that Mr. Hill be not allowed to take a seat in the Senate for the reason that Georgia is not entitled to representation in Cbn- gress. c In another part of tho some report yonr hon orable committea disposes of the point now re vived by Mr. Caldwell by saying: For the purpose of this report, however, your committee did not deem it necessary to ascer tain the number of disqualified parsons ad mitted, but the fact that any were knowingly admitted was not only a violation of the four teenth amendment and afaOurt to comply with the requirements of Congress, but manifests a disposition to disobey uid defy the authority of the United States. If one can he admitted why not all? And will it be contended that if the entire body had been composed of men who bad usurped the functions of the Legislature against the express provisions of the recon struction acts, they could have complied with the provisions of those acts so os to create any obligation on the part of Congress to reoeive their Senators and Representatives? Yonr committee are of opinion that the act of June 25, 1868, which required that tho constitution al amendment should be duly ratified most be held to mean that it must he ratified by a Legislature which has in good faith substan tially complied with ail the requirements of law! providing for its organization. Mr. Hifl was, therefore, refused his seat, not withstanding the very ablo and comprehensive minority report, made at the same time by your honorable chairman, to the effect that, even admitting a number of members to have been disqualified, there was not a sufficient number of that character to render invalid (ha proceedings of the body, and that, if the Leg islature was properly organized when it eloctcd Mr. HSU, the fact that it became subsequently disorganized ought not to affect his election. The opinion of the majority of yonr honora ble committee, however, seems to haye been sustained by the action of both houses of Con gress and by the President in the passage and approval of the aot of December 22. to pro mote the reconstruction of the State of Geor gia. That act provides for the re-assembling of the persons declared to have been elected by General Meade, to-wit: the same persons who assembled and made the organization whieh was inquired into by yonr honor able committee in January, 1869, that the reorganization shaE bo effected by tho exclusion from its membership of all persons who held office under the United States or a State government and thereafter partici pated in the rebellion, or held office muter a government organized in rebeEion, Ac. It pro vided, also, that the persons who were qualified under this aot should proceed to reorganise, the \ Legislature by the election of Us officers. Docs not this determine in the most positive man ner that in the opinion of Congress and of the President, the old organization wss not only not competent to “duly ratify the fourteenth amendment,” but was not competent to elect its own officers? and that neither Congress or the President was bound to recognize its poUt ical acta as entitling the State to representa tion? And it is a very natural conclusion, that if the old organization was not considered by to have duly ratified the fourteenth Ac., and in removing sheriffs who refused to do their duty, and in appointing others in thoir steady H the Logis fetnro was ever lawfully | organized, though Congress might undertake it, or. to reseat persons It'hadim- expeUed, if would not und&takc to order its reorganization. There is. but one way out of the inextricablo confusion and iEegality into whieh this effort to sustain the election of Senators by the old organization wiU lead, and that is to givo tho I act of December 22, 1869, the frdl scope and | meaning that was given to it by the President < MjMHMriMrtwKttMMMMk : rnand of the "district” of Georgia, to-wit t As Congress amendment in sneh a way as to bind Congress to recognize such ratification, and had not elected its own officers, if could not have duly Heeled United States Senators. NO BALT-WAY OSOUKD—E1THKB AN INDEPENDENT STATE OB A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. There is no half-way ground in this matter. Either the government of Georgia is “Provi sional ” to-day, or the action of Congress in passing the set of December 22, 1869, and tho President's assignment of General Terry to doty ss district commander under the recon struction laws, cannot be defended. The act of December 22, 1869, by aasuming that the Legislature had never been legaUy organized ipso facto, placed the State under the recon struction laws. Such is the inevitable logic of the requirement that then shsU be a new or- i utilization, and such must be the interpretation o justify the President's orders to General Terry, and to render lawful General Terry's acta trader those orders in interfering to pre serve life and property, arresting and confin ing assassins, noose-bornere, negro whippets. . —. Geotxria,. »wfisWWiuljject to the reconstruction laws; still withpui any “legal State government" competent to take port in, or to be. recognized by, the Govern ment of tho United States as a State govem- Wc care bnt little for the irregularities of the present organization, and are willing for it to stand if Governor Bollock may not bo aUowed to carry out his ruinous designs. If you shall suffer everything that proceeded tho aetto pro mote'reconstruction to be ripped np, and the official terms to be extended, as the Governor proposes, it will throw us into inextricable confusion, and perhaps involve us in financial rain. If you recognize the validity of the Legislature prior to the expulsion of the color ed members, let all tho acta of tho body up to that time stand, admit the uresont S4>nnTr»r« elect; and confine the official limits prescribed by the ordinance of tho con vention and the constitution, wo are con tent, Ac. It has never been proposed to extend any officer’s official term, although there are plen ty of Democrats in office in Georgia to-day who have “extended their term" since tho time when Jett Davis was elected President of the Confederacy. All that I have said upon that subject is that when the organization of the Legislature shall have been accepted by Congress, and the State shall have been admitted to representation and thereby become a State in the Union, that then the members of the Legislature wiU en ter os members de jure npon the constitutional term for which they were elected. The convention which framed the constitu tion adopted an ordinance to provide for the election of civil officers at the same time of voting for or against the constitution, which, in its preamble, says: Whereas nil tivil officer* iff the State are only provisional unlit this State is represented in Con gress; and, whereas, the interests of Georgia require that oil civil offices should be filled by loyal citizens according to tho provisions of the constitution being framed by this conven tion vt the earliest practicable moment and for the purpose of avoiding any.unnecessary delay or loss of time and useless expense to the State, Ac. It was thus clearly provided that the persons elected at the time of the ratification of the constitution should simply be provisional offi cers until the State was admitted to fall repre sentation in Congress. AVhen that event snail have taken place, they would then become the officers of the State government in fact—the constitution which had been ratified by tho people would become of force by the recogni tion of the State by Congress, and tho regular terms of office would then be decided and re stricted by that constitution. Certainly no loyal man—no man who the welfare and safety of the government es tablished under the new constitution of Geor gia at heart—can ask or wish to deprive hia mends of the opportunity of carrying out, in good faith and effectively, the provisions of that constitution, the securing of equal justice and equal rights before the tow for all of our citizens, the opportunity to vote undisturbed by the intimidations of Ku-klux nnaaggand the establishment of free schools, as provided in that instrument DEMOCRATS CARE NOTHING FOB IRREGULARITIES nr THEY GAN HOLD THE OFFICES. It is quite reasonable that Mr. Caldwell should say, speaking for himself and the party opposing the reconstruction policy, whom he now represents: We care but little for the irregularities of the present organization. If you recognize the validity of the Legislature prior to the ex pulsion of the colored members, admit the Senators elect, <fcc. For little do they care for anything, either regular or irregular, if. the seating of Messrs. Hill and Miller can only bo accomplished, and their friends be permitted to go through the farce of an election similar to the reign of an archy and terror which is politely termed “carrying the State for Seymour and Blair.” WHAT LOYAL MEN OF GEORGIA ASK OF CONGRESS. What loyal men ask and expect at the hands of Congress is that the high position which Congress has taken, in harmony with the Pres ident, in putting down tho usurpations of the Georgia rebels shall be maintained, and that now, when an organization has been perfected in accordance with the tote act to promote the reconstruction of Georgia, whereby the local legislative power rests in the hands of the friends of the new system of government, they shall be permitted to carry out the measures which the people adopted in voting for the Constitution; and thus, by their own legisla tion, provide means for their protection, so that when the colored members who were ex pelled a year or more ago have held their con stitutional term in tho Legislature, and the regular legal time for the election shall have arrived, it may be a free and fair expression of political preference on the part of the votor, whether he bo poor, ignorant, and black, or rich, arrogant, and white—whether he be Re publican or Democrat, Radical or Ku-Klnx. The Republicans endured tho government established by President Johnson in Georgia for nearly two years beyond tho term for which that Government was elected, and made little, if any, complaints; and now why should the Democrats of Georgia, through their mouth pieces here, make such a terrible outcry against a Legislature with a Republican majority whieh does not propose to extend its term, but sim ply to hold the term for which it was elected? Why should these Democrats plead the timO'Occupied with their revolutionary pro ceedings, during which the government of the State was provisional, should be now counted against the term of the lawfully organized body? The answer is found iu thoir fear of losing their power and control, and their opportuni ty to longer obstruct the establishment of a loy al Republican government in Georgia. LOYAL LEGISLATURE WILL ENFORCE LAW. It seems to serve the purpose of these people who are endeavoring to prevent the state of facts to which I have just referred, to allege that I have “designs” which are “ruinous” to the State, and that all sorts of foarful calami ties will inevitably befall tho State if a Repub lican Legislature is not checked and dispersed with as little delay as possible. But where can be found a safe foundation whereon to rest a belief that a Legislature composed of men, a majority of whom have risked their lives, their property, and their good names in their efforts to carry out the Congressional plan of reconstruction and establish a Stato Govern ment founded upon the consent of all the gov erned, without regard to race or color, will toil, to carefully guard and protect their own inter ests and the interests of the people they repre sent by promptly bringing up for investigation, and, if found guilty, to punishment, any offi cer of that government who fails or neglects to perform his duty, or willfully violates the laws by which he is to be controlled ? Are tho friends of the new constitution less likely to guard it and punish violations under it *>»nn its opponents and its enemies ? So tor as t am personally concerned it is well known to my personal friends and to my business acquaintances that I retain the office I now hold at great pecuniary sacrifice to my self, and there is certainly little comfort in being the target of either billingsgate or bul lets. But, as I have heretofore assured the President and General Terry, I now assure you, gentlemen, that my resignation is at their service. My only ambition is to firmly estab lish a Republican government in Georgia, and 1 if that can be promoted in the least degree by my retirement, it will be a pleasure for me to. yield the office. Rebel faultfinding and abn.se.. however, wiU never accomplish that result. CONCLUSION. I am unwilling to believe, nnd t)> Wn who have risked their five*, their property, and their good name in sustaining the great prin ciples of republican liberty in Georgia are un willing to believe, that this honorable eoru- mittee will listen to or be controlled by tho pleas presented here by tho enemies of good government and the enemies of oar domestic peace, even though they be presented, as they now are, by representatives who have hereto fore acted with yonr friends, and therefore now hope the more effectually to forward the purposes of their new found allies. We believe that yonr action will be in har mony with these great prircipies, and of a character to sustain tho party which has up held them. With such action, the friends of good order and good government in Georgia will soon disclose their ability to maintain themselves. If, however, each action should be taken as will stimulate and encourage a renewal ot the active hostility to the government and ita friends which has now, since tho teto action of Congrcra, in a great measure snbsided, we shall hope that, upon a more thorough inves tigation and full consideration of the peat issues involved, the American Congress, which has never yet failed to gallantly and consist ently to uphold the right in the great struggle which is now nearly dosing, and to nphold that right, too, even when the most ^inskboos at- matle against rt^will render ita verdict in favor of loyalty and justice, and against treason and treachery. Until that verdict is rendered we shall labor for the right, and with that verdict wc shall bo content I thank you, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the Committee, for the courteous attention you have given me. Mr. CaldweE, however, in his last paper be- Kansas is estimated to have two million and fore yonr honorable committee, says: five hundred thousand acres of timber fend. IB ACTION or ONE ooNcumvs. Nor docs tho fact that the Executive Depert- ment and tho House of Representatives have each indirectly recognized the government of Georgia as a “legal State government,” and therefore entitled to be represented in Congress, at all militate against this view. The point on which the Congressional scheme ot reconstruction turns seems to be ■Ex-President Johnson contended that when the Executiye had recognized a State government as a legal State government there was nothing to be dons to complete the pro cess of reconstruction bnt for each house, under its power, “to judge of the election and qualification of ita members" to proceed inde pendently, and decide upon the .admisaion of the members of the several houses. And in an elaborate mange he communicated these views to Congress. ■ That body forthwith, by a joint resolution, repudiated this doctrine, and deolared that none of the fete rebel States should be entitled to representatom until Congress so declared by few. If the House of Representatives of the For tieth Congress, under a mistaken belief, caused by false representations that the Legislature had in good faith purged itself of ineligiblo members, admitted to their seats the Georgia Representatives without any declaration “by few* having been made that the State was en titled to representation, it was a simple aot of one house, andnot in accord with the joint res olution in which tho fundamental doctrine of reconstruction was declared. Each honse is the judge of the election and qualification of ita own members, bnt neither house of Con gress con by itself conclusively decide when one of the late rebel States is entitled to be represented in Congress. ACTION or CONGRESS IN DECXMAXB aanm UPON A rCLL UNDERSTANDING OF FACTS. So soon as the facts of the Georgia matter were made known and understood—so soon os ■to apparent that the Legislature of Georgia had not boon legaUy organized—Con gress, both houses concurring,adopted the act of December 22, 1869, requiring the Legislature to be reorganized. And this was done with great unanimity, notwithstanding the previous action of the House of Representatives, whieh action by the Honse, as I have said, was in duced by the political fraud perpetrated by men whose character and intentions were not suspected until their expulsion of the negroes had directed inquiry into the manner of the organization of tho Legislature, to ascertain how it was possible for snch action to occur, if men who were disqualified under the recon struction laws had been excluded. Then it was that tho facta were ascertained which led to the report of yonr honorable oommittee in I January, and the action of Congress and the President, in December, 1869.^^^^B^H^B LEGISLATURE OF 1868 NOT COMPETENT TO ELECT SENATORS. It is therefore clear that under the act of De cember 22, 1869, and under tho orders of the President by virtne of that act, and nnder the proceedings of Gen. Terry trader those orders, that Georgia was not entitled to representation in Congress, and the Legislature of 1868 was no more competent to elect Senators and or ganize a State Government de jure than was the Legislature of 1865-’6ti. In those years, nnder the supervision of Presidont Johnson, Mr. Jenkins was inaugurated os Governor of the State. Tho Legislature was organized and had two protracted sessions, and the military jurisdiction of the United States was with drawn. Two Senators wore elected; the thir teenth amendment to the Constitntion was rat ified, and from January, 1865, to March, 1867, for all local purposes, and for snoh national purposes as the President oonld oontrol, a State Government wns in operation. Yet Con- gttmu, by the ant of March 9, 1867, declared that there was no legal State Government in existence in the State, repudiated tho oloctian of Senators, and, under its power to guarantee each State a Republican Government, adopted the Congressional scheme of reconstruction. In close analogy to this. Congress, the law making power, treating as inconclusive the action of General Meade, os well as the action of the Honse of Representatives of the Fortieth Congress, passed the act of December 22,1869, and this was supplemented by tho necessary action of the President Snch is the inevitable logio at what has been done, and this inevitable logic must be an swered before a' Legislature which by act of Congress, has been declared incompetent to elect ita own officers can ba held competent to have ratified amendments to the Constitntion and elected Senators to the Congress of the United States. OBDrNAUT LOCAL LAWS AND LEGISLATION VALID ASDEVACTO. It does not follow, however, that the ordi nary local legislation of that body is not valid os acts de facto until repealed by a legaUy or ganized body. The local legislation of the body in 1865-’66 has always been recognised as valid until repealed, as well as the ordinary legislation of the body assembled in 1868-’G9. In order to defeat, if possible, tho fuU effect of the action of Congress in upsetting rebel machinations, the suggestion has been vigor ously made that Stato bands were to be repu diated, contracts violated, laws ignored, Jtc- But this is mere bosh. The only State bonds of Georgia which have been sold since the war were issued under the authority of the Legis lature of 1865, and these bonds sell for a high er rate than those of any Southern State. Upon this point I invite your attention to my com munication to the Legislature of February 16 last, transmitted in the appendix “A." ■ SEATING TUE ELIOZBLE CANDIDATES. Objection has heretofore been made by gen tlemen who sought the attention of your hon orable committee, to the fact that persons who were qualified were awarded the seals claimed by men who were disqualified. This, action was taken by the body itself after it had reor ganized, by the election of its presiding officer, and by a vote which would not have boen changed had the three persons who were by General Terry decided to bo disqualified been of its presiding officer, the admission of these persons was the act of that lawful body. My own opinion is that it was in the power of toe General commanding toe District of Georgia under the reconstruc tion acts to have enforced snch action. Yonr attention is invited to my views npon this point, as embodied in my coreeepondeuce with toe Major General commanding tho District of Georgia, a copy of which you win find in the appendix marked “B.” I also invite yonr attention to tho views and conclusions of General Terry upon this sub ject, in appendix marked “C.” My impres sion and understanding is that the majority of the House hosed their action iu this matter upon tho same ground token by General Terry, and for the reasons therein set forth. We sbonld keep in view toe fact that at the election, when these persons who ore disquali fied were candidates, the publicly-proclaimed object of the porty with which they acted wns to defeat the rocostruction policy by voting down toe new constitution. To do this toe more effectaaUy by bringing out their voters, toe Democratic party nominated candidates for every office provided for in the new consti tution. Of’course, if their primal object—the defeat of toe new constitution—was accom plished, there would be no offices for their can didates to fill; hence they were selected for their popularity on their war record, without regard to the ehgibility trader the few, al though all parties had,been put on notice by a general order from General Meade of what toe aw fixed as disqualification. My opponent was toe gallant Lientenant General Gordon, who won his fame in the Confederate army at Gettysburg and else where, and so throughout the State candidates wore nominated, not because they were qual- fied to hold offioe nnder toe few; not because tosir party expected or desired them to hold office nnder toe reconstruction constitution, but simply and solely to bring out votes by their rebel- record against toe constitntion. And I respectfuEy submit that the strict appli cation oi the few and toe parliamentary rale in these cases in declaring the election of qualified men, becomes marked retributive justice. mobs or Caldwell’s kthretoesentatioks be-