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THE CAr JO, aam-h£$ / VOLUME IV. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING,-APRIL 21, 1870. NUMBER 5 Bradley as a Democratic Deader* It now turns oat that Aaron Alpcorm Brad ley, true to his allegiance to the Biyant-Cand- ler Democracy, It “ working against Bollock <fc Co. with much zest and energy.” This is npon the anthority of “Argos,” of the Consti- tation—a paper supposed to speak ex cathedra in all matters pertaining to the leaden of that faction! We congratulate the “Democracy” of Geor gia upon this accession to its ranks, and hope Hr. Bradley may find his associates both agreeable and profitable! Southern Manufacturers. Hr. George L Lewis reports through the Chattanooga Times the ooet of making pig iron with stone ooal, at the Bockwood furnace, Boone county, Tennessee, to be $16.90 per ton; and Major L. L. Thomasson, for a long time Superintendent of the Cornwall Furnace, Cherokee connty, Georgia, gins the figures of several week's run, showing that it laid down charcoal iron in the rolling mill at a cost of $22.37, or at the fnmaee $19.63. This is not an attack on Fennsylrania and prohibi tory protection ! Bellcose Language. In his opening speech, as the counsel for the defense in the McFarland trial, Hr. Charles Spencer used some very strong, very personal, and they do say, very pointed language, impli cating’others than the parties to the trial. Commenting on this, the New Tork Advertiser says: The language he applied to one lady who is involved in this terrible affair was not only gross and ungentlemonly, but cruelly unjust and aggravating. Now, if Mr. Spencer were practicing law in Georgia, and the Advertiser were a Georgia publication, one might expect to hear of a “little unpleasantness” growing out of this style of criticism. As it is, it will probably not be remembered sixty days hence. Which locality has the advantage, since it seems to be a question of locality merely? Mr. Morton's Bill a Necessity. Whilst in some of the States “the Democ racy " is endeavoring to conciliate the oolored people and secure their votes by persuading them that it never seriously opposed the XVth Amendment, the fossilized leaders of that party in other States renew their expressions of hos tility to the Amendment In California, for instance, a number of County Clerks, holding their petitions in virus of Democratic votes, refused to register colored men as voters. This refusal was after the XVth Amendment Prec is tion was issued, and therefore after the right of Suffrage was guaranteed to the colored man in the Fundamental Law of the land. And yet more than fifty Democratic members of the Legislature approve the action of the Clerks, and propose to back them up “ with moral, and, if needed, all the physical force God has given them.” Physical force is suggestive. It is to meet the demands created by this Dem ocratic “physical force” that Senator Horton's bill for tho enforcement of the XVth Amend ment was intended! John Rice—P»rty Warfare. The effort on the part of J. E. Bryant and those who acknowledge his leadership, to ostra cise John nice, rresraent ornio Georgs. Na tional Bonk, would be contemptible were it leas ludicrous. Because Mr. Bid is a Bepub- lican in politics; because be honestly believes the material and commercial interests of Geor gia demand her early admission to the Union; because he desires this brought about in ac cordance with the settled policy of the Gov ernment ; and because he is in Washington urging this upon bis acquaintances and friends in Congress—for this the business men of Atlanta, of whom he is an honored repre sentative, are asked to ostracise him and the House of which be is the head! And this by a man who owns nothing in the State, much leas in Atlanta ; who represents no interests material, commercial or other wise, that identifies him with the solid men of the State; who has no local habitation, but who lives a sort of nonnadic life; who basis his hopes of political prefer ment upon his ability to work upon the pas sions of the ignorant and the desperate; who would inflame the mob against the property- holder and turn the State into a Pandemonium in order to fill his pockets! The business men of Atlanta are not yet prepared to accept the leadership of such an adventurer as this! They are not yet prepared to respond to the suggestions of a faction whose fortunes are so des perate as to drive them to expedients like this! Ur. Bryant's suggestions, and those of bis lieutenants who soek to stab the com mercial character of Mr. Bice and injure the business of the House with which he is con nected, is a species of political warfare emi nently worthy of the leader of that conglomer ated faction of malcontents and political bankrupts known as the “ Bryant Democracy!" Tin Legal Statue of the Georgia date. In the course of a lengthy article in review of the Georgia case, the New Tork Times says: Congress has the power to declare the pres ent State Government provisional, and it is bound to do whatever is best for the protection of the loyal men of the State.. It has already declared, in effect, that the State Government thus far is provisional, by interfering as it did by the act of Dec. 22, 1869. Gen. Terry, an able lawyer as well as a good soldier, could pro ceed upon no other hypothesis, and the resto ration of the authority of the Beconstruction acts followed as as natural sequence. Congress itself absolutely admitted that fact, by ordering in the law of December last, that the Legisla ture, when convened, should proceed to elect newofficers. If it was not a provisional Legisla ture, why require that? If the purging of the Legislature by reseating the expelled members was the only thing to be done, by what au thority does Congress assume to orders new election of officers for the Legislature? If that Legislature was valid, and Georgia was a State in the Union—which she was not in fact, whatever she may have been in theory—then Congress had no authority to interfere as it did, except by that broad provision of the Con stitution which requires that “the United States shall guarantee to every State in this ’ Union a republican form of Government. None of the lawyers in Congress have yet as sumed that they were acting in pursuanoe of this power, because they are not willing to admit that Georgia is “a State in this Union.'' Gen. Terry’s action and position was approved by the Administration, his was the only logical action that could follow the action of Congress, and to reinforce this view and position now comes Judge Erskine, of the United States District Court for the District of Georgia, who was prominently named for the Circuit and Supreme Judgeships, and of whose ability there is no question—with a decision, arising out of questions involved in a recent criminal case, declaring that by virtue of the Beconstruction acts, the present Government of Georgia cannot be anything but provisional. If tho Senate must have more law npon this point, let it apply to Judge Erskine. 5r of Encouraging It. The wonderful statistics of Co-operative So cieties in Europe, and the bare suggestion that the principles of cooperation might be applied in the South upon the farm, have excited no little interest and inquiry tar further informa tion. It is a subject well deserving the investiga tion of every benevolent patriot. It does not become any claiming a modicum of intelligence to turn from it with ridicule, simply because they have never heard of it before, or because their great-grandfathers knew nothing about it and left no traditionary landmarks suggestive of it. Tet co-operation has an arrciEKT histobt. For the benefit of those who are prone to venerate antiquities, it may be remarked that there are authenticated intances of the exis tence of Co-operative Societies of skilled me chanics in almost every period of the world's history. It is claimed that the Order of Freemasons originated as a Co-operative Association of Architects and Buildere, who, by their skill and good conduct, so commended themselves to tho princes and rulers of the world, that they were permitted to go from country to country free from molestation. They were granted many privileges, immunities, and franchises in consideration of the admirable rules and regulations by which they controlled their own members and restrained them from aggressions upon others. The Collegia Fabrorum at the time of Numa were doubtless Co-operative Associations of Architects and Builders. To the skill of co operative societies of architects and builders, the world is indebted for many structures erected in past ages, that justly excite our ad miration and astonishment on account of the perfection of their workmanship and the mag nificence and grandeur of their proportions. The success or failure of co-operation de pends upon the details of its organization and the good or bad faith of its membership in re gard to the engagements entered into. co-ormuTioN or -in. >jtzszaT day literally means copartnership in labor. It is derived from the Latin words con, together, and opus, labor. It is based upon the principle that labor properly accumulated, aggregated and organ ized may be reckoned as capital stock in any trade or enterprise. The members of Co-ope rative Societies, practically subscribe for stock in the enterprise or business undertaken, paya ble in labor. Their associated labor is man aged and directed as the Constitution and By laws of each Society may direct If these ore well considered and the personnel of the mem bership ia good, the basis of a money credit is at once formed. If money capital should be needed, before the associated labor can create it, these Societies have generally commanded it with little difficulty. Co-operation does not necessarily demand theyieldingupofanyof the established cus toms of good society, nor any interruption in any degree of the independence and privacy of the family. The formation of Co-operative So cieties in Europe as well os this country was provoked by the tyranny of the moneyed and landed aristocracy In densely populated com munities. They must be eminently successful in agricultural pursuits, in sparsely populated sections, where money capital is scarce and la bor may be made to create wealth with great rapidity. The practicability of successfully rxnuNG os oo-opmuxxvB rr.iNcin.Es Is well worth investigating; and it is seriously urged upon the attention of the many worthy and intelligent men to be found every where in the South, who are seeking employment Let ten honest and calculating men, who are in good health and possessed of sufficient strength to perform any of the operations needed in Agriculture, seriously confer with each other on this subject If amongst them there is on experienced fanner, reliable data for calculations can be furnished. On the suppo sition that each of the ten will faithfully per form the labors of a farm hand results can at once be safely calculated. Without doubt it may be set down that in Georgia each of those hands can net after paying expenses the first year, at least three bales of cotton and lay up provisions to sup ply him and the stock needed in bis operations the second year. The association could be gin the second year with a money capital of at least $3,000, if their thirty bales net in market 20 cents per pound and each bale weighs 500 pounds. The associated laborers should enter into a well-understood agreement as to the period and the terms on which they will co-operate. In defining the relative proportion of interest the profits of the association, a share might be rated as one hand, half a share as half a hand, and so on. If some of the members have families and some have none, those with families might properly be allowed to enter some of their children as half-hands if able to do half the work of a foil hand. Or, if preferred, the labor of the children as needed might be hired by the Management at wages to be agreed upon. If an Association of ten or more Co-opera tive Farmers should be formed under a judi ciously framed Constitution, it is pot doubtful that they could leases desirable farm for a term of years, or purchase one on reasonable terms as to time. Nor is it probable that they would be unable to stock and provision the farm the first year on a credit. Ten judicious and determined men, with ability to labor, would furnish the very best of security to the money lender. Upon the firm, accommodations could be provided for a separate residence for each fam ily, and a garden or truck patch, which might be worked independently of the Associa tion. To each associated laborer an agreed ra tion might be issued, which, if he fails to draw, should be credited to him. Additional pro visions, household and kitchen utensils and wearing apparel should be debited to the party purchasing them. The furnishing of these pre-suppbses their purchase at wholesale pri ces by the Association, and only such advance charged for them when retailed to the mem bers, os will cover the expense and risk of handling them. A store belonging to the Association might, in aome localities, be made a source of profit by selling to outsiders. Should it be deemed desirable or to have in the Association a blacksmith and woodwoxkman capable of repairing and mak ing farming implements, wagons, machinery etc., his labor might be rated as that of hand and a half or two hands according as equity may demand, and it may be mutually agreed upon. Accounts of labor performed or furnished should be carefully kept, and in cases of sick ness or absence each member failing to fur nish a satisfactory substitute should be debited on his account therefor. Every such Association, to be successful, should adhere to the rule never to purchase what can be made and saved on the farm. It is only thus that individual farmers succeed in accumulating. All the stock, cattle, horses, hogs, sheep eto. on the form, should be owned by the As sociation. The milch cows could be equitably distributed among the families, on some well understood plan, or they might all be man aged at a dairy owned in common, the pro-' ducts of which, after supplying the members of the Association on equitable terms, could be sold. Great advantages would accrue from the use of labor-saving machinery to a Co-operative Society of intelligent laborers who would rightly appreciate and skillfully handle it These outlines are suggested not as those of perfected plan of organization, but rather to stimulate intelligent men to think about and investigate this interesting subject for them selves. IN SWITZERLAND and elsewhere Co-operation has done much to lift the peasantry out of their abject poverty. Already several Co-operative Societies of Swiss agriculturalists have arrived in this country, and more are coming. Many thousands of acres of land have been purchased for their use on the Cumberland Mountain, in Ten- Will Americans, who are out of employment, idly fold their hands and complain and lament and theorize about the oppressive aggressions of money capital, while there is a way open for their relief, and there is a demonstrated practical plan, which, if largely adopted, will confine money to its legitimate and equitable uses, viz: that of aiding instead of crippling the producer? THE LABGE MONET OWN EES Are seriously interested in the contentment of their impoverished neighbors. Already the hopelessness of some of the latter is suggesting to their minds the advocacy of Agrarianism. Co-operation especially in Agriculture in the South opens a way for the relief of a large number of intelligent men, who are not skilled' mechanics, and whose intelligence and sensi tiveness will make them formidable propagan dists of agrarian principles, if dire necessity forces them to embrace them. THE LARGE LANDHOLDER Cannot flatter himself that ho will long con tinue to employ laborers, who will be content to be ever hopelessly homeless. Co-operative forming will furnish opportunities to make sales of surplus lands to purchasers whose neighborship would be desirable, and whose intelligence and industry would contribute much to the permanent prosperity of the country. It will, if wisely planned and faith fully carried out, secure cheerful contentment, where now there are heart burnings, and an, yet, unuttered but growing disposition to ad vocate the policy of dividing the lands among people. Co-Operation—It* Moral Advantage*. In furnishing statistics and suggesting economical considerations that favor the adop tion of Co-operative Farming, motives of a partizan character do not enter into the calcu lations of the New Era. Co-operation is a pol icy entirely foreign to the platforms of parties. is independent of them. It not only defies partizan diaoipiiae, dot n overrides "it Nor in the arguments and illustrations used, is it intended unkindly to npbraid the foibles, the errors or prejudices of any. There is existent a patent fact Many of the most deserving young men (android ones, too,) are out of employment. Many ore in despair as to their individual fortune. In comparing their present condition with that of days now gone and passed away, philosophy is often at fault. Worthy men too often yield to the hopelessness of despair. Hence the finger post of friendship, to point their way to inde pendence and self-reliance becomes a necessity. Besides the economical considerations that urge the adoption of Co-operation by the needy, there are moral advantages that grow out of and are incident to it There is no feeling that so much contributes to one’s own self-respect as that of indepen dence npon patronage. Cold, calculating capital rarely adds to its charms, the beauties of charity and unselfishness. It views its servants os unthinking automata, that cry Papa!” or “Mamma!" only as it deigns to raise an arm or press npon a spring: Independence of thought and action is the great consolation of the farmer, and if his cribs and meat house are full, he is free from servility to any one. If he keeps in the bounds of duty to himself, his neighbor and his Coun try, he and his family can snap their fingers in defiance at the caprices of trade, the machina tions of corrupt rings, and the tyranny of Fashion. His Country and his God he can serve, just as his own intelligent sense of propriety de mands, in defiance of what tho Mrs Grondys in political, financial or fashionable circles may say. Who will dare to say, that this kind of inde pendence is not promotive of an intelligent appreciation of the individual responsibility that is necessary to individual morality, and the happiness consequent thereon? This independence assertedJayno-operation brings in its train many moral and social ad vantages, not only to the co-laborers them selves but to their wives and children, if any they are so fortunate as to claim. Who can value the contributions made to a good man’s happiness by the patient industry and the persevering love of the dutiful wife, that is raised for above the envyings and heart burnings incident to competitive city life? How inestimable to the husband the consider ation that his own strong arms have wrought for her freedom from the thraldom and sla very of heartless fashion! And then, when he turns his eyes upon his offspring, far removed from temptations that beset boys and girls on the crowded streets of the cities, and the deleterious influence of the impure and stifling air of closely built houses, would he exchange his hopeful recognition of the blessings of his situation for the wealth of millionaires or the gay trappings of heartless Courts? Marriage life is, under the Constitution de creed by the Creator for the moral govern ment of man, both a duty and privilege. Yet it is often held in abeyance by the necessities of the artificial and unnatural situation in winch men and women find themselves in the towns and cities where, in many instances, custom, prejudice and fashion seem to for bid it Thus young men and women frequently put off their starting together npon the journey of life, because they cannot begin house-keeping at the same stage, at which it took their pa rents a life time to arrive. Not so the for mer, whose strong arms and willing hands dig from the ground the means wherewith he do&cs and feeds his family. His wife, from the very beginning of his independent career becomes in co-laborer, a co-operator and a pos itive producer of wealth—not a continuous and persistent consumer. Were there no other considerations to urge young men out of employment to engage in Co-operative Fanning save that it would open the way to early marriages, this alone would be enough. But there are other blessings flowing from it It would shower inestimable blessings npon the married man, his wife and his chil dren. It would enable him rationally to edu cate the minds, the hearts, and the physique of his children. He could, if he would, thor oughly control their associations, and success fully direct their minds to the realities and re sponsibilities of life, independent the sickly prejudices of artificial society. Nor would the unmarried young man, if he is not fully impressed with the dignity of mar ried life, and is unwilling to take upon himself its responsibilities, fail to feel the moral bene fits of a solemn engagement to rely upon his own strong arm for support For a will, ennobled by the aspirations of a self-reliant soul, is at last the best prop for old or young. It is not only a prop, when inter est and comfort and character demand that there shall be no retrogression; but it is t£e propulsive power that will drive him over difficulties, no matter how great is the uphill grade he may have to surmount The McFarland Trial. The trial of McFarland continues to excite great interest, as such trials always do. The New York papers are full of it The Court room is represented as being crowded every day by people of all classes and conditions, including ladies, who constitute a large pro portion of the audience. The testimony of Mr. McFarland’s niece, Mrs. Oliver, tends to show that the prisoner was partially insane, as was his brother, the witness’ father. The prisoner had lost his property, was troubled in mind about what he termed his wife’s association with “thoseFree Love people,” had contemplated a suit against Richardson for abducting his family; but ow ing to his poverty, and Richardson’s pecuni ary advantages, become discouraged and hopeless. According to the drift of the testi mony, McFarland’s insanity—if he was insane at all—was such as might result from a con stant strain upon the mind of a proud and sensitive man, whose nervous system (natu rally predominant) had yielded under the hu miliating sense of his wrongs. The New York Sun contains portraits of all the parties. McFarland is represented as a rather handsome, middle-aged man, well shaped head and face, open, benevolent coun tenance, Roman nose, intellectual expression, and looks very little like a murderer, or even a man of violent temper. Mr. Richardson is represented as being over medium size, long dish face, ponderous jaws, massive head, and a nose belonging to a class which physiogno mists agree in pronouncing “villainous.” Mrs. McFarland-Richardson is represented as a woman of “ muscular beauty,” with a finely shaped neck and head, oval face, Grecian nose, laxge eyes, profuse curls, and a large, well-shaped mouth. It is one of the evidences of the depravity of human nature that such tragedies, and the legal trial and disgusting details of evidence which follow them, captivates the pubtiq FINANCE. AVJiitlicr Are IVe Tendings Tbeunteliigeiht man when he turns his at tention to the movements of society is forced to ask himself the question: 'Whither are we tending? - To judge the future by the past is futile and silly; if we “expect History to repeat itself” in the sense in which this old maxim is used. Tie civilization of the present day has no history to appeal to for precedents. The con dition of mankind is not such os it used to be ; nor ore men’s surroundings such as they were in days of yore. Talk of Roman and Grecian virtues in pres ence of the steamship, railroad locomotion and the telegraph and the intelligent mind is car ried back to a period when “pent up Uticas" narrowed men’s minds to traditional routine and forced it to yiel&to the behests and com mands of Caste. Within the memory of men now living ex change between Georgia and New York or Philadelphia has been as high as twenty per cent, if not higher. This was when the whis tle the locomotive had never been heard south of the Ohio, or west of the line of the Alleghanies. Within the memory of the same individuals, the question of re-chartering the United States Batik agitated the people from one extremity of the Union to the other. The question of difference of exchange entered ^into all the politico-financial arguments of the politician, of those Ancient days. Indeed they were ancient, in one sense. For the improvements in transportation of men and goods in the last half century have excelled the improvements made from the beginning of tho Christian Era to the Dawn of the Reformation, or about the time„of the Revival of Letters and the Inven tion of Printing. In the days of Jackson’s Administration, the Bank question, the Pet Banking System, and the Specie Circular agitated the people from Maine to Louisiana. Hard Money—Benton’s Mint drops—Biddle’s Corrupt Ring—Bills of Exchange—The Tariff—in short, every vagary of the most visionary political economist, and tie.ad captandum asseverations of the most ig norant ploughman, were rung in changes from dne extremity of the country to the other; so that many of the masses were in doubt as to whether the money that purchased their olothes grew on trees, or was vouchsafed to them by that wonderful entity called the Fed eral Government, that did and could make and destroy the fortunes of men according as Jack- son waved or held still the mythical hickory stick that he was supposed to wield, and which was presumed to be endowed with all the powers of a Fairy’s Wand or a Wizzard’s Rod. Now finance and financiers are at fault Their thunder is stolen. They are silenced by the whistle of the steam car, and appalled by the whispered intelligence of the electric tele graph. Exchange no more is rated by the ar- F tificial values which distance and time dicta ted. Th e kiting of the speculator is estopped .by the suddenness of the flight of intelligence 'from one point to another. The financial neces- skies of tho producer arc in a very short period met; bec&uso he can convert his products into money in the most distant market, in a very mind, and hence monopolise so much,oi tk^ iwjfaxsand receive his net proceeds through current literature of the day. those most wonderful modern Bankers, Rail road and Express Companies. The steamships, the Railroads, and the Tel egraph of our day have set all financial prece dents at defiance. Never was there a time when, (if he chooses,) the producer can, with so much facility, be his own banker, and com mission merchant In truth, never was there a time, when Fi nance so thoroughly defied theory as now. Legislation used to interfere in dictating sr pensions and commanding resumptions of specie payments. The masses of the people formerly exercised themselves violently about hard money and the worthlessness of a paper currency. Now they are indifferent 'When they want gold they get it When exchange between one part of the country and another is alluded to, they are indifferent, because they rarely need it Commodities are bought and sold through the telegraph, both over-land and oceanic, and balances settled by the entrance of credits and debits on day books, and counting-house journals to be closed out by future transac tions. The finances of the world are becoming sim plified ; and in discussing of questions of Fi nance, he that does not note and remember that the tendency to unity, which modern lo comotion of material and thought has created, is not worthy of attention; and his opinions ore, and must be, worthless, because without the recognition of it, he cannot understand the Situation.” American Journalism. The New York Herald is said to be worth $3,000,000, the Tribune $1,250,000, the Times $1,000,000, the Journal of Commerce $8,000,- 000, the Evening Post $700,000, the Sun $600,000, the World $400,000, and the Even ing Express $300,000. It cannot be denied that the number of newspaper readers in this country is rapidly increasing—a favorable indication of the growth of intelligence all over our country. Say what the alarmists may, who are afraid of the power of the press, and in their terror cry out, from time to time, against its fancied or apprehended corruption, the fact re mains that' its increase has been the almost invariably accompaniment, or immedi ate hirbinger of free institutions. The follow ing table, compiled from official statistics, singularly illustrates this fact In 1865, the number of journals in the chief civilized coun tries of the world was as follows: The United States, with a population of 38.000. 000, had, 4,000, or one for every 7,500 inhabitants; Great Britain, with 28,000,000, had one for about every 23,000, or 1,200; France, with 37,000,000, had 1,640, or one for about every 22,000; Prussia, with 18,000,000, had 700, or one for nearly 26,000 ; Italy, with 27.000. 000, had 500, or one for 54,000, and the rest were classed as follows, in round num bers; Switzerland 2,600.000 Belgium 4,700,000 Holland 3,500,000 Russia C6,000,000 Spain 15,000,000 8weeden and Norway... .5,200,009 16,000 330,000 75.000 36.000 Impolicy of an Election this Fall. Says the New York Times: There cannot be any fairness or any protection to the loyal people of Georgia, in any election that can take place this year. The bad feeling of the rebel Democracy -towards Congress and the Administration, and the lack of organization on the part of the Republicans, would be suffi cient, of themselves, to defeat a fair election now or for months to come. And if the loyal people are not to control the State for the next two years, it might with advantage be handed over to the exclusive protection of the military. All the loyal organizations in the State outside of the cities have been broken np absolutely, and cannot be reorganized without the protection of the United States military, which cannot be had in sufficient force, or that of a State militia, which is not yet organized. Southern Manufactures. Men who have given the subject careful at tention and study, declare that cotton yarns can be made in the South cheaper, by five cents a pound, than in the North, and that yarns made in the South and exported to Eu rope can be sold for four and a half cents a pound cheaper than of yarns made in Europe of exported American cotton. This presents a margin large enough to war rant large investments in your factories. A spinning mill that would employ 87 operatives, and consume 887 bales of cotton, would prob ably not cost over $50,000, and the gimnal profits on the sale of its yams at Northern prices, it is estimated would be $17,000. The Value of Medicine. A physician recently said, in a lecture on intemperance delivered at Troy, N. Y., that the whisky bought for three cents a glass at the live Points is just os healthy and as good as the whisky that is sold at the Fifth Avenue Hotel for fifty cents a glass. It is not the fusil oil, the strychnine, nor the adulterations put into liquors that makea them poisonous— it is the alcohol Alcohol is never of any use, the lecturer declared, except rarely as a medi cine, and this remark was qualied by the addi tional one that medicine is rarely of any use either. Special dispatch to the New Era.] Washington, April 15.—The debate on the Georgia bill was continued in the Senate to day. Speeches were made by Senators Sher man, Boreman, Hamilton, of Texas, and Poole, of North Carolina. At half post four the Senate, by unanimous consent, agreed to close the debate and vote on Tuesday next, at half past six o’clock. There is now no doubt but that the Bing ham Amendment will be stricken out and the State government continued as provisional, under the military. In such cose the Repub licans will favor the amendment of Senator Pomeroy, which is as follows: “Whereas great irregularities have been practiced in the organization of the Legisla ture in the State of Georgia, both in its first organization and in the expulsion of certain members, as well, also, as in its reorganization since the act of December lost; therefore, “Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Ameri ca in Congress assembled, That the existing government in the State of Georgia is hereby declared to be provisional; and the same shall continue subject to the provisions of the acts of Congress of March two, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and March twenty-three, eigh teen hundred and sixty-seven, and of July nineteen, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, until the admission of said State, by law, to representation in Congress; and for thin pur pose the State of Georgia shall constitute the Third Military District Section 2. And be it further enacted, That in accordance with the provisions of, and under the powers and legislation provided in, said acts, an election shall be held in said State on the first Tuesday of September, eighteen hundred and seventy, for all the members of the General Assembly of said State provided for in the constitution of said State, adopted by its convention on the elev enth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-eight. And said General Assembly so elected shall assemble, at the capitol of said State, on the twenty-third day of November, eighteen hundred and seventy, and organize, preparatory to the admission of the State to representation in Congress; and the powers and functions of the members of the existing General Assembly shall cease and determine on the said twenty-third day of November, eighteen hundred and seventy.”. Tlie Brunswick and Albany Railroad. During the past few weeks, much has been written and said concerning this road. The subject naturally came up for discussion by the dispatch which was sent to Washington by Hon. Wm. L. Avery. From that time to this, thinking men, and those persons who had the material interest of Georgia at heart, com menced to inquire what this road was, who were building it, and what was the nature of the country through which it passed. The press then, in every section of the State, be gan to discuss the matter, and the conclusion is, that every paper which has mentioned the subject commends the enterprise, praises its rapid progress, and, rather than disparage the important work, speaks loudly in its favor. It is true, some of the press speak of Geor gia State Bonds, by which the road is built; but what important railroad enterprise, North or South, that has not had aid and influence from the State ? In regard to the contractors, concerning whom so much has been said in a political sense, it is not our purpose to discuss. We only refer to the road and its representatives, strictly as an enterprise, which, to-day, isone of the grand internal improvements nf the State of Georgia, and one which, when com pleted, will add another important link to the great chain of railways now belting every sec tion of the South; and there is no doubt but that it will be the eastern terminus of the grand Southern Pacific route. No one acquanted with the geographical sit- nation of the country through which this road passes, will deny that from the begining to the end of the road, that it is the most practicable line, while the entire country possesses supe rior advantages for the capitalist and the set tler. Brunswick as a seaport cannot be surpassed on the Atlantic coast Nothing but jealousy and an unhealthy rivalry, prevented this place from being, long ago, what it is destined to be. Her interests with Atlanta are identical The former the seaport city of Georgia, and the latter the interior city and the natural grain market of the State. The following article, from the Appeal, can not fail to command the attention of our readers: THE BRUNSWICK AND ALBANY RAILROAD, This enterprise, whose importance to a very extensive portion of the cotton-producing re gion of the South (and especially to Georgia) cannot be over-estimated, is being construct ed in the most substantial manner, with an energy and rapidity rarely equalled. It is a source of pride and gratification to know that it is the determination of the stockholders and contractors, and more particularly of the able General Superintendent, to make the Bruns wick and Albany the model railway of Georgia. Although the portion now completed and op erated for construction purposes is superior to any other we know of in the State, it is the purpose of Colonel Halbert to moke it better ban it is. Over fifty miles of rail have been laid, and several thousand tons are now piled on the wharves and alongside the track in the city which, at an early day, will be sent forward and put down. If no nnpropitibus weather intervenes it is expected the lino will reach, and be in working order, to the Atlantic and Gulf junction by the 20th and to Waresboro by the 30th of this month. When the junction is reached, or soon there after, we doubt not a train for the accommo dation of passengers and the transportation of freight will be put on the line, and our fa cilities for communication with tho interior thereby increased, while onr charming city will be placed in more intimate relations with other parts of our grand old State and tho outside world. As this railway is built in the immediate in terest of Brunswick—which is regarded by capitalists and railway men os the Atlantic ter- minns of the great Southern Trans-Continen tal Railway—whose Pacific terminus will be San Diego, California; and as we know it is being built by live, go-ahead, progressive men, who have confided its control to one of the fore most, if not actually the foremost, railroad man in tho South, we indulge sanguine hopes, in fact, confidently believe, that one of the first results of a junction with the Atlantic and Gulf Road will be the construction of a Tele graph line. With Telegraph communication with all the world, Brunswick will indeed have occasion to rejoice and to feel that she is really advancing to her proper and deserved position and prom inence in the commercial world. Jfen—men like these constructing this grand connecting link of the shortest and best and most practicable, (because least interrupted by physical causes) route between the world’s two greatest oceans ; men of brains, of energy, of capital and undoubted financial facilities and skill; men who have the sagacity to per ceive the importance and value in the future of such undertakings, and who have the courage and daring to engage in them with zeal, are the sort the South standsfmost in need of now, and should be greeted with a cordial welcome. It matters very little which political party is predominant, or what citizen is Governor, if we can only bring our improved lands under cultivation; improve our immense water powers; unearth and utilize our mineral de posits; convert our almost boundless forests into habitations, and tho greatest and grand est commercial marine the world ever saw or dreamed of; and construct railways to trans port our products and manufactures to mar ket, and our people whithersoever interest or inclination may lead. Men who can and will accomplish these re sults are the men we need. Such we conceive the men to be who are engaged in building the Brunswick and Albany Railway—a half dozen of whom are of more real value to the community and State than an hundred times their number of selfish politicians, distracting the attention and exciting the bitter animosi ties of the people, by discussing issues that are dead, and should have been buried long ago. It will be a great thing for Georgia, and a really great day for Brunswick, when the Brunswick and Albany Railroad reaches Al bany; it will be greater when it shall have reached Eufaula ; and we heartily wish its en- the exercise of this power, the late rebellious States were placed under the control of the military am, an assurance more liberal than we had any right to expect was given us, that, so soon as we would change the fundamental laws of our State so that they should conform to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and show, in good faith, our in tention to abide thereby, the military power should be removed and we would be permitted to resume, the government of our own State. At that time, as now, I believed that the proper place' for my native Stato was in the Union, and I determined at once to devote my self heartily to the work of reconstruction. In this work I hoped to have the co-operation of my former friends and political associates—the men who in past times had honored me with political trust To a great extent I have been disappointed in that expectation. I soon dis covered that to be a reconstructionist in Georgia was to be an ostracised man, so far, at least as my former political friends were concerned. This, however, did not deter me from maintaining the course which I had marked out. When the delegates to the constitutional con vention were chosen. I was honored with a seat in that body. I used my influence there to frame for the citizens of Georgia such a con stitution os I myself was willing to live under and abide by, and to-day I am still satisfied therewith, because I believe it to bo thorough ly Republican in form, and equitably just. Of the stand I have taken since its adoption, and at our first election under it, it is perhaps unnecessary that I should speak at length. My record is in my private and public politi cal acts, any of which, at any time, I am wil ling should be submitted to the scrutiny of an impartial tribunal. The journals of Georgia, which have persist ently opposed reconstruction, have also, many of them, unspairingly abused me, not refrain ing even from the lowest personal villification of myself and my family. All this I have borne and can bear in silence, because I understand the source from which it proceeds; and, not withstanding all this, I shall continue to Labor here for the perfection of such legislation as will secure peace to Georgia, and also for that without which peace would be but a mere mockery: namely, the right of every-citizen to the full enjoyment of all the privileges granted to him by the laws of the Union and of the State. At the present time the bill for tho recon struction of Georgia is in the Senate, where it has been sent by the House, encumbered with what you well characterize as “that iniquitous measure, the Bingham Amendment” In my mind I do not entertain a doubt but that this amendment will be stricken out by the Senate. Neither do I doubt but that the sober second thought of the House, weakened as it has been by the rebel howls of gratification which greet ed the adoption of the odious amendment will, by an overwhelming vote, concur in this strik ing out. That work accomplished, the Legislature of Georgia will have time to enact suitable mili tia, registration, and election laws, and pro vide for their execution. That this will speed ily be done I have no doubt. Before the close or another week I hope to see our Senators admitted to their seats, and Georgia placed once more side by side with her sister States, on the broad highway of national progress. That she will be able to maintain a proud po sition there, none of us who know her vast mineral and agricultural resourocs can pre tend to doubt Under the genial reign of peace and equal rights, all her natural interests will be revived, her valuablo water powers will be improved, her valleys and hills will bo covered with thrifty communities, and she will be again, as in the days of yore, theEmpire State of the South. May a kind Providence hasten the dawning of that day. I cannot close this letter without saying to your association that the men in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States who have stood up for the rights of the people of Georgia, are deserving of the highest en comium of praise and gratitude. The limits of a letter preclude the idea of giving the names of tbomi, our friend*. They ft.ro numerous. Again assuring your association of my earn est desire for tho prosperity of the whole people of Georgia, and for the spread of the political truths which it is your privilege and your duty to disseminate, I am, sir, very respectfully, vours, Foster Blodgett. * PLEBISCIT FEMALE SCULPTORS IN ROME. ^ _ in their work, only regretting that our State is not blessed with thousands more of the same spirit Letter from Hon. Foster Blodgett. In reply to a letter of Mr. Cook, transmit tjng a copy of the resolution adopted by the Young Men’s Republican Club of Atlanta, (published in the Era some days since) Sena tor Bfodgett writes as follows: From the Washington Chronicle, 12th.] National Hotel, ) Washington, D. C., April 9, 1870. f Mr. Charles S. Cook, Secretary of the Young Men's Republican Club of Fulton county. Go.: Dear Sir—I am in receipt of your favor of tho 2d instant, inclosing copy of resolutions adopted at a meeting of your club, held on the evening of the 30th ultimo. For the very complimentary manner in which my name is mentioned in the resolu tions, the club will please accept my most sin cere thanks, and also the assurance that my efforts to secure both theoretically and prac tically a republican form of government in Georgia shall not be relaxed until that good work is accomplished. The example set by the young men of Fulton county in organizing a Republicen club is one that should be followed by our friends in every county in the State. We can in no other way so well extend our influence and secure at oar elections a full vote of the-party adherents. Permit me to embrace this opportunity of stating to our Republican friends in Georgia my exact position in regard to the best inter ests of that commonwealth, and the precise condition in which legislation as respects her reconstruction and readmission as a State in the Union now stands. At the close of the war, when the Southern armies surrendered, in my opinion that sur render inculuded a tacit submission to the law, both political and civil, of the recognized authorities of the United States. When, in A correspondent of the Pittsburg Post, in the course of a chatty letter from Rome, devo ted to the sculptors and their works, remarks : “The entrance to Miss Hosmer’s studio through a small court, with flowers and foun tains playing. In the first room canaries are chirping and trilling their melodies to tho un appreciative statues around. A number of workmen in the other rooms, chirping and clipping industriously, attest the success of this lady who has already become wealthy, and can well afford to take her airings upon the Pincio or in the Campagna. She keeps several horses and delights in the chase, and is as regular at the semi-weekly fox hunts as the male hunters and hounds. Should you find her at work in her studio, she will be at tired in a linen overdress, and have a velvet cap upon her head. She will impress you as a self-reliant woman, who, having carved her way through difficulties and trials, in compe tition, too, with the sterner sex. feels her pow er, and quails before no man. Her rooms contain a great many works of exquisite art, and are as interesting as many galleries of stat uary. “We find Miss Freeman, a quiet, pleasant faced lady, in a large room, wherein her easel is placed behind a screen which partially di vides the apartment. She is of medium height, with a good figure, shown by a closely- fitting black cloth walking dress. She wears a small black hat over her short-cut hair. Her manner is placid but aflable as she displays her works; the most interesting being an ideal of Chiaibos, whom Longfellow immortalized, if he did not create. ‘Miss Vinnie Ream’s studio is by far the most tasteful Upon the wall on one side hangs the American flag, upon the other, two small French flags are .arched over a portraifcof Gustave Dor© and a sketch of Judith made by him ’for this young lady, in whose success he feels an interest In one corner is a pile of stones mossed and ivied over, upon which a pair of ringed doves coo. All around are bas kets and bouquets of flowers. But brighter, sweeter than the flowers, and more musical than the birds, is the blithe little lady in her short blue frock, and figured apron, with sleeves, a blue veil folded liko a turban around her head, with the ends hanging loosely behind, from beneath which a few rich brown curls drop out Her eyes are large, dark brown, with an interestingly sorrowful expression, when not lit up with smiles. Her figure is quite petite, but frill of activity and energy.— Seeing the unmistakable evidences of her genius, and looking at her slight form, wo feel the force of the remark of Bishop Domenec, who looking at her and her works said, *Mul- tum in parvo.' She is childlike in the frank ness and simplicity of her manners, and wins every person who meets her by her gentle vi vacity and accomplishments. To-day’s visit to her studio is doubly interesting, for it of-' fords us an opportunity of seeing one of the world’s celebrities, the great musical composer Liszt, who is sitting for his bust He is an elegant looking old gentleman, with a head very much like Henry Clay’s, one that would command attention amidst a thousand. He takes a wonderful interest in our little Ameri can sculptress, and os she rapidly moulds the pliant clay more and more into a striking like ness, the great composer bursts out in rhapso dies of compliment, jumps up and pats her on the head with the most parental approba tion.” French Rriorm In the French Senate on the c 28th ultimo, M. Ollivier p ing Sehatus Consul turn : Article 1. The Senate shares the legislative power with the Emperor and the Legislative Body, and possesses the right of initiating laws. Nevertheless, all bills for the taxation of the country must be first voted by the Leg islative Body. Article 2. The number of Senators maybe raised to two-thirds of the number of mem bers of the Legislative Body, without includ ing the Senators who hold their seats by right. The Emperor cannot nominate more than twenty Senators annually. Article 3. The constituent power belong ing to the Senate by virtue of article 31 and article 32 of tho Constitution of the 14th of January, 1852, ceases to exist Article 4. The stipulations annexed to the present Senatus Consultum, which are com prised in the plebiscita of the 14th and 21st of December, 1851, and of the 2lst and 22d of November, 1852, or resulting therefrom, form the Constitution of the Empire. Article 5. The Constitution can only be modified by the people on the proposition of the Emperor. Article 6. Paragraph 2 of article 25, and of articles 19, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 40, 41,52, and 57, of the Constitution, as well as all legislation contrary to the present Senatus Consultum, are abrogated without prejudice to the abrogation resulting from the plebiscitum of the 21st and 22d of November, 1852, and the Senatus Congultums promulgated, notably that of the 8th of September, 1869. Article 7. Those portions of tho Consti tution of the 14th* of January, 1852, and of the Senatus Consultums since promulgated which are not abrogated formally or by im plication, or are not reproduced in the appen dix to article 4, will have force of law. M. Ollivier, in introducing this Senatus Consultum, pointed out that the Empire had- constantly sought to conciliate the necessities of the Conservative, interest with the require ments of reform. The constitutional govern ment of the Empire, based upon, universal suffrage, would havo tho advantage over other constitutional governments of giving an equal share in the administration of the country to the democracy and aristocracy. M. Ollivier appealed to the patriotism of the Senators to aid the Sovereign in giving liberty to France, and said: “If the Senate loses a great part of its constituent power, on the other hand it ac quires by its new legislative attributes a field of activity better calculated to utilize the knowledge and experience of its members.” The Minister of Justice concluded his speech by eulogizing tho Emperor, from whom pro-, ceeded the present great liberal initiative. IIow to Drive a Horne. It is a very common opinion that anybody with a little practice can drive a horse. This Is generally true, because a good family horse, used to the road, will almost drive himself, and many animals will turn out of their own accord when they meet a vehicle, or will go through a gateway quite as well, if not better, than the majority of people can guide him. But tho use of a driver is not only to guide the horse, but to control him. Here is where the great fallacy of the common belief becomes evident. Instead of nearly anybody being able to control a horse, it is an undoubted fact that •without the consent of the animal, few per sons—about one in a thousand—are able to do it There may be giants here and there, but we seldom see them driving. The horse, whilo he is the most docile and tractable of all our domestic animals—not one excepted—is at the same time the most timid, foolish, and sometimes the most dangerous. To no other animal do wo so often trust our lives and hap piness, and over none have we so little influence in the moment of danger. When a horse is frightened, his first impulse is to run, and when he does that he has everything liis own way. A strong man tugging at the mouth of a runaway horse is comparatively liko a child in strength. At no time does our phys ical power appear wo trifling, tto It undiluted. The great reason why, in a contest between a man and a horse, the latter is so freqently victorious, is because the man chooses to fight the horse with the horse’s weapons, neglecting those which are peculiar to himself. The horse is endowed with wonderful strength of muscle—the man with vigor of brain; but we seldom sec the man’s brain brought to bear against the horse’s muscle. And yet, if it were done, we believe that, in {he majority of cases, the muscle would have to suc cumb. That it is not done is greatly to the shame and injury of the man. As to the methods of bringing the human brain into play in such cases, they are simple enough.— Wo may some of us remember the anecdote of the sailor who was sent to a country black smith’s shop with an anchor in a cart The sailor was not used to driving, and he did it so wildly that the horse ran off. Unable to stop him by the mo»t vigorous commands and the most energetic pulls at the animal's tackle the sailor made fast a rope to the anchor, tied tliat to the tail-board, and braced himself against the gunwale of a cart In about seven seconds the horse came to the most sudden stop he ever experienced in his life, and the sailor (with brains) waved his tarpau lin victoriously. It would be rather incon venient for us to always carry on anchor m the vehicle when we went out riding, but if there was no other way in stopping a run away horse it would be better to employ this. But there are other ways. There arc several methods of controlling hard mouthed or fright ened horses, by appliances which have been patented, and which, working on the pnrely principle, have been proved valuable. As a rule, it would be a very good tiling for all horses, gentle or spirited, to be harnessed, whenever driven with the best of these bri dles and lines, which put it in the power of the driver to exercise power upon the bit whenever it maj r be necessary, and when it is going to be necessary, nobody knows. But if these things are too expensive or difficult to obtain, we might all harness our horses much more sensibly than we do. Instead of buck ling the driving lines to the ring of the bit, we should pass them through it, bring them back, and fasten them to some part of the harness, say the check-rein hook. This will, at least, double our power over the animal, and the lines will generally slip easily enough through the ordinary bit-rings with out pulleys such as the patent bridles are fur nished with. If a horse is very hard-mouthed or vicious, a double pulley would give a gi ant’s power over him ; but whether this would interfere with existing patents I cannot know. If, in the way proposed for persons using the ordinary harness, the lines arc buckled together before being passed under the check-rcin hook, the possible breaking of the latter will not cause the driver to lose control of the horse. A little soaping where they run through the bit, and proper arrangements for avoiding too much contact of the two portions of the line when driving gently, will, of course, add to the effectiveness of the arrangement All this is simple enough, and not a new thing. Why, then, cannot they to whom the plan looks reasonable generally adopt it, and make their lives and limbs comparatively safe when driv ing?—Hearth and Home, Tho Legislature of Tennessee having enact- ed.an amended charter for the city of Mem phis, which confers suffrage on “all owners of real estate situate within tho corporate limits of said city of Memphis, upon which taxes are assessed and collected,” a grateful lady tax payer proposed to call a meeting of her sisters and return thanks to that benificent body But a cruel editor spoiled it all by suggesting that probably the Constitution of the State, which limits suffrage to male'citizens, would prove to be the higher law. A remarkable case of resuscitation is re ported from Montpelier, France. A young man asphyxiated by charcoal, was touched on the soles of his feet with red hot iron without avail. Electric batteries were then brought to bear and, after eight hours of effort, animation was restored. The Fear of Death. The New York Herald, which is opposed to the ghastly and ghostly sermons which the pulpit nowadays so largely indulges in, puts the case thus: We cannot believe that it is intended as any part of the scheme of human life that our thoughts should always be turned toward the grave. There is such a thing as tho practi cal salvation of the human race. Within histor ical times man has been made evidently better by the physical improvements of his life; has been raised to an intellectual status at which he can comprehend somewhat of the great problems of his destiny and dimly conceive of tho goodness of God. This has not been achieved by following the example of St Simon Stylites, nor by kneeling in a hermit’s cell be fore some ghastly reminder of what we must all come to at last It has been accomplished by men who worked bravely forward in cheer ful spirit and did with their might the labor thatTthe uncomprehended purpose of God had put before them; and who doubts but this is in its effect a better religion than to be mum bling before a skull and cross-bones? Education in Mississippi. Tlio Governor of Mississippi has sent a mes sage to thq Legislature in which he recom mends separate schools for the white and tho colored children, and the establishment of a Normal school for the education of colored teachers.