The weekly new era. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1870-????, August 10, 1870, Image 1

Previous Issue Next Issue

Clip Visible Area View Page Text View PDF

Newspaper Page TextVOLUME IV. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 10, 1870. NUMBER 21 laSKSPSESEXTiTIOS. Xlie Ent na,: ||, AimtI.ntvlM Tro. Itc- ■>«*•■*» »" It* BrjiubUtan I'arlj-, «o the I trat’itif ** c and to flic Admin- lu Ilia Eci'a report of the revolutionary mooting held at the City Hall, on Thursday of llirtt week, the following erroneous paragraph appeared: ’ General Gordon- speaking of the prolongs- tinii, Raia: “Yes, let them attempt it, and we will tear their hearts from them and throw them ns food to the demons of hell !” - This mistako (In the substitution of “Gen.” f>r “Col.") was not detected until tho whole edition of the paper had been worked off, totalled and. distributed. And, publishing no evening edition, the earliest possible moment th'it the correction Could be made was the suc ceeding morning, to-wit, on Saturday, the 30th nil. Tho correction then mado was as fol low;;: General (Jordon and the Meeting Ihursduy Xight. In onr report, yesterday morning, of the Democratic meeting of tho night before, General Gordon was mentioned as one of the r speakers. This was a mistake. Tho reporter ’ never attributed tho lauguage quoted, to Gen. Gordon. He knew that the Hr. Gordon who addressed the meeting was not the Gen eral, and, not knowing his initials, mentioned him as Colonel Gordon. The printer evidently thought that tire reporter had made a mistake in the title; lie certainly substituted “Gen.” Gordon iu two places where the reporter had ' written ‘‘Col.” Gordon. Wc have since learned that tho speaker was Mr. Walter S. Gordon, of this city. Gen. Gordon did not speak at all The reporter left tho meeting while Gen. Henning was speaking, and was informed, an hour later, by another reporter, of the lan- ■’n.v;.. used by \Y; S. Gordon. These are tho facts. Any one familiar with Uni mistakes of a printing office will not be surprised at this one. Certainly, after this ex- ' planation, no person possessing common sense and common honesty will accuse us of wilfully misrepresenting the facts. This was a trno recital of the fuels, just as they occurred; and a gentleman well and favorably known in this community, was re quested (o make this explanation to The Con stitution in advance of its afternoon edition of Friday. Whether the explanation was made or not, wo cannot any positively. Wo only know that tho gcuUcmanpromised to make it, and that ho is a man of his word. And wo do not note know whether it was so made, as wo have not stain him since the morning of the 211th. What was then our surprise at seeing the following in Tho Constitution in its even ing edition of tho same day: How, the truth is, no General Gordon spoke at tlio meeting. Why it is that Governor Bullock’s short hand writer should g<*out of his way to slan der and misrepresent a popular and prominent citizen of Georgia, wc leave tho distant reader to judge, when it is remembered that General John It Gordon was Governor Bullock’s competitor in tho race for Governor, and is believed, by tho people, to havo been fairly elected. (in the evening of the same day, and after H.o afternoon edition of Tho Constitution con taining the above statim-nt, tho following uotu was brought to this office: Editor Xem Era: The purpose of the false hood having been served, will you now state that I did not use the louguago, at the mass meeting last evening, attributed to me by your reporter, nor any other language -that I made no speech whatever? Respectfully, J. B. Gordon. July 23, 1870. .The messenge r who lu ought tho above w.i a young gentleman nnknown to tho editor, but had tho appearance aad manner of a man ~ ” the explanation was Ena, there appeared a more extended notice of the meeting, giving extracts from the speeches jusias they fell from the lips of the speakers. Of course, these were only what they pur ported to he, simply extracts, no more nor less; but these were not “garbled” in the legitimate sense of that term. They were not merely de tached sentences jerked out of tho discourse at different points and pat together as para graphs, purporting lobe from the speeches as delivered. Nothing of this kind was attemp ted; nothing of this kind was done. But, the extracts were fairly and legitimately made, with out dividing a single sentence or ;even detach ing one compound sentence. Neverthless this gave occasion for another attack by The Con stitution; and in view of all that bad passed, that paper of Monday evening heads an article thus: 4 *The Peoplo of Atlanta Slandered,” and then proceeds to charge this jour nal with purposely misrepresenting the “peo ple of Atlanta!” It alludes to the Era. as Governor Bullock’s organ” and charges in effect that it is used by interested parties to cover up the alleged wrong-doings at tbe Executive office. This cliargo is false, ful.su in every partic ular. The Era is a Republican journal; as such, it supports tho Ad ministration of the State and National Gov ernments. As a Republican paper, it seeks tbe promotion of tho Republican party by all fair and honorable means. But, whilst this is so, it is also a newspaper. It is more; it is on independent newspaper, independent in the legitimate sense of that, much-abused term;, mid as a newspaper, it publishes the proceedings of public meetings and extracts from the speeches of public men, os part and parcel of the current history of the times. If, therefore, The Constitution does not want tho unfortunate utterances of its rash and im practicable party leaders published to the rorld, then lei it persuade its party leaders ecoouflJSg mr tho mistake’ which tho General was pleased to style a '“falsehood.” no was farther assured that the explanation was perhaps then in type, and that it wonld appear in the next edition of tho Era. Under these circumstances, and iu viow of tho fact that the language and spirit of tho noto was not such as tho gallant gentle man whoso name it boro was in the habit of using or indulging, wo declined its publica tion, and would do so again under the circum- Ktances. Next morning,’ in tho editorial columns of the same edition of the Eka, containing tho - : xplanation, the following request appeared : The Atlanta Constitution.—The editor pro tan. of tho above named paper is politely re quested cither to copy tho Era’s explanation of the manner in which tho name “General Gordon” appeared in our report of Thursday’s mooting; or, with the fuels now beforo him, to mako the correction otherwise due this nal. like a curse upon the heads of his enemies. While Napoleon lives, Franco is a thing of life and power. When he dies, perhaps another reign of terror” will follow. History repeats itself, as the record shows, in France os elsewhere. Of mysteiyjand music,” until they establish the fact that he never lived, and that his name is but the shadow of a myth! “Prolongattontits” and “Cartatlisti. 1 * The shom-Democracy, now as heretofore, seek to deceive the people by missating the is sue. They have the face to tell on intelli gent people that the Republican members of tho General Assembly seek to prolong their official term “beyond tho time limited by the State Constitution 1” Nothing could be more unfair than this. Republicans seek no such thing. On the contrary, they seek to. retain their position to which they were fairly elec ted, only for the time limited by the Consti tution—this and nothing more. What then is the issue? Simply this: The Sham-Democracy, now os heretofore, hold that tho organization of 18G8 was legal; con sequently, that the term began July 4th, 18G8. The Republicans hold that the organization of 18G8 was illegal; consequently that tho Act of Congress of December 22d, I860, was constitutional; that the organization of January, 1870, was the first legal organization had since the elec tion; that tho State Government remained Provisional, and the Stato Constitution iu abeyance, until the admission of the State to representation, as provided in thir Reconstruc tion Acts; and consequently that, as the Con stitution was not of 'force until after the ad mission of the State, the constitutional terms for which the State officers were elected, did not begirt until after the Act of July l~tb, 1870. The position of the Democracy, it will be observed, implies that the Act of Congress setting asido the organization of 1808 as ille- State looking to the establishment of a party, does not seem to elicit much It labors under many difficult them very serious difficulties. Platform of Principles to begin __ body seems to know exactly wbat aro ;ts tenets. Beyond the fact that its manipulates want office or prominence, no one seems to understand the Principles underlying the movement. It repudiates alike the; Demo- * craticandthe Republican faith; and its pro jectors claim that the leaders and representa tives of both nrp corrupt and selfish! One is denounced as an impracticable junta of con servatives who stickle for the original princi ples of the Democracy; the other as extremists who adhere to the rigid polity of Congress remanding tbe State to military rule, and set ting aside the organization of 18C8 as illegal: Hence both are denominated “extremes”—, ■ . « . . . . . .. , , .. - are becoming alarmed at the danger one for opposing the consummation of threatens their liberties, and if ve do Reconstruction policy of Congress, tho other not mistake tho signs of tho times the period is for advocating it! hot liir distant when General Grant and his It is difficult to ten therefore jest where inrty will be taught that constitutionalliberty , it vil gevernment, law, order, peace, public and the ‘Middle ^ any begins or where it ends- i )r j va t 0 security—all that the American citizen and it is as difficult to say how much or how*?holds dear—were not lost to the nation in the little of both platforms it means to adopt, or) defeat of secession. The Union must bo re- whether it means to have nay platform at Its leaders havo nover told ns what they r ro *»iutu>t be preserved. peseta accomplish. They have intimated thel « war hi Hoith Carolina” seems to he vgane'genomlity that something is not righfj^e rcsu it of a scrie3 of aggressions hy a gal, was an usurpation. It thus arraigns the not to make use <f 'such uUerancts'lcJwt !7rf P u4ji. Con BK*s of tho Cuitcd States for enacting an That explanation gives the true and full statement of the case, just ns tho facts trans pired; and if the editor pro few. of The Con stitution was not informed in relation thereto U-foT© tho publication of his article of yester day afternoon, he is now. We cannot believe that tho gentleman iu charge of The Constitu tion w ould deliberately misrepresent a contem porary journal for the purpose of making point, and hence this friendly, but by no means idle, request. Wo supposed of course that The Constitu tion would republish tho explanation, since, under all tho circumstances, it could not have done less provided it designed to do us simple justice. - But instead of a prompt and cheerftil compliance with this friendly request, The Constitution made the following garbled and .unfair statement: . Governor Bullock’s home organ, of this Humming, says that the substitution of General for Colonel Gordon, in its report of the anti- prolongation meeting of 3he'people of Atlanta, without distinction of party, was a typograph ical error. It says, speaking of tbe typogra pher who set up "that reports— . “ Ho certainly substituted* “ General ” Gor don in two places where the reporter had ■written “ColoffeT’ Gordon. Wo have since 1 'arned that the speaker was Mr. Walter S. Gordon, of this city. General ■ Gordon did nnt speak at all.” There is no tuan in Atlanta known as Colo nel Gordon. Two reportorial and two tvpo- grqphiHb errors make four. m Still inclining to the charitablo side of the question, still unwilling to believe thath re spectable journal would persist in a refusal to do a simple act of justice, tho editor of The < ’onstitution was waited upon in person by a •; * ntlemoxr connected with this office, and re quested to say, definitely, whether he (the editor of The Constitution} would or would not copy the explanation, and thus set the Era, right before his readers. The Constitution promised io copy the explanation next morning; but it seems that it did not copy but a portion of it, as the following will show: General Gordon ami the Meeting Thursday Xight, filirf.—In our report yesterday morn ing, of tho Democratic meeting of the night Itrimv, General Gordon was mentioned as one of the Speakers. This was a mistake. The reporter never attributed tho language quoted to General Gordon. Ho knew that the Mr. < lordon who addressed the meeting was not the General, and not knowing his initials, men tioned him as Colonel Gordon. Tho printer evidently thought that the repor ter bad made a mistake in the title; ho certainly substituted “General” Gor don in two places where the reporter had written “Colonel” Gordon. We have since learned that tho speaker was Mr. Walter S. < lordon of this city. .General Gordon did not .speak at all. Thir reporter left the meeting while General Denning was speaking, and was informed, an hour later, by another reporter iff the language used by Mr. W. 8. Gordon. These are the facts.—Xew Era,20ih. We publish the above by request of tbe editor of the New Era. Iu tho Sunday morning’s edition of the lie / And if any one of the speakers, (extracts from whoso speeches we have published,) feel that,we have done them injustice, let him come in person or by proxy, in the proper spirit, state their complaint, point out the error (if any exists), and wo hero promise that they shall be promptly set right before our readers. We say this for tho benefit of the gentlemen from whoso speeches those extracts were made. Now let them respond! Let them bring in their speeches and ask their publication in full as an act of justice, and wo shall not deny them tho use of our columns. What more could rea aonablo men ask ? „ And now, in conclusion, wo take this occa sion to say, once for all. that if any man or set of men, of any clique, faction or party, will give us 'the evidence in support of their al leged charges of malfeasance preferred against Republican officials; or, if they will establish the fact that such officials havo been guilty of malfcasanco or improper conduct, there is not a journal in all this broad land that will be more prompt or more merciless in holding up such officials to public * execration than the Atlanta New Era. We sock to shield no man, bo ho Republican or Democrat, from tho just consequences of his own mis deeds. Wo seek to cover up nothing; wo will gloss over no tortious or dubious act of any Republican official, from tho Governor down to the humblest Notary Public. But while this Is so, we must be excused from joiuing in the ywa truo to tflp party that ele vated them, and truo to the masses that com pose the party of which thoy aro representa tives. Whilst, therefore, the fact of Gov. Bullock being a Republican Executive, would not, in itself, shield him from the condemnation of the Era for acts of malfeasance, were he guilty of any, it is likewise truo that the fact of his being tbe head of tho party in Georgia of which this journal is tho exponent, does not justify his condemnation without evident and in the face of the further fact not a SINGLE CHARGE BROUGHT XOAT^T niM BY THE DEMOCRACY HAS BEEN SU^'INED. liboLi Kapokon. Tb**JSmporor of tho French has about as much regard for his word as he has for the rights of others; ho loves his country while he remains “the State;” he has, during his po litical career, had one object always in view— himself; and ho has never scrupled to employ any means, however fraudulent and violent, which enabled him to' realize his darling dream' of power. When it was popular he was a Republican; when it was necessary, be was a liar and a murderer; when policy re quired it, ho-was a despot, and when the Ge nius of Progress descended upon his Empire, with a new revelation and a new political gos pel, he yielded to the exigences of the situation with tho grace of a courtier and the benevolence, almost, of a kind and loving father whose only desire was the welfare of his children. Inconsistent his career certainly has been, ne has been bold, bloody and resolute. But when the occasion requires ho can relieve the dull monotony of the “piping times of peace” by the “lascivious pleasing of the late.” Of course his wrathy antagonists occasionally fling in his face the sayings and doings of his youth. But one might as well attempt to ruffle the serenity of the Sphinx as to disturb the repose of this man with ffico of brass and heart of marble. In 18*0, Napoleon found it popular to be a Republican and issued the following proclamation: •• I appear before you as a warm aud true Democrat and Republican. I take tbe shadow of the man of tho century as tho symbol of the promises which I now solemnly make, I will be, as I always was, a child cf France. In every Frenchman I will ever see a brother. The Democratic Republic is tho object of my adora tion, and I will be her Minister. Never will I try clothe mypdf in Imperial robes. May my heart cease to beat on the day when I forget what I owe to you—what I owe to. France. May my lips' forever be dosed if I say a word against tho Republican sovereignty of the French people. May I be cursed if I suffer doctrines to be taught in my name contrary to democratic prin ciples and the government of the Republic. May I be condemned if I lay a treasonable hand upon the rights of tho people, cither with their cinsent or against their will l»y farce. And now trust me, as I trust you, and may this call from mo be like a prayer to Heaven. Tire la Republique l” This was excellent—it served its purpose. At a later date bebolil tbe coup d'etat! And lie did “ clothe himself in Imperial robes.' This was “ panic faith” but it was none the less good policy. He disappointed his people in their political hopes, but ho gave to them the best government for France. He knew that a French Republic was a fanciful and flimsy fabric, and so he gave tho people an Empire. Amid all the wrongs thtj treacher ies and the inconsistencies of hif career, one fact looms up—ho lias, in serving his own selfish interests, always advanced the material interests of France. Ho wanted power, he seized it; the French wanted glory, he gave it to them. Whatever his faults may be—and they aro many and criminal—it would l>e a black day in the history of la Idle France if he should be assassinated, and the “deep damnation of his taking off” would fall unconstitutional and an unjustifiable measure overturning the legally constituted Govern ment of Georgia. What a monstrous position is this! Why ‘ they might, with almost as much show of rea son, arraign the Act of Congress of March, 1867, for overthrowing tho State Government of 18GG. The principle is tho same in both cases. And the Republicans are simply con sistent with their plighted faith to support tbe reconstruction policy of Congress, when they insist that the organization of 1868 was ille gal, and that tbe organization of January last was the first legal organization since the wars. The Ilfliable- Ctnlltiim This ubiquitous character has turned up again. The London Times credited him with an important piece of war news only last week and it was telegraphed all over the world. We thought that the old party had “cut his stick,” or retired to the shades of private life. Not a bit of it! Nothing can take the wind out of him. It is the most surprising thing in the world that he don't get killed. During the late war wo used to shudder at his deeds of reckless daring, as her narrated them in the daily papers. His hair-breadth escapes were of tho most blood-curdling character. W< never did folly understand him. At one time we heard of him leading a Federal charge, and again we lost our breath over his bravery as ho assisted a company of Confederates, armed with bowio knives only, 4 - Yankee gunboat. Ilis exploits sometimes improbable, but we never kpew one of the “reliable gentleman’s” statements to be fully disproved. And if' it was, he always had another ready that actually made one’s hair stand on end like the “fretful porker swine. Now, after leaving him -Appoj***®* Court House, who would expected him to turn up on the front** ^ between Franco and Prus sia? Btf* a0 evidently on the spot os us ever. The extent of that man’s information is remarkable. What he don’t know about .Bismarck’s plans is perhaps known- only to Bis. himself, and his confidential friends. And it is a positive fact that he Inis told things about Napoleon’s movements which tho Emperor never supposed were known to auybody. Tho trouble about the “reliable gentleman” is, that he spreads him self too touch* .VP* never knows exactly whero to find him.. He is like the little ball under the thimble- at Donny brook fair. 4 ‘Now you see him, and now you don’t see him!” But for this eccentricity, what a capital news paper correspondent he would moke! As it is, however, it is no use to engage him as he writes for all the papers. We propose to keep an eye on this gentleman, during the present war, and our readers may confidently expect to be favored with news from Europe before Bismarck and Napoleon even get so much us a hint of it “This is reliable!” The movement recently inaugurated in tCcT to that held by tho thing called “Do- .i tv. moeraev.” Tlio simn mnpr fliw mm. SPIRIT OF THE GEORGIA PRESS. THE ROME COMMERCIAL (DEAL ) .Says Senator Higbee is “infamous” for enter- taming an opinion in reference to the scope and meaning of tbe late act of Congress a ti mocracy.” The same paper has this para graph : j * Grant is going to send Sheriilau to Europe ‘ to observe tho war. We don’t know of any man that the country could spare better than Sheridan—except, probably, Grant himself. [That’s the old style.] THE ALBANY NEWS (DEAL) Copies one of tho Era’s editorials on the sub ject of “Monopolies” and credits it to “an At lanta paper.” It credits another article from tho same source to an “Atlanta Exchange.” [We do not object to this, provided it meets the* editor's views of “professional courtesy.”] ; THE SAVANNAH NEWS, (DEM.) In tho course of a long tirade upon ‘‘The North Carolina Revolutionists and General <jraut,” says: Tho people, not only of down trodden and outraged North Carolina, but of the whole in both parties, and that they will herd with tho men of neither, except upon condition that they swear fealty to tho * “new party,” and utterly abandon the old! This is what wo may call accepting things on tiost! It may mean “Chase and *72" or it may not. Nobody knows. It is only known that wo have a brave little handful of virtuous politicians ia Georgia, who cannot thiuk of soiling their garments by either Democratic or Republican associations! They seem to have been ill treated by somebody, as indeed the virtuous and pure iu heart generally are. Thoy have been too honest to prosper well in either party. Their claim to consideration seems to have been somehow sadly neglected. secret political organization known as the Ku EIux. This being tho case—and it is so un derstood at Washington—tho President was bound by his oath of office to enforce the law us against these lawless ruffians.] THE SAVANNAH RETURLICAN (DEM. ) Republishes the slander against Senator Mer rill:[ This, however, was before the editor had ilio means of knowing its falsity. We pre sume ho will now malic the correction, and Jins do Mr. Men ill justice.] THE AUGUSTA CONSTITUTION.*LIST (DEM.) } fas an interesting leader on the European mddle. It also lias this paragraph: Mum.—Attorney General Akcrman has be _ . . . . „ , ,. bitten to by several Georgians, asking him to But, being wholly disinterested, and seeking jl ace his opinion in writing on tho status of only to “save the State,” they care nothing ‘ eoigia under tho bill passed on the last night for this nicked exhibition of ingratitude. In- tho urasion, admitting the State, but he de- cited by a deep love of country, and this only, they can well afford to make sacrifices in pro jecting a third parly. They cheerfully moke expenditures in erecting a sort of political In firmary. Hereto they invite all the honest men of both parties—men who arc panting for righteousness, aud who aro therefore will ing to forsake the tents of wickedness and align themselves with the pure in heart and simple in spirit. Incredulous men can ouly hope that this spurt of righteousness will not end os fatally to the people of tho State as did that of Andy Johnson in 1866. Tho motive may be commendable, bat the result is*;i fail ure thus far. “ OCto Von Bismarck The man behind the throne, who is popu larly. supposed to hold in his hand tho dei nies of Prussia, is no other than tho Prime h] istct-'-Bumarcta Tho German, ,/’.-,; the most t:o5- I'rom thi led' ^ ed deviltry of llachiavo’li, the trickery of BcauirurcUols —«"th» edmost preternatural astuteitfa* Talleyrand, with a considerable iasfi"of Blnchefabrnta’ity thrown in to com plete the tool cusartfilc. Bat, when due allow ances aro made for national prejudices, it will: ^“ n ' t arfratsitby” refusing to rasta’in”our appear that Bismarck has been very greatly! Governor and Legislature in their attempted over-rated. He is a thorough mau of the' icbellion against the Constitution. That he world and his pntcUcal philosophy eatrics him^“ lines to do so until it is brought before him a legal form. [Mr. Akcnnan was right. We can conceive : but one way in which the case coaid conic jforo him; and in that event, the ltevolntion- Ls or * t Curtail‘«ila" would run against a snag.] IE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL (DEM.) o\\ a on poor Augier. Noticing the ex- nation of the Treasurer’s friends about the ihool fund” (so called) the Chronicle says: w, to this we have to say, that if General jr instructed the Treasury to keep this intact, why did not the Treasurer obey ■s? If this Government is provisional, is General Terry the highest authority ? not tho Governor refer to him as his su- , or? Does not. the Assembly consult him .■iono having authority over them? Why, u, does Mr. Treasurer Augier pay out this ■A in violation of the Constitution, and to his oath of office nd contrary to instructions of the military com- ? Does he consider tho e tho paramount VlIk ionoH ;e” of his duly, iimuniU? teu viciuitTu Aliy's instructions, I'-Aua coo&OSllio communicated taesp—what thy i-wr» 3 urtlge wftST 7 " THE COLUMBUS ENQUIRER (DEAL) S iys of the present aggressive warfare of the *-*feuts” as against the “ins The “war” in Georgia seems point of breaking out afresh, unless Gen. Slandering (be Dead. If old Sam. Johnson liked “good haters ” as much os ho said he did, he was doubtless gratified by meeting a good many in the course of his experience. They grow to perfection among literary men. They aro not only good haters” but haters of good! Within the present generation we have wit nessed a most remarkable and disgraceful cru sade against three men who, however frail they may have been, were more “sinned against than sinning.” We mean Shelley, Poe and Dickens. These men ennehed the world with their genius, and, dying, left behind them name* which shine all tho brighter because contrasted with the blackcet calumny. And apropos of Poe. The Rev. J. Shaver,, of Bur lington, N- J-» calls attention, in a recent arti cle, to a supposed discovery which, it is claimed, disproves Poe’s claim to the author ship of the “ Raven.” The article referred to appeared in Littell’s Living Age, a Boston pe riodical The story is, that an old letter written by Edgar A. Poe, has been found, which states that the poem in question was written by one Samuel Fenwick, of New York, and was by him sent to Poe for correction; that Fenwick died shi rtly after, and Poe put his own name to the pcim when he was drunk and had it pub lished. This story —which ia written like a falsehood, which sounds like a falsehood, and undoubtedly a falsehood, was, no donbt, con cocted by some member of that contemptible literary clique which the dead poet was wont to ridicule in his peculiarly scorching manner. If this supposed letter, which is said to be mutilated and almost illegible, ever ex isted, how is it that it has never been heard of before ? If tho poem is not Poe’s, how is it that it bears upon its face the distin guish! g marks of his genius—his pecu liar rythmical construction, and words and phrases which aro to be found in poems writ ten in his childhood ? It is top plain.for ar gument. Pal was weak, dissolute, anything but moral, but he never descended to such baseness. Nor did he ever calumniate a dead rival Men have tried to prove that Shak- speore did net write <( Shakspeare, ’ hut they will never succeed in proving that Poe did not write the “Raven, that marvelous poem safely over some very rough places. : In his youth lie was a wild, turbulent character, and his insolence involved him in continual quar rels and broils. At the fiimous old University of Gotiingon he distinguished himself by braggadocio, swaggering bullyism aud un bridled audacity. The hero of more than twenty duels, he naturally became pre-eminent among the roystering youth of Germa ny, and. when family -influence brought him into public life, he carried with him into the politest circles of the world the untamable ferocity of a savage. His admirers tell innumerable stories of his peculiar diplomatic tnctics and his associates always seemed to regard him as sort of pet bear,intelligent but vicious; a creature to be used and petted—at a safe distance. * Intense hatred will sometimes make even an ordinary man . formidable, and Bismarck, with his strong will and hard common-sense, is per haps fully a match for the wily Frenchman. A member of the Prussian Conservative party himself, and entertaining the utmost contempt] for tho popfllace, he despises Napoleon foi conceding to the canaille the Plebiscitum. He goes so far as to take the field with las regi ment, and, if the Prussian colors should ad vance as far as the walls of Paris, he would doubtless repeat the excesses of his country man, Blucher, whom he resembles-in bravery and ferocity. The French may well say that they are fight-' ing Bismarck! He is the very incarnation of a War-like spirit His genius will animate’ strengthen and sustain tho armies of Prussia] He will infuse into them something of his own energy and unfailing hatred of the Frencbj and, whether victorious or defeated, he make his mark os a powerful leader, man’s face is indicative of his character, story of a stormy life and a conquering is traced upon his sullen browr. Pride, and unscrupulous efinning are stamped his countenance. If any man in Enrope coji successfully cope with Napoleon, it is Bii- marck. But there is a philosophy in events which sometimes baffles those who flitter themselves that they understand the relations of cause and effect, and it may be that Bis marck is now about to meet, face to face,) ike bitterest disappointment of his life. which he hosheretofoic refrained from forcing a policy of his own” when opposed by Radical clamor,.and no instance in which he las risen supeiior to party influence in a de termination to observe good faith towards the tiiople of tho South. Tho emergency is ijie ot uncertainty and peril—involving the hether wo arc to maintain constitu tional government and peace in Georgia, or Whether we are about to enter upon a political did social condition similar to that which & long made a “ reign of terror ” if! Tenues si?, and is now inaugurating the some condi- ti>n in North and South Carolina. | [Thu “war” must be inaugurated by the j rffo or ruin Democracy, else there will be no ar.” In case . they press iheir aggressions, President will sustain the Administration law against the Mob \ iolenco of faction, j^t as ho is doing in North Carol ; na. He laid not do otherwise consistently with his ofljtli of office.] THE AfILLEDGEV.LTt: RECORDER (DEAL) Lashes itself into a fury over the proposition to purchase the Capitol building. [This was to havo been expected.] THE ATLANTA INDEX AND BAPTIST Takes one of its evangelical exchanges to task for the heathenish phrase, “he is no more,” as employed in announcing the death of some Christian Minister. The Index says: How strangely it sounds, then, when uttered by believers in “the resurrection of the dead STATE NEWS. SAVANNAH. Forty-eight marriage licenses Issued month... .The vessel Commodore Dnpont whs struck by lightning Tuesday... .Heavy wiiid and rain storms Regatta at Tlmnderlolt came off Wednesday. j CABTZE5TILLE. Abundant rains Crops flourishing.,.. Fair Ground improvements going on.l.. J. H. Fittcn, H. F. Price, R. H. Cannon (nd Lewis Tomlin were appointed as delegates, and Gen. P. M. B. Young, J. C. Roper, John Shuler and F. A. Boston as alternates to jthe Atlanta State Democratic Convention. ROME. At tho Democratic meeting, Tuesday, it was resolved to send twenty delegates from Floyd county to thee Atlanta State Democratic Con vention. and the life everlasting V when uttered, too, with reference to one who has “fallen asleep in Jesus ?” We hope that phraseology sojjlittle Christian, so grossly anti-Christian, will he excluded from the columns of evangelical journals. [The rebuke is just [and timely. Time was when tho Cristian Church taught not ouly the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, but tho ministering presence of those who had left the body and entered the higher life.] TIIE SITUATION IN GEORGIA. Letter from General Bcnj. F, Butler. Lowell, July 29, 1870. My Dear Governor: I congratulate the State of Georgia at last upon her ochnmission into tho Union. After very full deliberation and vexy full argument, the Conference Committees of tho House and Senate agreed upon the terms of the bill admitting the State. As the law enforcing the 15th Amendment, taken with the former enactments in regard to Geor gia, rendered unnecessary the conditions which had been, before the adoption of that amendment, attached to Virginia and Missis sippi, I agreed that those conditions be stricken from it when the hill passed the House, and a simple resolution admitting tho State, offered by Mr. Dawes, should take tho place of the report of the committee. Mr. Farnsworth then offered, as the judgment of some of the Republicans and of all tho De mocrats of the committee, a proposition that nothing in this act contained should pre vent the people of Georgia from having an election in tho year 1870, as provided by their Constitution. This, of course, was the Bingham amendment in a new form, requiring an election; because if Congress legislatively declared that the Constitution of Georgia re quired on election in 1870. then such election must he held. Mr. Farnsworth's proposition w is amended by striking out the year 1870, so that the proposition stood, that nothing in this act contained should prevent the people of Georgia having an election according to the provisions of their Constitution. OI course I am giving the substance from morn-1 ory, and not the words. This amendment to Farnsworth’s resolu tion, was passed by a very Largo majority.' The amendment, therefore, in my judgment, strengthened the theory upon which I had all along been acting, to-wit, that the people of Georgia ought not to havo an election in 1870; or, in other words, as I ex- f ressed it in the Committee of Conference, wonld not be accessory, beforo or after the fact, to the rebellion in any way, by aiding the rebels of Georgia to gain any portion of tbeir ends by permitting tbe loyal legislators whom they had deprived of their seats, to be again deprived of them by a new election, until they had served out a full two years, term of uninterrupted right and power iu re organizing the State upon :> true Union basis. And as tho Constitution gave the Legislature full right to determine when they would have an election for their successors, the statement in the act of admission, ti^it nothing in it contained should prevent tlio people of Geor gia from having an election according to the terms of 0 that constitution, seemed to me to affirmatively dispose of tho question which was negatively disposed of by Mr. Dawes naked resolution of admission. Tho House evidently took this view of it The bill as amended then went back to the Senate; and, in order to save time in discus sion and propositions of amendments, onr friends voted for non-concurrenco with Jhe amendments cf the House, in order that a Committee of Conference might settle the bill; and os tho report of that Committee conkl not bo amended, no opportunity wonld be given to talk against time or embarrass the matter further by amendment When the Committee of Conference rnetT a proposition was made, that a further proviso should bo added, in substance, that nothing herein should be taken to extend the term of any member of tho General Assembly or offi cer of the Stato of Georgia, beyond the time fixed by the Constitution. That proposition came from tho Senate conferees. A majority of tho House conferees replied that we might have no objection to that, becausi did not think that there was anything in the act which extended the time of any officers beyond that fixed by the Constitution of Georgia, and wc called upon the Senate com mittee to point out anything that they claimed did so extend the term of office, which required the action or tho proviso that they proposed. The reply to that was, that, although there did not appear to be anythin; so extending the lime, yet they wanted the moral effect of tho declaration in order to have an election in Georgia in 1870. To that the Houso committee replied that we would not agree to tho proviso if that .was the pur pose, but we would agree if they would put that nothing in the act should be construed to extend or abridge any office, so as to relieve it of its moral effect Because wo thought we were for the State of Georgia, but people and the Legislature of Georgia to settle their own affairs in their own way for them selves. This the Senate Committee, by a ma jority, declined to agree to, mid ence Committee disagreed and agreed to .two Houses that they could not agree. Upon that repoit being made to tho Senate, as we had supposed, the Semite ordered its committee to try again. Upon tlm Conference Committee again meeting, I myself drew up the proviso which was afterwards agrAito, and which provided, as you know, in suoffauce, as follows: Nothing in this or ary •other act shall affect the term of office of any member of the Assembly or officer of the State of Georgia. This, after conference, was agreed to by both Senate and House, and has become a law. I need not say, therefore, that I am clearly of opinion that the construction of the act will not require any election to be held in Georgia until the Legislature chooses to have one; that the present Legislature is thoroughly legalized as far as an act of Congress can do so, by the declaration that a “legal Legisla ture” adopted the 15th Ameudment, and that, being a legal Legislature, under your Consti tution, you have the power to fix the election of yonr successors. Of course any attempt to prolong the term arbitrarily, unjustly, indefi nitely, or, iu the slang of the discussion, to ‘perpetuate your power,” would be just cause of animadversion, and, if extended too far, cause of revolution. But all true aud good in the country, as iu tho State of Georgia, in my judgment will sustain you and the Legislature in taking to themselves, for tho purpose of organizing the State, tho full term of two years after they are fully seated in power, as you now are. Use the power you have—as I know you will—with Wisdom, Justice and Moderation, and the pillars of the State of Georgia will be more firmly settled than ever to uphold the Union, the Constitution and the laws of our country. I am, very truly, your friend, Benj. F. Butler. IIon. It. B. Bullock, Atlanta, Ga. loyjBisIatin. i wSKsired the $TATE NEWS. . BARNESVTLT.E. The Mount Zion camp meeting was atten- ted by great numbers of people Barnes- villo is to havo a “Loan and Trust Com pany.” ALBANY. Democratic and Agricultural meeting last Tuesday Frequent showers of rain. THE NORTH CAROLINA TROUBLES. The Habeas Corpa* nntl (De Decision of •Judge Pearson—-Reply of Gov. Holden. Correspondence of N. Y. Tribune.J It aletgu, July 2S. Governor Holden refused to deliver up the prisoners arrested by Kirk in Alamance on the mandate of the Chief Justice. The counsel for tho prisoners moved to attach tho Gov ernor, but the motion was refused by tho Chief Justice. The counse] then moved to attach Kirk. This motion was also refused. They then moved to send tho Marshal ol the Su preme Court to Kirk’s camp to bring the pris oners. Tho motion was refused by tho Chief Justice saying it would bo idle, as tho order would not be obeyed; that tbe counsel for tho prisoners might take it as a fact that the Mar shal had been sent and tho prisoners not sur rendered. If, as was said by the prisoners’ counsel, they intended tho application for re lief, it should be made by them to the Chief Justice of the United States. THE HABEAS CORPUS AND THE DECISION OF JUDGE PEARSON. Reference has been made by telegraph and therwise to the recent decision of Judge Pearson, Chief Justice of North Carolina, in the habeas corpus case of Adolphus G. Moore, of Alamance county, arrested by Col. G. W. Kirk, commanding State militia, by authority of Gov. Holden. It will be remembered that when the writ of habeas corpus was served upon Kirk, he refused to obey it, giving as a reason that ho was acting under orders of his superior officer. The Raleigh papers give the decision of Judge Pearson in full, from which wo make tho following extracts and statement of tho case: The counsel for the prisoner, Moore, sub mitted two motions: 1. For an attachment against G. W. Kirk for failing to make retura. 2. For a writ, to be directed to the Sheriff of some county, commanding him, with the power of the county, if necessary, to take the prisoner out of the hands of said Kirk and have him before the Chief Justice. After reviewing tho fact that the Governor had declared the counties of Alamance and Caswell were in a state of insurrection, and the extent of the powers conferred upon him by the Constitution of tho State, he grants the Governor tho right to adopt measures for the suppression of insurrection, but holds that tho means resorted to in this case were not proper, and that the detention of the petitioner as a military prisoner violates tho Decluation of Rights. Tho Constitution should bo co: straed so as to allow military possession of county to be taken and the arrest of all sus pected persons to be made by military autho; ity, but requiring the persons so arrested to be surrendered for trial to tbe civil authorities on habeas corpus, should they not be delivered over without the writ. In accordance with this view he declares his opinion on this point As to Kirk’s refusal to obey the writ, the Chief Justice says: The question is, do the facts beforo me show a sufficient excuse! The affidavit sets cut that Col* Kirk put his refusal on the ground that he had orders from his commander-in-chief, who is the Governor of the State, not to obey the writ. Ills Excellency avows that Col. Kirk was acting under his orders So we havo this case. Col. Kirk is commanded by the Chief Justice to produce the body. He is ordered by his commander-in-chief not to obey the writ. What is the man to do? He elected to obey Ills orders. In my opinion, there sufficient excuse for refusing to return the writ. The motion is not allowed. * Tho proceeding is by a rule to show cause why an attachment should not issue. And yet I was urged, with much vehemence, by learned and aged counsel, to rule Kirk up for a contempt of tho Chief Justflte in this, the affidavit of service sets ont mat Col. Kirk, when the writ was served, said, “Tell them such things are played out; I havo my orders from Gov. Holden, and shall not obey the writ; I will surrender them on Gov. Holden’s order, but not otherwise, unless they send a sufficient force to whip me.” This, well said by Mr. Badger, is tho language of a rudo soldier, and not as courteous as we .uauaflwfiiid-injttdMud nroceodinga. . Tho-mo tion for a rule w'^austribrrid* contempt is not pertinent to the matter now on hand The cvid3n.tr. prjj v'hvh it i cotsxcsipr'i questionable shape, extraneous matter put into an affidavit of service to excite prejudice, and the motion made at the instance of one who is under arrest for tho horrid crime <af murder by midnight assassination. * * * Tho second branch of the motion, that the power of the county be called out if necessary to aid in taking the petitioner by force out of the hands of Kirk, is as difficult of solution as the first. The power of tho county, or posse comitaius, means tho men oL the county in which tho writ is to be exedRed—in this in stance Caswell; and that county is declared to be iu a state of insurrection. Shall insurgents called out by tho person who is to execute tho writ, to join in conflict with the military force of the State? It is said a sufficient force will volunteer from other counties; they may belong to the association, or be persons who sympathize with it. But the posse comiiatus must come from the county where the writ is to be executed; it would-be illegal to take men from other counties; this is settled law. Shall illegal means be resorted to in order to exe cute a writ? Again: Every able-bodied man iu the State belongs to the militia. The Governor is, by the Constitution, “Commander-in-chief of the militia of the State.”—Art. 3, See. 8. So, t! power of the county is composed of men who are under tho command of tho Governor. Shall these men be required to violate, with force, the orders of their Commander-in- chief, and do battle with his other forces that are already in the field? Iu short, the whole physical power of the State is, by the Consti tution under the control of the Governor. The Judiciary has only a moral power. By the theory of the Constitution, there can bo no conflict between these two branches of the Government. The writ will be directed to the Marshal of the Supreme Court, with instructions to ex hibit it and a copy of this opinion to his Ex cellency the Governor. If he orders tho peti tioner to bo delivered to tbe Marshal, well; if not, following the example of Chief Justice Taney, iu Merry man's case, Annual Cyclope dia for the- year 1861, page 555, I have dis charged my duty, the power of the Judiciary is exhausted, and the responsibility must rest on the Executive. REPLY OF GOVERNOR HOLDEN. Executive Department, [ Raleigh, July 26, 1870. f To the Horn D. M. Pearson, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Xorth Carolina: Sir: I havo had the honor to receive, by the hands of the Marshal of tho Supreme Court, a copy of your opinion in the matter of A. C. Moore; and tho Marshal has informed me of the writ in his hands for tho body of said Moore, now in the custody of my subordinate officer, Col George W. Kirk. I have declared tho counties of Alamance and Caswell in a state of insurrection, and havo taken military possession of them. This your Honor admits I had the power to do * ‘un rest and punishment. TheSialc Judicial pow er in the said counties, though in the hands of energetic, learned and upright men* has not been able io briu« criminals tq-justice; indeed, it is my opinion,, based on .tbe,facts that have com a to my kno wledge. that the life of the judge ‘ whoso duty it is to ride the circuit tohwhicli said counties belong,* has not been safe, on account of the hatred entertained toward him by the Klan referred to, because of his wish aud purpose to bring said criminals to justice. For be it known to your Honor that there ty a wide-spread and formidable secret organi zation iu this State, partly political and partly social in its objects;-that this organization is known, first, as The Constitutional Union Guard— secondly,,as The. While Brotherhood—.. thirdly as The Inviswic'Empire—that the mem bers of this organization aro united b}’ oaths which ignore ©v repudiate Uie ordinary oaths or obligations that rest upou all other citizens to respect the laws and to uphold the govern ment; that these oaths iiicUlcatc hatred by tho white against the colored people of the State; that the members of this Klan arc rcconcilabl v hostile to the great principle of political and civil equality,. on which the government of, this State hV? been reconstructed; that these Klaus meet in secret, in disguise, with aims, in uniform of a certain kind intended to con ceal their persons and their horses, and terrify . those whom they assault or among whom they move; that they, held, thqir camps in secret places, aud decree judgment against their peaceabld lel- low-citizens, from mere intimidation to scourgings, mutilations and murder, aud that certain persons of tho Klan are deputed to ex ecute these judgments; that when the membes of this Klan' are arrested for violations of law, it is most difficult to obtain bills of indictment against them, and still more difficult to con vict them, first, because some of the members or tbeir sympathizers are almost always on tho Grand and Petit juries; and secondly, be cause witnesses who are members or sympa thizers uublusliingly commit perjury to screen their confederates and associates iu crime: that this Klan, (bus cohststnted and having in viow the objects referred to, is very power ful iu at least 25 counties in tho State, and has bad absolute control for the last 12 months of tbe counties of Alamance and Caswell. Under the circumstances, I would havo been recreant to duty and faithless to my oath, if I had not exercised the power ia the several counties which your Honor has been pleased to say I have exercised constitutionally and lawfully; especially as, since October, 1868, 1 have repeatedly, by proclamations aud by let- . ters, invoked public opinion to repress these evils, and warned criminals and offender;: against the laws of the fate that must, in the end, overtake them, if, under the auspices of the Klan referred to, they would persist in their course. I beg to assure your Honor that no one sub scribes more thoroughly than I do to the.great principles of-habeas corpus and trial by jury. Except in extreme cases, in which beyond all question “the safety of the State is the supreme law,” these privileges of habeas corpus ami trial by jury should be maintained. I have already declared that, iu my judg ment, your Honor and all tiie other civil ami judicial authorities aro unable at this time t<» deal with tbe insurgents. The civil aud .the military aro dike constitutional powers—tin* civil to protect life and property when it can, and the military only when the former has failed. As the Chief Executive, I seek to re store, not to subvert, tbe judicial power. Your Honor has done your duty, and in perfect harmony with you I sock to do mine. It is not I nor the military power that has supplanted tho civil authority; that has been done by tho insurrection in the counties re ferred to. I do not sco how I can restore the civil authority until € “suppress the insurrec tion,” which your Honor declares I have the power to do; and I do nqt see how I can surrender tho insurgents to tW civil authority until that authority is restored. It would be a mockery in nie to declare that tho civil authority was unable to protect the citizens against the insurgents, and then turn.the insurgents over to tho civil iw- tkoi-Uy.- _ My.nath to SllPPflltJJiO.GQastitutio:v makes it imperative —.. -.q.j insurrection” and restore the civil authority ni tiqi rov referved to, and, this 1 igiiet do. lu doing this, i renew to your llonor expres sions of my profound resjieet for the civil au- kority, and my earnest wish that this author ity may soon be restored to every county and neighborhood in the State. I have the honor tc bo, with great respect, your obedient servant, XV. XV. Holden, Governor. At tbe regular annual communication of the Rignt Worthy Grand Lodge of Georgia, on Tuesday and Wednesday last, the following officers were elected for the present year: Charles A. Robb, M. W. Grand Patriarch; C. H. Johnson, M. W. Grand High Priest; C. J. Stroberg, M. W. Grand Senior Warden; J. F. Hert, Junior Warden; J. G. Deitz, Secretary; T. A. Burke, Treasurer; B. Lowenthall, Senti nel. Grand Encampment—James L. Gow, M. W. Grand Master; David Bailey, R. W. Depu ty Grand Master; Chas. R. C. Kibble, II. W. Grand Warden; John G. Deitz, Secretary Thomas A. Burke, Treasurer; S. W. Man gum, Representative; E. A. Birch, W. Grand Chap lain; O. Brandt, Marshal; J. M. Blood worth, Conductor; T. H. Askett, Guardian; B. Low enthall, Herald. Grand Lodge—Tho atten dance large. Tho order is represented to be in a prosperous condition. Next meeting will be held iu Augusta. COLUMBUS. Wingfield Colquitt, a well-known,colored boy, died Wednesday. Menil . - of ri;o First Baptist Church have presented their la to pas tor, Rev. J. H. Do Yulia, with $200... Slight showers A meeting of citizens op posed to prolongation was held last night. der the Constitution and laws.” And not ouly thi3, “but to do all things necessary to sup press tbe insurrection,” including the power to “arrest all suspected persons” in tho above-mentioned counties. Your Honor has thought proper also to de clare that tho citizens of the counties of Ala mance and Caswell are insurgents, as tho re sult of the Constitutional and lawful action of the Executive, and that, therefore, you will not issue the writ for tho production of the body of Mooro to any of the men of the said counties; that “the posse commitatus must come from the county whero the writ is .to be executed,” and that any other means would be illegal. 1 have official and reliable information that in the counties above named, during the List twelve monte, not less than (She hundred per sons, ‘•in the peace of God and the State,” have been taken from their homes and sconraged, mainly if no Entirely on account of their political opinions; that eight murders have been committed, including that of a Stato Senator, on tho same account; that another State Senator has been compelled, from fear for his life, to make his escape to a distant State I have reason to believe that ’the Governments of the said counties have been mainly if * not entirely in the hands of men who belong to tho Ku-Klux Klan, whoso members have per- petrated tho atrocities referred to;' and that tho county governments have not merely omitted to ferret out and bring to justico tho.it of this Klan who have thus violated tho lav/ but that they actually shielded them from ar- FltEXCU SOCIETY. Furls Fashions ami tile Bcr.ii-Ttlomtr. Correspondence Cincinnati Gazette;] It is a strange stato of society which in one country permits notoriously bad and Impure women to set fashions in dress, which art- initiated and followed by the pure and vir tuous of the rest of tho world. Strange as it is nevertheless true, The leader of tin demi-monde in Paris, as bold. and shapicles a class as can any-where be found,, are also the leaders of fashion. These 'women who have, generally speaking! gained thfe posi tion they occupy by their personal channs, are cm fait in every art that will enhance them, and reckless and extravagant iii, tiie use of means to supply these arts, conspicuous among which are those of the toilet. They are tin most costly, and elegantly apparelled females of the capital, delighting iu opportunities t<. flauut their extravagance of equipage and at tire in the face of the wives of their cheramis, as they pass them on tho drive. Several years since when the demi-mohth first came into fashion, a courageous lady cf high rank, whose husband, report says, liud been led away by a siren of that class, deter mined that she would see for herself in wbat tho seductive power of tho women consisted, which could allure men from pure homes and a fill wives. Consequently she made up a party, who disguised themselves, and managed to gain entrance to one of the sclcct iuasquer- ades given by a noted cortesaa. When ques tioned afterward as to the discoveries she had made, she replied she had made but one—that they knew liow to dress; as for the rest, she believed it was only the longing for forbidden fruit. A later writer states that tho scandalously low dress worn at tho present day at the French Court, where three inches of corsage, aud one thickness of illusion, is a woman's covering from the,waist up, can be traced en tirely to tho influence of the demirnwnde. Private letters say that the failure of Madame. Ollivier to endorse the high corsage upon Parisian society iu due to the same cause. “The daughters of pleasure” laugh at and ridi cule it, and make themselves more attractive than ever in their dzciXlde toilettes, having more influence in the salvos than even the* Empress on her throne. It is represented that Eugenio’s adherence to bare shoulders is as much a matter of popularity as taste, tbe canaille of Paris deeming that such exhibi tions are a part of. royalty, expect it, having no fancy for an Empress choked to the throat like a grandmother.. Presideu* Grant ami Gov. Holden. Says the Philadelphia .Press: Governor Hol den of North Carolina, is sustained by tho President upon a square understanding of tho facts. Gen. Grant never yields to impulse, and when he decided to help Holden it was in full view of the necessities of the . situation. V* r e trust sincerely that when Holden is satisfied as to tho guilt of the men* who have been mur dering Inti Union peoplo-of thdt State for the last lour: years, he will lot them hang* . A little of that sort of medicine, administered at an earlier da}’, would havo saved thousands of lives. Our good Governor of North Carolina was for a while, a univcrsal amnesty man, and eu believed that Gov. Walker of Virginia would bo permitted to fulfill bis pledges to the Republicans of that Stale. But ho has lived to practice a different philosophy. The 11c- publicans of the South can C)3y maintain them selves by adhering to the Republican parly. KAST TENNESSEE ITERS. • KNOXVILLE. CapU Beardon killed** mad dog Tuesday. XV. Patton’s store, cobbed by negro thioyes. Michael. Sullivan attacked by something very like cholera. Mesui.;. Burr Terry .Io A 30,000 feet of lumber by fire Tuesday.. '* '* CHATTANOOGA. Heavy’rains. Show in town. Some wretch walked off with a hat belonging to the editor of tbe Times, the other day.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The weekly new era. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1870-????, August 10, 1870, Image 1