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VOLUME IV. = ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 12, 1870. NUMBER 31 Tii<- vm t o 1 District. ued the name of Somotime mbcc, wc is Fanjjiu of Morgan as a proper person for tlii' Ki pnlilicn nomination to Congress from the Vth District. This suggestion, made sev eral weeks since, was of course made subject to the legitimate action of a Convention of the entire District. Proto chat wo have since learned, we are - satisfied that a very large majority of the Bo- publieans of that District are opposed to the nomination of Col. Fannin, and we now Jcam tbntthoat‘-enpt to pack a Convention in his interests on tho 5th inst., through the aid of Flateral Tax Collectors in the several counties, has been very hurtful, and if persisted in will certainly cause s serious breach in the party. This unfortunate and irregular nomination, originating perhaps in a great measure by an irregular and packed convention of the county of Richmond, will do the party infinite harm unless the blander can be retrieved before it is too late. Wo shall therefore hope that the members of the State Central Committee from tho Vth District,will take the amnw Ws con-,1.!. ration with a view to assembling a Convention of tho representatives of tho Re publican voters of tho District, and that tie may do this without unnecessary delay, nomination by such a convention of Candidates (or the 41st and 42<1 Congresses, who are mot solely dependent open a packed ition of Richmond county delegates, or upon a dear Federal Tax Collectors in each county, will, if promptly mode, forestall tho evils that win otherwise result from this stupid blonder. The Republican party should certainly con tain the Vth District; but if the wishes of tho vonots are to be wholly ignored, or contempt uously disregarded, we shall certainly be de feated, and what is more, we shall deserve to be. The source of the trouble in that Dis trict is unmistakable. It comes from tho same source that bus heretofore promoted discord, 'and the real blame attaches to the skirts of a man who was only very recently the Democratic candidate for Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives, and tho mq/UUnte and boon com panion of a leading Democrat in that Distaict. We therefore advise the Republican vorss throughout tho fivo counties comprising the strength of Uio District, to regard the past as though it had never been; not to allow this miserable blonder and lackless abortion to forestall or prejudice the action of their regular nominating convention composed of all the counties; bat to go to work at once, through tho regular channel, nud ascertain the sense of the Republicans of the District, and Urns pot some man or men in nomination who can combine the entire strength of the party In the District. The pleasant delusion of some of onr Be publican friouds North, that Secession is no longer a living issue with the Southern Democ racy, is being rapidly dispelled. In the face of their assumption that the dogma af Seces sion, and “ultimate allegiance" to tho Stats government, is dead, Mr. Stephens writes three letters wherein be boldly asserts that tho issue is not dead; bat that it is only in sbey- anco. Those letters of the two Stephenses, and tho elaborate work ol the Vice President of tho late Confederacy recently published, to- getker with the ominous .silence of the late Democratic Convention of tho State, have awakened a renewed interest in Georgia poli- iUea; and the Republican journals North are devoting some time .nd space to tbs rectifica tion of their mistakes touching tho animus of these Democratic leaders. The Cincinnati Commercial, one of tho most “modcrato" and “liberal" of tho Northern Re publican journals, and from which some of oar Democratic contemporaries in this State have been in the habit of making liberal extracts, says of the Democmtio leaders of this State: The activity they display la this business Is notice* Me. Mr. Linton Stephens poors out so lnexhtniUble «*re»m of letters, and Mr. Alexander H. Stephens, like a sleeping volcano, ssrskens to redoubled violence. A single null brings us no less tlun throe letters from the tetter, addressed to dUhrant gentlemen In CcorsU. one of teem to the Attorney General of tho United State. who recently made a strong Emoo speech at At- tents. In tho Orat of thoas tetters Mr. Stephens do- dsns that, while ho belloves •■the right of secession' cut He thought'so In 1800; h# thluks so now. Coe- pled with this is e curious statement of his Unionism. Ho says: "A men ardent dsrotss to a pnyutesl Union of the States, under the Osnatltetlan, teas I anu nsest bred ;** and geos cal to explain that the sorest guaran tee of thin Union is "the tell recognition of the aorer- olgn right of licit member to ijult It when, in ki, de liberate iudfnenl, Ute compact liaa been broken. 1 Noticing the extraordinary attitude of these Democratic leaden In the present campaign the Commercial says: What men oonld Ute nhldeot secessionist claim t It concede* everything, ante up the Judgment of tho Individual State aa tho aepremo arbiter of tho deaths tea of Ute Union, and empower* her to act upon her own Judgment without consulting tho other members of the compact, whose Interest* sre to be so seriously affected by the dissolution so arbitrarily determined. Bat Mr. Stephens thinks tho surest guarantee Uist tho right could not be exercised would bo Its "ten recog. nltiou." Now we suppose there never was a time in tho history of the country when a teller and more complete recognition of tho doctrine was ever tel than under the test Democratic administration. There wii not a member of the Cabinet, General Cass per. haps excepted, who did not raeognlsa It. and probably at that tlmo a majority of the members of the Su preme Court wen disposed to raoogntso It. But did ■bat chock the oeoesotonlst tendency of the Sonthern States! They dldut walt to see what the Incoming administration would do. They exercised tho right precipitately, and set up a government of their whose corner stone, according to Mr. Stephens, was to be human slavery. Mr. Stephens himself knew thst th* HuUini noohderaey riimgnloia It aatollyai be could wish ; but did that prevent Georgia from mani festing a strong disposition during the war and to the face of tho enemy, to withdraw from too Montgomery compact! But for the pressure brought to bear upon them by tho Federal Government the Confederated States would have pr, seoted a series of dissolving vtswa before ten y. era bad cteptcd. Tho Democracy ol Georgia will find that this kind of unionism won't go down with the people, either North or South. It ia simply a repetition of tho heresy of 1800, and which enlmlnatod in tho financial min of onr people. Tho Commercial concludes that Mr. Akerrain wss right In pwwndng tbs H trines of this political perjurer -'pernicious," and One of the organs of the revolutionary Do- ! moerncy in this State, claims that£ta authority ! for the announcement that Chief Justice ; Brown “opposed the Election Bill" is the j Chief Justice himself! This is a slight modi fication of the charge as originally made. It was first charged that -the Chief Justice ex pressed the opinion that the bill as passed is “ unconstitutional.” Thero is a marked dif ference between opposing tho passage of a bill upon general principles of policy, and oppos ing it for its supposed conflict with the Con stitution. There ia also a difference between opposing the passage of a bill from tho lobbies, pending its discussion, and opposing its execu tion after it becomes a law. The bill in question was submitted to the Attorney General of tho United States before its final endorsement by the Executive Com mittee of the State; and it was alter his nn- qnalified endorsement of the bill tbat it unanimously endorsed by tho Committee, and then introduced in the Senate. Tho discussion over it in the Senate and House assumed a wide range, and lasted several days; and ac- coediug to this same Democratic authority, Chief Justice Brown was inconstant attend ance upon the Senate and Honse daring the whole time. And yet it would appear from tho same authority, that Chief Justice Brown did not discover tho measure to be unconsti tutional nnlil after it beeame a law ! Nor did the announcement that ho opposed the bill, appear nnlil after final action was had upon it in the Senate, and perhaps not until otter its approval by the Governor 1 This, we oonceiva, does Judge Brown great injustice: In the first place, it places him in open conflict not only with his party in this State, bat with both tho Federal and State administrations, and perhaps also with hit oten previously txpressal opinion* on this very print. It also places the personal inflncnco of the Chief Justice with the members ol the Honso and Senate at a fearful diaeoont; for it is claimed that he wss “opposed" to the bill and thst be was in constant attendance during the discussion; and yet both Houses pass the bill liy good majorities, his opposition notwith standing! It also places the Chief Justice in conflict with Associate Justice McCay, no less than with the Attorney General of the United States, sines the same Democratic anthority claims that Judge McCay was one of the authors of the bill and thst it went to tho Sen ate with his unqualified approval. Wo protest, therefore, against this latitndin- is use of the name of the Chief Justice. Ho is too sound s Republican to oppose the meas ure npon general principles of policy; too con sistent n Republican to thus place himself at right angles with bis party, anil with tho ad ministration at Washington; and he has too detieate a sense of the dignity of his high ju dicial office, to enter into the arena of politics as a common lobbicst, or to pronounce a ver dict on the streets respecting tho constitution ality of a law before tho qoestion lias been ad- jndioati d before that legal tribunal of which ho is himself chief. It ia evidently part of a pro gramme to bedittle and obscure the personal influence of prominent Republicans, by mak ing it appear first, that the Chief Justice had little or no influenoo with the members of tho Senate and Honse; second, that he is in con flict with both the National and State adminis trations and with the Republican party in tbe State; anil third that ho seeks to ]owar »V >f me Supreme Judiciary of tho S tate 'crnltlou* Doctrine* of the Stephen* „ llook. and Letters. Mr. Stephens has written a book in two vol- amos, which ho calls “The War between the States,” the objects of which sotrn to be, from claim tbo right of a State to secede, which right is deduced directly from the doctrine of State Soverignty, anil cannot be claimed upon any other hypothesis. Tbo doctrine is perni cious, because it led Mr. Stephens into thi3 error, and caused him to do what he really be lieved was wrong. The doctrine is pernicious, becaose it led a majority of Sonthern politi cians into an attempt to pnt into practice tbe right of secession, and convulsed tho whole country in a fratricidal war. The docrine is pernicious, because tho first attempt to reduce it to praetico produced war, and any future at tempt to giro it a practical application mnst inevitably produce a like result. The doctrine is pernicious, because it teaches men that they prvvrsi a right that a majority of tho people of the United States will not let them enjoy. Tbe doctrine is pernicious, because in teaching men they bare rights they cannot enjoy, it makes them discontented and unhappy; and, being discontented and unhappy in the belief that their rights are denied them, they are dis posed to regard the government as tyrannical. Tho doctrine is pernicious, because Mr. Stephens, in following ont his doctrines from it, has coma to the oondnsion thst the acts of the people, through their rep resentation in Congress, to restore harmony iu the gssMsswst sal tnag bsclt sooeedod States to their proper place in tho Union, are acts of usurpation. The doctrine is perni cious, because any and every deduotion drawn from it, if attempted to be pnt into practical operation, leads directly to strife, contention, and iU-feeting, which if persisted in, bring on all the devastations of war. These pernicious consequences growing ont of the doctrine of “State Sovereignty” led Mr. Jefferson and his associates to abandon the ex periment of a confederated Union, after trying it for eight years under the Articles of Confed eration, and to adopt onr present Constitution. And it is doubtless true, that many of the say ings and writings of Mr. Jefferson and others, that are now quoted in support of the doctrine of State Sovereignty, were spoken or .written in reference to the government of tho United States as it existed under those Articles. It is not now denied that the States were sovereign under those article*; and the feet that they were so, and hod no central controlling power to regulate the machinery of the Union, so to speak, is tbe very reason why the experiment proved a failure. After trying State Sover eignty nnder the Articles of Confederation for eight years, and finding it would not work well, and that the eonseqneneee of its workings too pernicious to form “a more perfect anion," tie People of tho United States, under tbe lead of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, Ac., ordained onr pres ent Constitution, which may be justly styled the sheet-anchor of onr liberties and the regu lator of oar whole machinery of government. The States were sovereign before the Consti tution was adopted, and “in order to form a more perfect Union,” it was necessary that each State should assign its sovereignty to the National Government for the benefit of the whole. This was done by each Stats as it rat ified that instrument Each State, by tiro act of ratification, transferred its absolute sover eignty to the national government and that gave as tho complete and admirable system of government we have enjoyed ever since. Onr System now consists of each State government revolving in its subordinate sphere, and the National government ns tho great balaneo wheel iJ c. '!i i rr.il jlugnintor of the whbln Tlio source of all power nnder onr System is 1’fopie. Tho peoplo of each State, through their State organization, regulate their domes tic matters as they please, and tho whole poo plo, through their Repr, sentatives in Con gress, regulate all their national matters. So long as each State, or the people of eaeh its tone and tenor, 1st. A defense of his course Ktnk . confine their stale actionTS^^ th regard to secessmn and the war; -2d. To honu.ls.au J exercise their legitimate rightsand re-offinn the doctrine of State sovereignty and , . .. ... , ... f • j l^wer* properly, all things work smoothly 1 c anil harmoniously throughout tho whole sys- ■I'topatAm , a* wm clone in 1861. and as it wm* attempted to do in South Carolina thirty years Wore, ought to he treated as Andrew Jackson regret* We think the Commercial is unnecessarily sevens upon Mr. Stephens, and we only repro duce the above because the Commercial has been in very high favor with our revolutionary Democratic journals for mouths post, os show ing what a reaction must legitimately follow the teachings of- the late epistles of tho two apostlos of Democracy in Georgia. Personally Mr. Stephens is a gentleman for whom we en tertain tbo greatest esteem. We can but ad mire his learning and talents, no less than the purity of his personal character; and we only regret that he should thns in his mature ago sock to revive a controversy that can result in nothing but evil to his State and section. the consequent indisputable to secede. Now, it was believed by a good many, tbat the war was between the government at Wash ington, called "tho government of the United States,** of which one Abraham Lincoln was presiding officer, and the government first set np at Montgomery, and thenco moved to Rich mond, called “the government of the Con federate States,** of which one Jeffer son Davis was presiding officer. If it was a “war bet ween the (States,** will Mr. Stephens be kind enough to inform us on which side of the contest the States of Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland and Delaware were found? These were all slave States, so-called, before tho war commenced, and it is generally be lieved that most of the fighting men In those States joined in the fight—some on one side, somo on the other. Neither of these States, (except Virginia) seceded ; and Virginia did not secede only a* a part of a State. Tliat part now called West. Virginia, refused to cede, and split off from the part that did se cede. Bat Mr. Stephens is wrong in calling it a “war between the States.** It was a war beiwoen antagonistic sentiments aud theories; between those who adhered to the doctrine of State Sovereignty and the right of sion on the one ride, and those who de nied that doctrine and disputed that right on tho other. One ride claimed the right to secede, and attempted to enforce that right by withdrawing from the Union—the other ride denied that any such right existed, claimed that the Union was the common property of the people of all the States, and that it should not be severed by .secession. The party that disputed the theory ot Stato sovereignty, from which the right of secession was deduced, proved victorious; and it is a rale of law that a question divided by wager of battle is settled irreversibly. From • decision made by force of arms, there is no appeal. Tho battlo-field is the highest Court known in any law. It can dethrone kings and emperors—overturn constitutions and govern ments—much less refute a fallacious theory. Tho doctrine of State sovereignty and other ideas deduced from it, vrero tho direct canso of tho war; and as that doctrine was put iu issue by tho war, and the rosult was a clear and un mistakable decision against it, tbe question is decided by *tho highest tribunal to which an appeal could havo been made. But Mr. Stephens appears considerably irri tated because the doctrines of his book have been characterized as “pernicious.** If ho cannot understand how his doctrines are per nicious, wo will try to inform him. Tho lead ing doctrine of his book is tbat of “ State Sov ereignty." All others promulgated by tbe book are deduced from it. Mr. Stephens’ ac tion in regard to secession and the war was in duced by his ideas of StAte sovereignty. He was opposed to secession from policy—made speeches against it, and was regarded by Union men us their standard bearer. But when tho secession element was found to control the convention of 1861, and the ordinance of se cession was adopted, his regard for the doc trine of State Sovereignty imlaced him to for feit his allegiance to the National Government and “go with his State." And his regard for tho same doctrine induces him now to pro- But whenever any State or the people of any State, undertake to do an act which, i ill affect the rights or interests of any other State or the people of any other State, then the people of all the States, through their representatives in Congress,call into requisition the powers of tho National Government, and by its power restrain and regulate the error thus attempted to be committed by such re fractory State. Every government must have a sovereign controlling power somewhere in its organization, or it will soon go to pieces. That controlling power, nnder our System, is lodged in the whole People, and they act through the powers of the National Govern ment Some who wish to control in their own way, and wish to enfbroe their judgment against everybody rise, may cry out that it will never do to trust all power in Congress! It will act tyrannically and we ritall all lose onr liberties! What! Are tbe people going to tyranize over themselves? Congress is nothing but tLe assembled Representatives of tho whole People—its action is the action of the whole people—and any one who is afraid to trust Congress is afraid to trust the people. If he fears tyranny, he wishes to do wrong and is afraid of restraint; and this is indeed the true thesis of the Georgia “Democracy.** ‘Democracy” In no two States of the Union is Democracy the same as respects its external professions. It is one thing in New York and another thing in Ohio; one thing in Louisiana and quite another in Georgia. And the same is true as respects each of the thirty-seven States of the Union. It is nowhere harmonious or homo- genious. Representing nothing of progress, nothing of interest in common with the mas ses; bound together by no recognized Nation- platform, representing no vital issues or living principles, it stilts itself upon the preju dices and memories of a past decade, and has ceased to be anything more considerable than an organized Conspiracy against fair elections. This is its external appearance, os it is pre sented to the consideration of all intelligent minds through tho medium of its press and its stump orators. It may havo an 4 *inner life," a proprium, corresponding to tho spirit ual essence of individual hypocrisy, but which is so obscured by its gross externals as to make its inner life an unexplored mystery, even to itself. Ask ton of tho first “Democrats” yon meet upon the thoroughfare to explain to you what they understood by “the principles of the Democracy of the Union," and onr word for it, no two will give you the same answer. One conceives its principles to bo onetliinj and another a different thing. For in- stance, one will toil you that Democracy means “opposition to Radicalism;” and when pressed for a definition of his concep tion of Radicalism, ho will naively tell you, “nigger suffrage and Reconstruction!” One will tell yon that it means opposition to “Cen tralism;” and when pressed for a definition of centralism, he will make confused and contra dictory quotations from Calhoun and Jeffer- But press each one in turn for a disclo sure of the essence of his party synonyme aud you will find—especially among the more ! intelligent and better informed of the party— that the spirit of tho whole organization derived primarially or secondariallv from the Resolutions of 1793 or from Mr. Calhoun’s the sis of 1832. The first was conceived in opposition to the Federal Constitution, and in antagonism to the Republic as administered by the Federal party whereof Washington and Adams and Hamilton and the Fathers of the Constitution, were recognized leaders. The last was con ceived in a spirit of hostility to the Govern ment as administered by President Jackson. Both have a common origin, and trace their paternity to the brain of restless and ambitions men, who either opposed the Constitution of “a more perfect Union” in 1787, or who sought to break np tliat Union and remand the country to anarchy in pore revenge for fancied neglect, or as a means of manufactur ing a sectional popularity and power. This is the trne origin of tho party; and al though its distinctive features have been ob scured by time, it nevertheless, liko the Tory party of England, retains the unmistakable traces of its paternity. One is the spawn of Jacobinism and of the Concernero the other, the fungus excrescence of that organized Sys tem of Tyranny that produoed tho Cromwellian Protectorate and the first French Revolution. One represents tho effete dogmas of the old world, tho other the heresies of the anti-Con- stitution party of 1787. It thence follows that Mr. Stephens, with his pet dogmas of ultimate local allegiance, ‘State Sovereignty,” and “the right of Se cession," is the true type and exponent of the *101617101 life” of the Democratic or ganization of 1870. No Domocrat, North or South, has even dared to assail his position. They may indeed depricate his honesty in thns throwing off the mask and boldly advo cating “principle,” at the cost of party ex pediency; bat all agree that he is eminently orthodox, and that os respects “principle” his position is unassailable! They.only quarrel with him because he will not be hypo critical ! For we believe all Democrats hold with tho Stephens brothers, that the right of Secession still exists—that the issne of 1860 simply stands adjourned, not settled; bat in viow of the recent disastrons failure to pnt the theory into practice, they think it inexpedient to proclaim it before regaining power. This is therefore, beyond all question, the real basis of life with the Democratic organiza tion; that is, provided it be granted, (as they claim,) that the party has anything in its com position more worthy tho name of fautt than presented in its external life which is so in congruous and contradictory. The Secret Allies of tlie Democracy. When President Grant advised tho Re publicans of Missouri to support the regular ticket and organization of the party, and avoid lending their aid to tho Democracy by affiliating with the bolters, he doubtless antici pated just such utterances os the following, which we find in a Democratic paper: Hlnonri Democrats aro becoming alive to the situation in that State. The canvass there is now fnDj opened, and the proecriptioolsts arc making a effort to retain control of tho State. Tho liberal Republicans, beaded by Brown, havo bat a poor ahow without Democratic help; and it ia pleasing that a practical combination ia likely, to bo effected which will throw McClurg and his Illiberal factions In the shade. The St Louis Republican, the mod **»£«*- enual Democratic paper in that State, advo cates an alliance with the bolters at the only hopt of securing a Democratic triumph. That paper says: ‘It win require every Democratic vote in the Stato to elect Mr. Brown; but we believe that if all the oppo nents of Radicaliam take np his name cheerfully and pash zealously into the canvass, an ohl-fashioned polit ical revival will take place, and Mr. Brown be elected by a triumphant majority. From this time on till the 8th of November we shall arge the people to do this. Accepting the present position of Mr. Brown and bis colleagues on the liberal Republican ticket as aincere, and giving them onr warmest sympathies in their sep aration from the majority of their party, we shall la bor as faithfully for their elevation to office aa wo once posed every man of them.** Thus it will be seen how truly Gen. Grant understood tbe situation, when he said that, to support tho Brown scceilers from tho regular Republican organization, would but aid the Democracy. The remark is as true when ap plied to Georgia as to Missouri. The Election Bill. We publish this morning, from a corrected copy, tbe Election Bill as it finallv passed tbe House, and— concurred In by tho Senate and approved by the Governor. It will be seen that the bill, os it became a law, is not that bugbear which some of our unsophisticated Democratic friends have been led to believe. Tbe House amendment wboreby the Ordinary of each county is authorized to appoint two of tho five commissioners, ought to mollify the opposition of thoso who objected to tbe feature providing for the appointment of the Board of managers. The bill seeks only to protect each elector in the State in the fall and free exercise of his rights. This is all that Repub licans have ever asked ; and it is certainly all that any reasonable and fair-minded man, of any party, who is not afraid of the peoplo, should ask. The tin lira Jade Winces. 'Parson” Caldwell, who fills the two-fold position of legislator and editor of an obscore little apology for a nowspapor, is ont in a long, abusive, aud disgustingly vulgar article, court ing a notice from the Hon. Virgil Hillyer. Mr. Hillyer having convicted the Parson’s groom of malicious misrepresentation, can very well afford to let the verdict rest where an intelligent public sentiment has placed it, and consequently where it is wholly beyond reversal by means of mere scurrility. oh: The merciful Democracy of Cobb have struck a rich lead in tho way of cultivating “friendly relations” with the colored Republicans, in the adoption of the following resolution: Resolved, That while wo differ with the mass of onr colored men politically, we rec ognize them as citizens entitled to equal rights and protection under the Constitution andlaws of the land, and we, therefore, denounce the recent arrest of a colored citizen of our county and hanging him np by the thumbs, which was perpetrated by certain ef the Rodin*! rev enue officers of the United States, as an mitigated outrage. Prussia's War Policy. It is intimated that tho siege of Paris is to rest for the present, the Germans contenting themselves with isolating the city, and leaving it to its own dissensions and to starvation. Meantime, doubtless, other dctachod forces will operate in all parts of France, carrying desolation into every department, and prevent ing the organization of new armies by the French people’ Some of onr editors get so excited over the “Woman question, the Roman question, tho Chinese question and tho Labor question, that they work themselves into a very ques tionable state of mind. In feet they resemble animated interrogation points more than any thiug else. THE LATEST NEWS. By Mail The fid5 1 under which Admiral Farrngut fought his fettles is wrapped around his coffin. The yellow fever is making frightful ravages among thyjjijgiiiarjl' in Cuba. Of the Sor them Presbyterian congregations 450 have no .ministers. The Cinci inr.ti paper? speak of tbe Indus trial Exposition as a grand success. New Jersey protests against tho importation of Coolies. ’ * Tho Pope f-Tfcaid to be on very friendly terms with Victor Emmanuel. It-is stated that Russia is massing 400,000 troops on thy frontier. Jnles Fawn declares that France will not consent to a shameful peace. Spotted Tail aud Swift Bear now propose to cultivate thy soil: Spain has lost 23,000 soldiers in tho Cuban war and has only 20,000 left on tho Island. Russia is turning her muskets into breech loaders. Ole arsenal turns out 500 per day. Italian aun Spanish volunteers are organ izing in dti«nsh of the French Republic. Jim accompanies his new purchase Momtil >nj. on her shopping expeditious. Concert* are* to be given in New York for the benefit of the French Republic. EAST TENNESSEE NEWS. KNOXVILLE. Mr. David Richardson was found in his barn shot through, the.head, Monday morning. Not expected to recover. Probably an attempt at suicide. County Court in session. Excursion down tbo river Tuesday evening last. ; :•* The Fair has openod brilliantly. New bridge to be built over the 3 [ Aston. CHATTANOOGA. - D. B. Carlin, wounded in there c affray, is likely to recover. More Kn Klux outrages on the A. and C. Railroad. New brick block going up on Market street. oting Newspaper reporters have l •ess Eugenio. She refuses The Qncen of Prussia decl fevor of peace! Ireland wants Napoleon to, make tliat conn try his home. It is estimated that 120,0 ers have been taken since tin Tho Pope has visited the camp of bis con queror and was enthusiastically received. Tho National Intelligencer has made its ap pearance in New York. Gen. McClellan has been offered the com mand of the New York Seventh Regiment. Sir .Henry Bulwer, a noted English diplo matist, fears “that England has adopted a cowardly policy." The Rev. Moses Hall of Cincinnati luu&chol- lenged the entire clergy of that city to distress the question of spiritualism with him. The citizens of Strasbourg wept for jo; the city surrendered. They were gla< capo tho horrors of the bombardment The Vomito is malting fearful rav Spain. Whole districts have been hhtft by the frightened inhabitants. The South German States do *uot fi? idea of German unity since they found it means imperial unity. The Republicans of Germany protest against tho unnecessary humiliation of Fre quent arrests have been made. * General Uhlrich, tho heroic defender—of Strasbourg, was treated by bis Congueo with remarkable delicacy and rare magnanimity.^ Perfect order is said to prevail in Paris, and tho peoplo feel much encouraged over tlieir re ported successes around the city. The Bonk of England is full of gold. As there is ua foreign demand it accumulates rapidly. The Czar of Russia treats T2u«n individual and refuses to listen to matic talk. The milkmen of New York have had a strike, and raised the price of milk from ten to twelve cents per quart Great excitement, of course. Kentucky has a colored prophet who pro claims his special mission to bo the regenera tion of his race. Tho German Aid Societies of Illinois protest against Minister Washburn e’s flirtation with the French Republic. Louis Napoleon continues his daily rides, and is treated with respect by the people of Wilhclmshohe. A tremendous lliuudcr storm, Friday night, shook Louisville “from center to Circumfer ence." Some bruto in Cincinnati lias made a das tardly attack upon Base Ball players. Ho Is in retirement with a black eye. Tbe Census of Now York aiinihilatos some 60,000 voters who never had an existence save as Democratic repeaters. It is thought that this will kill the party in that city. Tho rain poured down in torrents at the Farragnt funeral. But all the arrangements were carried out and tho procession was per fectly gorgeous. The Prussians ore beginning to woke np. They are now said to exhibit as much enthu siasm as the French did at tho beginning of the war. Wilhelmshoho is crowded with distinguished visitors who aro friendly to Napoleon. The Emperor enjoys excellent health and rides or walls every day. The citizens of Harlem, N., Y. complain of the fet melters as nuisances. The nuisanc e are still attending to their business, much to the annoyanco of the public. Tho Spaniards in Cuba caught a sick Cuban officer the other day and cut off his hands and feet, while he was still olive. This was done in the presence of the victim’s family. Thaddeus Miller, of Poinesville, Ohio, sold his wife to Jim Gregory the other day for a silver watch, and then gave him the contents of a double-barreled shot-gun because Gregory demanded his new purchase. A Herald correspondent tried to interview Napoleon, the other day. The illustrious pris oner informed him, by letter, that he appre ciated his sympathy but under tbo circum stances could not see him. The New York Standard ridicules the ex- Confederate Ripley, now in Paris. The Stand ard calls him a “huge, puffed np swaggering fellow," who made a huge mess of Fort Moul trie, and was popular with the chivalry be cause of his family connections. Vallandigham and Schenckaro having a po litical controversy. It all arises ont of a speech made in 1861, in which Vallandigham declared that if any troops from his district went South for the purpose of subjugating that section, they would have to march over his dead body, Point*. When Victor Emmanuel goes to roam he “ goes for” Rome! Without a chango of diet tho Parisians will soon be tho “salt of the earth.” Poor Italy has a violent attack of tho PUhia- citiiui. “First Steps in English Literature” is tho name of a new book. It is singular, but these •‘first stops,” with somo people, aro generally the last they take in that direction. Cupid, Venus and Bacchus will bo among tho statutes in Woodliull and Claflin’s now palace for strong-minded women. What high old times, those girls will ha Republican Meeting in Houston. Feeby, October 1, 1870. A Largo number of the Republicans of Hous ton county, assembled at tho Court House to day, for tho purpose of appointing delegates to tho Congressional District Convention to bo held at Genova on the 8th inst. On motion. Major Samuel Hunt was elected Chairman, aud George Ormond requested to act as Secretary. The following preamble and resolutions wero adopted - . - * Where The s Central Comm;;: h.-. issued a call to the Republicans of tho Third mgressioual District to meet iu Convention o nominate candidates tor tho list and 42d : terms in Dongress^ and to' sole | ol the State Central Committ being appointed to asser on the 8th fnstaiit:. ■ Resolved,-L That Col. Joel Iv. Griffin is tho unanimous choice of tho Republicans of Hons hu! unity,'for Congress, and that tho dele- I gates appointed from Houston, aro hereby in- 1 ‘ sit noted to cast their votes accordingly. 2. That the Chairman appoint a committee orfive to report to this meeting the names of three suitable persons, as delegates, .to attend members e, said Conveu- ible at Geneva, , Arby Sim- ;e and Beu- nel Yoake tho Convention at Goneva. Tho Chair appointed A. mons, J. C. McCoy, jomin Cobb, who, tbo following: Delegates—J. C. M< II. Fairfax. Alternates—J. A. Holizclaw, Samuel Hunt The Chair was authorized to fill vacancies in the delegation. Tho following preamble and ieaoinUon vrero unanimously adopted: Whereas, At a meeting of a number of prom inent Republicans of this county, held on tho 24th of September, Major Samuel Hunt, Col. J. It Griffin, J. C. McCoy, George Ormond aud Randall Harris were appointed as the Ex ecutive Committee of tho county for *tho pur pose of the better oiganizatioqjaKjie; Repub lican party of Houston county, v H';-*; Resolved, That wo fully apprqM&of tho ap pointment of said committee, a nil -they are hereby requested, at as early a day as practi cable, to perfect the organization of tho party iu the different districts of the count j Tho folio wiug resolution was, altct some discussion, unanimously adopted: vrV/ That, in the judgment of this meeting, the nominations for the General Assembly and county officers should bo postponed to some future day, to bo indicated by the Executive Committee of the county. On motion, the Secretary was instructed to furnish copies of the proceedings of this meet ing to thb Atlanta New Era, for publication. After* several spirited addresses from per- iFeSbnE; the nibbling adjourned. ;/ ^ Samuel Hunt, Cii’n. Geoeoe Osmond, Sec’y. Fifth District—David Sneed, Friday Mann, Daniel Williams. Sixth District—Harry White, Bristu Green, John Sneed. Seventh District—Sawney Gordon, Cato Keaton, Jackson Joseph. Eighth District—Robert Simmons, Cosh er Johnson, William Wallace. On motion of Major C. T. Watson tho chair man appointed tho following committee of eight, (ono from each Militia District) to nom inate delegates to tho Congressional Conven tion, viz: C. T. Watson, Peter Houston, Sea born Hays, James Hays, James Johnson, Fri day Mann, John Sneed, Sawney Gordon, Wil liam Wallace. Tho committee retired for consultation, in a few- minutes made a unanimous report, recom mending tho following named gentlemen as delegates to represent Chatham county in the Congressional Convention, viz: Delegates—John H. Deveaux, Wm. Cantwell, Peter Houston. Alternates—James Hines, Lonis B. Toorner, King S. Thomas. Which report was unanimously adopted by the Convention, each of the delegates thank ed the Convention for the honor conferred, and pledged themselves to act in tho Conven tion with the viow of harmony ami success of the party. Mr. 'Cantwell offered tho following^ tion, which was unanimously adopl Resolved, That this Convention, re -, tho regularity of the County Comm! which Hon. T. 1 ’. l Robb is chairman, and Richard W. Wlluc? Esq., secretary, as fully representing the interests of tho Republican party of Chatham county, consider any change in the same at this time impracticable. Major C. T. WatsQn offered tho following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: Resolved, That we believe Economy, Jus tice and Wisdom characterize our national ad ministration, and that it is the solemn duty of every true Republican to maintain and defend the same by presenting a harmonious and united front against its enemies during the coming campaigns. Resolved, That we recognize in Rufus B. Bullock an able, conscientious aud upright Executive—tho unflinching and uncompro- ising advocate of Equal Rights and human progress. It was also resolved that the proceedings of this Convention bo forwarded to tho Atlanta Eba, and tho American Union, for publication. Richabd W. White; Cliairinau. Wm. Cantwell, Secretary. Itciiublican Meeting In Whitfield County. ©Alton, Ga., October 4, 1870. According to previous notice, the Republi cans of Whitfield county met in Dalton this a. m. at 11 o’clock, aud on motion of Colonel S. IL Baker, Dr. L. F. Gudger was elected Chairman, and J. IL Trontwine, Esq., Secre tary. On motion, the Chairman appointed p com mittee to draft suitable resolutions. The committee, consisting of Col. S. H. Baker, Col. Jesso A. Glenn, and Chelsea Mc Cauley, retired, aud after an absence of some minutes, returned and-submitted the following resolutions which were unanimously adapted. On motion of Col. S. II. Baker, the meeting now proceeded to tho elcction.of Delegate to Kingston Convention. Col. Jesso A. Glenn was nominated* on motion, ho was unanimously elected by ac clamation. kepobt of the committee. Resolved, 1. That we endorso tho national and State administrations of the Republican party. 2. That in Rufus B. Bullock we recognize a true Republican and an unswerving patriot. 3. That wc heartily endorso tho suggestions of the Hon. Foster Blodgett, Superintendent W. and A. R. IL, to tho Finance Committee with reference to tho W. and A. R. R. believing if they aro carried out they, will redound to tho benefit of the State. 4. That we regard the administration of the Hon. Foster Blodgett, Superintendent W. and A. IL It., eminently successful, taking into consideration all snrrotmding circumstances. Signed. S. H. Bakes, Chairman. C. McCauley. J. A. Glenn. hairmau, introduced which was unani- To Provide for nn Election, ami to Alter nml Amend ihe Laws in ltclntion to tlic Holding of Elections. Section 1. The General Assembly of Geor gia hereby enacts, That an election shall be held in this State, beginning on tho 20th day of December, 1870, and ending on the 22d of said month of December, 1870, for mem bers of Congress to serve daring thfiunexpired term of tho Forty-first Congress of the United States, and for members of the Forty-second Congress; for Senators in the State Senate from each district numbered in tho Constitution with an odd number; for members of the House of Representatives of tho General As sembly; for Sheriffs, Clerks of the Superior Court, Tax Receivers and Tax Collectors, Coun ty Treasurers, Coroners, and County Surveyors, of the several counties of this State. Sec. 2. That the said election shall com mence on the said 20th day of December, and continue between the hours nbtr fixed by law, for three separate days. Sec. 3. That said election shall bo managed and superintended at the several court houses at the county seat, and ot any election . pre cinct that may exist or bo established in any incorporated and organized city or town, by managers chosen as follow.;: Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the Gover nor of the State, by and with the advice .and consent of tho Senate, as soon after tiio passage of this act as possible, to appbint three, and tho Ordinary of each county two, fit and proper persons, of intelligence and moral worth, for each election precinct estab lished at the county court house, or in any city or incorporated town in this State; and said five persons, or any three or more of thcru, may and shall hold the election at said court nonse and precincts in such city or town. Sec. 6. It shall bo tho duty of the Governor to cause the said appointees to be duly notified of their several appointments as aforesaid; and it shall be the duty of said appointees to appear at the said court-house, and at said pre cincts in said city or town, on the days fixed by this Act, for the said election, within the hours heretofore prescribed by law, and hold said election. Sec. 6. It shall bo the duty of the Governor to furnish each of the Judges of the Superior Courts v<ith .list of said appointees in tho several counties the respective circuits, and at the next term of said courts in each county, after the .said election, it shall be the duty of the judge fo u^gzip himself if said appointees have appeared a* required by this Act and held the said election, and if any such appointees have failed to appear, jind the ab sence of his signature to the returns required, by law. to be made to the Clerk of add court, shall tie prirna facie evidence of such Jflilnre, it «bqll bo the duty oif said judge forthwith to fine any such appointee one hundred dollars; Provided, That said fine may be remitted on said appointee satisfying said judge that his; failure so to attend was caused by severe sick ness or other unavoidable cause, or. that he' was legally disqualified from serving: And provided further, That said appointees shall each of them be citizens of the county for which they are appointed and voters of the the polling place as to examine the tickets, or to handle any ticket, and they shall have tho same power to enforce this as other duties herein cast upon them. Sec. 14. The said managers may select throo competent persons to act as clerks in keeping the Sat of voters and tally sheets, but said clerks shall not bo permitted to handle any ballot or examine the same. Sec. 15. One of said managers shall receive the ballots from tho voters, and hand them to a second, who shall deposit tho same in tho box, and at no time shall any vote bo received iftleat there bo at least three of said managers present Sec. 16. Said managers, clerks and officers, except police officers actually on dntjv shall receive from the County Treasurer three dol lars for each day’s duty at said election. Sec. 17. It shall be in tho powor of said managers, or any three of them, to fine any sheriff, deputy sheriff marshal, or police offi cer not more than one hundred dollars, as for contempt, if he fail to obey any lawful order of said managers, or either of them, for the enforcement of the laws, for keeping the peace preserving order, and protecting the freedom of election on the day of the election. ■ Sec. 18. Said managers sbMl each of them take the following oath; “Ido swear that l will faithfully, fully and impartially hold tho present election; I will prevent no person from voting who is of apparent age, a resident of the county, and who has not previously voted at this election ; I will not open any closed ticket until the polls have been dosed, nor will I divulge for whom any person has voted, unless called upon to do so by some legal tribunal. I will permit no one to chal- “ ;nge, delay or hinder any voter from the free 'y costing of liis ballot; l will, in o i, to tho best of my ability, endeavor to carry into effect tho provisions of this Act, and the other laws for holding elections ; I will make a fair, correct and honest and im partial return of the result of tho election.— So help me God.” (Any manager may ad minister this oath to tho others.) Sec. 19. Nothing ia this act prohibiting challenges at the polls shall be construed to authorize any one to vote who is not under tho Constitution a qualified Wfor in th© county of the election; but all persons duly qualified to vote are, and shall continue to be subject to all the pains and penalties fixed by law in case they vote illegally. Sec. 20. Each of the said clerks shall be sworn fairly, impartially and truthfully fo keep tho list of voters, and feirty and honestly to keep the tally-sheet at said election. Sec. 21. It shall bo tho duty of tho Or dinaries of tho several counties of this State to furnish stationery for the purposes of said election, and also to have ready, and fur nish for each of tho sets of managers provi ded for by this act, a ballot-box sufficiently large to hold the ballots likely to be cast at said polling place—said ballot-box _ to be made so that it cannot be opened without serious damage to the box on all sides except one, and on that side to have a movable lid with the opening therein sufficiently largo to admit tbn pushing in of tho ballots ono by one—said lid to be so constructed as that it slide into grooves in the box. and have a lock thereon; and it shall be tho duty of tho managers to open and examine said box at the opening of the polls, and then to lock the same; and at tho close of the polls on each day it shall be the duty of each manager to put upon said lid a strip of paper wiib Jns name thereon, and affix the same by adhesion to the lid and box, so that the box cannot he opened without the rupture of said paper; and fclfi3 being done, the box shall, for the night, U imfrnst^ to the keeping of one of tho managers, and mfe other of the managers shall take the key; and it shall be the duty of such managers entrusted with Baid box or key, to permit no one to tam per in any way with tfie same; and if such tamperin'- bo done, tbe manager entrusted witiithe somo shall bo deemed prim fame Knilty of having done the same, and, on con viction, shall be punished as provided in sec tion 4008 of tho Boviscd Code for Uio pnrnsh- iucnt of misdemeanors. H -* Sec. 22. An election manager or clerk, or other officer on duty in the bolding Of any election, who shall bo guilty of any fraudulent practice in changing any ballot, or m using any trick or device by which any folso return is "infle, or any ballot-box is tampered with, or who shall, in any way, be guilty of any false or fraudulent practice or act by winch any vote actually cast is not fairly counted and re&rned, shall be guilty of misdemeanor, and, on conviction, shall be punished as provided in section 4,608 of the Bovised Code.' Sect 23. All laws militating against, or m- with this Act aro hereby repealed, but all other Jaws not militating or inconsist ent therewith,, are hereby declared of force, and to be obeyed by said managers, Approved Oct. 3, 1870. TIIE REPUBLICANS OF LON HO.V. Dr. L. P. Gin the following ra moody adopted: Resolved, That a committee be appointed, consisting of one from each district and three from Dalton district,'-torraHRRTOOei of in timidation, white or black, which is punisha ble by United States laws. ■ On. motion of Coh Glenn the proceedings of this meeting be forwarded to the Atlanta New Eea for publication. A motion to adjourn prevailed, subject to tho call of the Chairman. J. IL Tuautwine, Secretary. L. P. Gixdoeb. Chairman. Chuthum County Conversion. At a meeting of Delegates to the .County Convention, for the purpose of eeleetuag three delegates to represent Chatham County d».the First Congressional District Convention, ’to meet in Savannah on the 5th instant; *the Convention was called to order by Hon. T. P. Robb, Chairman of the County Commit tee,. who stated the object of the Convention in a forcible speech, urging the necessity of harmony in the councils of the party, when Richard W. While, Esq., (Clerk of the Supo- rioa Court,) was elected Chairman of the Con vention, and \Ym. Cantwell, Secretary. The Chairman appointed a Committee on Credentials, who examined the some and re ported tho following as delegates, being a full representation from every Militia District in tbe county: First District—Samuel Young, L. B. Toomer, C. L. DcLamotta, C. T. Watson, C. H- l\iice. Second District—Richard Footman, Samuel Forty, Peter Houston, John A. Lawrence, Joseph Edwards. Third District—Wm. Cantwell, T. D. Sim mons, Seaborn Hays, Henry Z. Burckmyer, E. T. Pillsburry. Fourth District—James Johnson, David Moses, Richard W. l>. W. .Smith, Robert Boling. same. Sec. 7. In addition to the duties now pre scribed by law for the managers of elections, it shall be the duty of said managers to pre serve order at and near the polls, but they shall have no power to refuse ballots of any male person of apparent full age, a resident of the county, who has not previously voted at the said election. Sec. 8. They Rfevll not permit any person to challenge any vote, or hinder, or delay, or in terfere with any other person in tho free and speedy casting of his billot Sec. 9. It Bhall l>o the duty of said mana gers to prevent all rioting, disturbances, aud crowding at or near the polls, and, to secure this end, it shall be their duty to prevent more than one person, and ho only while voting, approaching or remaining within fif teen feet of the place of receiving ballots; and the said managers may, if tlioy see fit, require that persons desiring to vote shall form them- aehn* into a line, and when a line is thus formed, said managers shall prevent any per son not in the line from approaching the poll ing place nearer than fifty feet, but m no case shall more than one voter at any timo be per mitted to approach tbe polls nearer than fif teen feet Sec. 10. It shall be tho duty of the sheriffs, deputy sheriffs, bailiffs, town marshals, and police officers, the whole to be under the orders of the sheriff ox his deputy, .to attend at one or other of said places of voting during the election, and obey all lawful orders of said managers, or either of them, and to 1H&> .OS conservators of the peace, and for the protec tion of voters against violence, intimidation and all unlawful attempts to. influence v voters or to interfere with the perfect freedom of each voter to cost his ballot according to hjs own wishes. Sec. 11. Tho said managers, or any two of them, shall have power, by^parol, to order the arrest and confinement during the day of any person disturbing tho peace at or near the polls, or disobeying any reasonable orders for tho enforcement of these provisions for tho pre servation of order and the protection of voters; and the sheriff or his deputy shall also have power, without warrant, to arrest or order tiie arrest of any person for the causes aforesaid. Sec. 12. It shall bo the duty of said man agers to receivo each ballot and deposit the same in a ballot-box, and it shall not be lawful for either of them, or for any clerk, to open any closed ballot until the polls are closed and tho counting of tho votes is commenced. Sec. 13. It shall be tho duty of said man agers to prevent any person, except themselves and tho three clerks, by them to bo appointed and sworn, to remain in the room when the ballots aro received, so near the ballot box or A dispatch from London, on Sunday, to the New York World says: To-day a third grand Democratic meeting was held in tho open air in Hyde Park. A huge procession was formed in Trafalgar Square, which got into motion about[3 o’clock. It stretched in an unbroken line, with flags and bands of music, from Trafalgar Square through ‘ Cockspur street to Waterloo‘Place, and thenco by Piccadilly to the gates of Hyde Park, at Apaley House. The bulk of the enormous manifestation was made up of organ ized societies of. the lower and middle classes, most respectable in their appearance. An ^wtnnatn and wf sm of this ex traordinary demonstration was the entire ab sence of the English flag from the procession, i 3tyw not one carriod along the entire line, but hundreds of white banners with the liberty £fip, and the words **Tho Republic” in golden letters, and many American and French .In the park tho assem blage numbered many, many thousands. Six separate ^nds were erected, oyer each of which floated the white flag and tho Stars and Stripes, twined with the tri-c<Acj.. At one of them tho Italian standard also was raised. Around each stand a separate meeting was held, and most enthusiastic speeches were made, bitterly denouncing, in the language of one orator, “tho sham of the British monarchy, which was chloroforming the British nation.” The feeling manifested against the present course of Prussia was in tense. Tho police wore ont in considerable numbers, but there wns little disorder and no rioting. Tlio npper classes arc now for tho most port ont of town, and tho park was consequently filled with masses of peoplo who sympathized •with tho manifestation. Bot, though tho dis position of tho higher orders is to hold aloof trom these displays, as it is of tho press sysr tematically to belittlo them, it is not to ho denied that a considerable and increasing sec tion of tho educated class aro rapidly drifting towards a similar feeling. When the proces sion moved ont of Trafalgar Square a knot of gentlemen came out of tho Union Club, and, standing on tbo pavement, cheered for Franco and the United States. At tho windows of the St. James, on Piccadilly, similar manifes tations were made. It is becoming clear tbat trouble is anticipated on. this qnestion, and from these increasing and openly llepnblican organizations at tho assemb&goflf Parliament. Slavery* and the Liverpool DoclcSi For the African anti West Indian trade, says tbe London Athemoum, were built those splen- did docks which are now used for nobler and lucrative purposes. As iu Sussex there arc still quaint old houses in picturesque but secluded positions, where local tradition says that large fortunes were made by smug gling and a chivalr<Su.s disregard for life, so, in Liverpool, report used to ring tho changes up on names whose owners built up colossi! wealth by unscrupulous perseverance in the slave trade. The virtuous George Frederick Cook, when too drunk to articulate intelligibly on tho stage at Liverpool, was met with cries of “Apology! apology!” the tipsy representa tive of Richard gravely walked down to tho foot-lights, looked the Liverpool merchants and their ladies in the face, and said, with a haughty seem and a halting logic, ‘ ‘Apology! from me to yon.? Why, thero isn’t a brick in your town that is not cemented with tho blood of a slave !** *h——m Dr. Livingstone, the African explorer, has a greater talent for getting lost than any man in existence. Such mishaps would mako other men ridiculous, but, in this instance, half of Livingstone’s feme springs from his folly.