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GEORGIA WEEKLY OPINION.
THE WEEKLY OPINION.
BT V. In SCRUGGS AMD J. B. BUMBLE.
OFFICIAL PAFEB FOB THE COUNTIES OF
Bak.r,
Baldwin,
Bartow,
Bibb,
Butta,
Carroll,
Chattooga,
Clayton,
Cobb,
Dado,
DeKalb,
Payotto,
Fonyth,
Fulton,
Oordon,
Oroono.
Owlnnott, Folk,
Sarralnon, Spalding,
Tint Macon Convention.—Tho organl-
zatlons throughout tills State, for the de
feat of the Constitution to be adopted by
tlic Convention, would not seem so childish
and stupid, If those Interested in the move
ment- would specify what portions of the
Constitution Is, or will be, objectionable.
Let them point out what particular feature
or clause In that unseen Instrument that Is
objectionable. If they will but do this,
and quit beating the air In frantic despair,
people will listen to them patiently, and
mayhap join them in the movement.
Come, gentlemen, what is it? It will not
do to say that you will reject any Consti
tution which the Convention may adopt,
because you do not know xchat that Con
vention Is going to do. It may jet take all
the wind out of your sails, and force you
to the humiliating confession that you op
posed the measure because you supposed It
might do something dreadful * Or you may
yet havq to :\oknowlodgo that you opposed
fcccoiTstrutlon not by reason of the terms
imposed, but because some of you were
not recognized ns the leaders in the move
ment! Arc you for Universal Amnesty and
Impartial Suffrage? If so, you arc not
good Democrats; because a genuine Loco
never sails under the colors of an antago
nist. You should reject that because it
originated not with you, hut with those
whom you call •* Radicals.*’
Suppose now, you just quit your foolish
ness; and if you really desire reconstruc
tion, join us, and the work will soon be ac
complished. Do tills, and our word for it,
two years from now you can all vote nnd
hold office too! Can you not keep out of
otllce for two brief years ? Try it. The
country will doubtless profit by the expe
riment.
TENNES8E8 POLITICS.
Prominent among the leading questions
now before the Tennessee Legislature, is a
proposition to compel common carriers to
Ignore all distinction on account of color.
Tills measure contemplates the admission
to first class cars and to sleeping cars, negro
passengers who may demand it.
Another measure of a kindred nature,
now before that body, Is, that the offices of
State and county be opened alike to whites
and blacks. This proposition. If success
ful, will result In the election of negroes
to civil office In all those counties wherein
the colored vote outnumbers that of the
whites.
Both these propositions arc opposed! in
‘-olid phalanx, by the East Tennessee dele
gation; but they are supported, with al
most equal unanimity, by the members
from tin' Middle anil Western portion* of
the State. It Is an unfortunate issue for
Tennessee, and one which can but result in
detriment to the colored race. Social sta
tus, like the laws of trade, should l»e left to
regulate Itself; and all efforts by legislation
at either social equality or sumptuary reg
ulation*. can but result in disorder.
But. as a general thing, the negroes
themselves are unwilling participants In
all such mischievous controversies. Left
ro themselves, and free to choose their own
mode of travel, they prefer a cur to them
selves, But when the matter becomes a
political question, and it is sought to break
down those distinctions In social life which
have been set up by an alhvlsc Creator, ill
feeling and animosities are engendered.—
If, for instance, we have a law compelling
conductors to admit negroes to the same
sleeping ear with white people, there will
never be wanting low nnd designing white
men to Incite them to demand admit
tance. If refused, the Hallway company
or the Proprietors of the sleeping car arc
liable in damages. If admitted, nothing
is more certain than that every white per
son would at once vacate the car: and in
time this would have the effect cither to
discontinue such conveniences altogether,
or In such an Increase of facilities as will
accommodate both races by keeping them
separate.
In the matter of office, the question Is
*tlll more serious. There are several coun
ties In the different Southern States where
in the negro vote preponderates, hut where
the property Is owned principally or en
tirely by the whites. To act upon the sup
position that white men will submit to ne
gro Judges, Ordinaries and Sheriffs, who
have no other qualifications for such posi
tions than that found in the color of their
skin, exhibits a very narrow acquaintance
with human nature. It can but lend to the
bitterest animosities, ami perhaps to a war
of race*. The result will be the extermin
ation of the weaker and less intelligent
Tknnksskk and Pacific Railroad.—A
bill ha - passed the Tennessee Senate, and
reached the second reading in the House,
making a heavy appropriation for the
building of this road, it connects directly
with Nadivtlle. and pa>*o*s through a rich
country along the Northern border of the
State.
Kdicatioxai..—Tin* State Teacher* As
sociation, of Tennessee, meets in Knox-
ville, on the 2Gth nnd 27th of the present
month.
Cotton in Uoi.fMiips.—The suii. of yes
terday, quotes midtiling* sit \vp\
PREIIDENT’N MESMAUt:
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of
Jlepresentatives:
The continued disorganization of the
Union, to which the President has so often
eminent. The Executive ; m v predecessor
as well us myself) and rim heads of all the
Departments have uniformly noted upon
the principle that the Union is not only
undissolveu, but indissoluble. Congress
„ .. submitted an amendment of the Constitu
ted the attention of Congres* i« yet a , t| un to be ratified by u, 0 Southern Mates.
tnM ~* nt n " A 1 and accepted their acts of ratification a
subject of profound and patriotic concern.
We may, however, find some relief from
tiiat anxiety in the reflection that the pain
ful political situation, although before un
tried by ourselves, is not new In the expe
rience of nations. Political science, per
haps as highly perfected In our own timu
and country as in any other, has not yet
disclosed any means by which civil wars
can he absolutely prevented. An enlight
ened nation, however, with a wise anu be
neficent Constitution of free Government,
may diminish their frequency and mitigate
their severity by directing all its proceed
ings In accordance with its fundamental
law.
When a civil war lias been brought to a
close, it is manifestly the first interest and
duty ot the State to repair the Injuries
which the war has inflicted, nnd to secure
the benefit of the lessons it teaches as fully
and ns speedily as possible. This duty was.
upon the termination of the rebellion,
promptly accepted, not only by the Exec
utive Department, but by the Insurrection
ary States themselves, and restoration. In
the first moments of peace, was believed to
be as easy and certain as It was Indispen
sable. The expectations, however, then so
reasonably and confidently entertained,
were disappointed by legislation from
which I felt constrained, by my obligations
to the Constitution, to withhold my
sent.
It is. therefore, a source of profound re
gret that, in complying with the obliga
tion imposed upon the President by the
Constitution, to give to Congress from
time to I fine information of the state of
the Union, l am unable to communicate
any definite adjustment, satisfactory to the
American People, of the questions which,
since the close of the rebellion, have agita
ted the public mind. On the contary,can
dor compels me to declare that at tills time
there is no Union as our fathers understood
the term, and as they meant it to he under
stood by us. The Union which they estab
lished can exist only where all the Mates
are represented in both Houses of Congress;
where one State is as free as another to
regulate its internal concerns according to
its own will; nnd where the laws of the
central Government, strictly confined to
matters of national jurisdiction, apply with
equal force to all the people of every sec
tion. That such is not the present “state
of the Union” is a melancholy fact; and
we nil must acknowledge that the restora
tion of the States to their proper legal re
lations witli the Federal Government and
with one another, according to the terms
of the original compact, would l>e the
greatest temporal blessing which God, in
tils kindest providence, could bestow upon
this nation. It becomes our imperative
duty to consider whether or not it is im
possible to effect this most desirable con
summation.
The Union and the Constitution are in
separable. As long as one Is obeyed by all
parties, the other will be preserved, and if
one is destroyed both must perish together.
The destruction of the Constitution will
he followed by other and still greater ca
lamities. It was ordained not only to form
a more perfect union between the States,
but to “establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common dc-
" ise. promote the general welfare, and
are the blessings of liberty to ourselves
I our posterity.” Nothing but Implicit
olMHliciice to its requirements In all parts
of the country will accomplish these great
ends. Without that obedience, we can
look forward only to continual outrages
upon individual rights, incessant breaches
of public peace, national weakness, finan
cial dishonor, the total loss of our prosper
ity. the general corruption of morals, and
the filial extinction of impular freedom.
To save our country from evils so appalling
as these, we should renew otir efforts again
ami again.
the process of restoration seems
plain and* simple. It consists
morelv in a faithful application of the
Constitution and laws. The execution of
the laws Is not now obstructed or opposed
by physical force. There is no military or
other necessity, real or pretended, which
can prevent obedience to the Constitution,
either North or South. Ail the rhrhts and
ail the obligations of States and individuals
can he protected and enforced by means
perfectly consistent with the funda
mental la a. The courts may be every
where open, and, if open, their process
would be unimpeded. Crimes against the
United States can be prevented or punish
ed by the proper judicial authorities, in a
manner entirely practicable and legal.—
There Is, therefore, no reason why the Con
stitution should not be obeyed, unless those
who exercise its powers have determined
that It shall be disregarded and violated.
The mere naked will of tills Government,
or of some one of Its branches. Is the only
obstacle that can exists to a perfect union
of the States.
On this momentous question, and some
of the measures growing out of it, I have
had the misfortune to differ from Congress,
and have expressed my convictions with
out reserve, though with becoming defer
ence to the opinion of the Legislative De
partment. Those convictions are not only
unchanged, but strengthened by subse
quent events and ftirthcr reflection. The
transcendent importance of the subject
will lie a sufficient excuse for calling your
attention to somu of the reasons which
have so strongly Influenced my own mdg-
inent. Thu hope that we may all finally
concur In a mode of settlement, consistent
at once with our true interests and with
our sworn duties to. the Constitution, is too
natural and too just to be easily relin
quished.
It U clear to my apprehension that the
States Intelv In relielllon are still members
of the National Union. When did they
cease to be so ? The “ordinances of seces
sion." adopted by a portion (In most of
them a very small portion) of thelrcltlzcns,
were mere nullities. lr wo admit now
tiiat they were valid ami effectual for the
purpose intended by their authors, we
sweep from under our feet the whole
ground upon which wo justified the war.
Were those. Suites afterwards expelled
from tlic Union by the war? The direct
contrary was averred by tills Government
to lie Its puviKJse, and was so understood
by all those who gave their blood and
treasure to aid In tu prosecution. It can
not Imj that a successful war, waged for the
preservation of the Union, bad the legal
effect of dissolving it. Tlic victory of the
nation's arms was not the disgrace ot he*
iKilley; the defeat of secession on the bat
tle-field wasnot the triumph of its law
less principle. Nor could Congress with
or without the consent of the Executive,
do aiiytliiiig which would have the effect,
directly or Indirectly, of separating the
States from each other. To dissolve the
Union is to repeal the Constitution which
holds It together, and tiiat it Is a power
which doe* not Mnrtg to any Department
of this Government, or to nil of them uni
ted.
Tills is so plain tiiat it has been acknowl
edged by nil I ' # — 1 ' w
,, , . and lawful exercise of their
highest function. If tliev were not Mate*,
or were Stares out of the Union, their con
sent to a change in the fundamental law
of the Uidon would have been nugatory,
and Congieus. In asking It, committed ’u
|Huitical absurdity. Thu Judiciary has
also given Hie solemn sanction of its au
thority to tlic sumo view of the ease. The
Judges of tlie Supreme Court have includ
ed the Southern States in their circuits.
Mild they are constantly, in banc and qlse-
whero, exercising jurisdiction which does
not belong to them, unless those Suites are
States of tlic Union.
If the Southern States are component
parts of the Union, the Constitution is the
supreme law for them, as it Is for all the
other States. They are hound to oliev it.
and so are we. The right of the Federal
Government, which is dear and unques
tionable, to enforce the Constitution upon
tlieui. implies the corelative obligation on
our part to observe its limitations and exe
cute its guaranties. Without the Const!
tutionwonre nothing; by, through, am
under the Constitution we are what it
makes us. We may doubt the wisdom of
the law, we may riot approve of Its pro
visions. but we cannot violate it morel,
In-cause It seems to confine our power
within limits narrower than we could wish.
It is not a question of individual, or da**,
or sectional interest, much less of pnriy
predominance, hut of duty—of high aid
sacred duty—which.we are alt sworn to
perform. If we cannot support the Con
stitution with the cheerful idu-rity of
those who love and believe in it, we inu*t
give to it at least the fidelity of public ser
vants who act under solemn obligations
and commands which they dare notUi-re-
gard.
The constitutional duty i* not the
only one which require* the States
be restored. There is another con
sideration which, though of miner im
portance. is yet of great weight. On the
2*id day of July. lSbl. Congress declared,
by an almost unanimous vote of both
Houses, that the war should be conducted
solely tor the purpose of preserving the
Union, and maintaining the supremacy of
the Federal Constitution and laws, without
impairing the dignity, equality, and rights
of the States or of individuals,
and that when tills wa* done the war
should cease. I do not say tiiat this declar
ation is personally binding on those who
joined in making it. any more than indi
vidual members of Congress are person
ally bound to pay a public debt created un
der a law for which they voted. But it
was a solemn, public, official pledge of the
national honor, and 1 eai not imagine upon
what grounds the repudiation or it is to be
justified. If it bo sad that we are not
bound to keep faith with rebels, let it be
remembered tiiat this promise was not
made to rebels only. Thousands of true
men In thoSouth were drawn to our stan
dard by it and hundreds of thousand* in
tho North gave their lives in the belief that
it would he carried out. it was made on
the day after the first great battle of the
war had been fought and lost. All patriotic
and intelligent men then saw the nece-sity
of givingsncli an assurance. and believed
that without it tlic war would end in a di-
aster to our cause. Havliiu given that as
surance in tho extremity of our peril, the
violation of It now. in the day of our power,
would be a rude rending of tiiat good faith
which holds the moral world together; our
country would cease to have any claim
upon the confidence of men; it would
make the war not only a fui.urc, but a
fraud.
Being sincerely convinced that these
views are correct, I would Imj unfaithful to
my duty If I did not recommend the re
peal of the Acts of Congress which place
ten of the Soushern States under the do
minion of military masters. If calm re
flection shall satisfy a majority of your
honorable bodies that the acts referred to
not only a violation of the national
faith, but in direct conflict witli the Con-
stituti3ii, I dare not permit myself to doubt
that you will immediately strike them
from the statute hook.
To demonstrate the unconstitutional
hameter of those nets I need no
more tlinn to refer to their gen
ial provisions. It must lie seen at once
tiiat they are not authorized. To dictate
what alteration!! shall be made In the Con
stitutions of the several States; to control
tho elections of State legislators and Mate
officers, members of Congress and electors
of President and Vice President, by arbi
trarily declaring who shall vote and who
shall be excluded from that privilege; to
dissolve State legislatures or prevent them
from assembling; to dismiss judges and
other civil functionaries of the State, and
appoint others without regard to State
law; to organize and operate all the i>o-
lltlcal machinery of tlic States; to regu
late the whole administration of their do
mestic and local affairs according to tlic
mere will of strange and irresponsible
agents, sent among them for tlmt purnosc
—these arc powers not granted to the Fed
eral Government or to any one of its
branches. Not being granted, wo violate
our trust by assuming them as palpably
as we would by acting In the fuce of a pos
itive Interdict; for tho Constitution forbids
us to do whatever It docs not affirmatively
authorize either by express words or by
clear implication. If the authority we de
sire to use does not come to us through the
Constitution, we can exercise It only by
usurpation; and usurpation is the most
dangerous of political crimes. By that
crime the enemies of free government In
all ages have worked out their designs
against public liberty and private right.
It leads directly and Immediately to the
establishment ot absolute rule; for undel-
egated power is always unlimited and un
restrained.
The acts of Congress In question arc
not only objectionable for their assump
tion of ungranted power, but many of
their provisions are In conflict with the
direct prohibitions of tho Constitution.—
Tito Constitution commands that a repub
lican form of government shall bo guar
anteed to all the States: that no person
shall be deprived of life, liberty, or prop
erty without due process of law. arrested
without a judicial warrant, or punished
without a fair trial Itefore an impartial
jury; tlmt the privilege of habeas corpus
shall not lie denied in time of peace; and
that no bill of attainder shall be passed
even against a single individual. Yet the
system of measure* established by these
acts of Congress does totally subvert and
destroy the form as well as tlic substance
of republican government In tho ten States
to which they apply. It binds them hand and
►lute slavery, mid subjects them
foot in absol
to a strange and hostile power, more un
limited and more likely to be nbused than
any other now known among civilized
men. It tramples down all those rights in
which tlie essence of liberty consists, and
which a free government Is always most
.......... — earefhl to protect. It denies the habeas
lies of the Federal Gov- corpus and tlic trial by Jury, Personal
freedom, piopei'.y, and life, if .i «alied b/
the p:i**bui. tin* prejudice, or the rapuiitv
of the ruler, have no security whatever, ft
ba» the effect of a bill of attainder, or bill
of pains and |M)Ualtle*. not upon a lew in
dividual*. but upon whole tn isse*. Inclu
ding the million* who Inhabit the stihjc< t *d
States, mill even their tinU>ru children.
These wrongs, being expressly forbidden,
cannot be constitutionally indicted upon
any portion of our people, no matter how
they nmy have come within our lurisdic-
tiou. and no matter whether they live in
States. Territories, or district*.
I have no desire to save from the proper
and just consequences of their great crime
those who engaged in rebeliior. against the
Government; hut as a mode of punishment
the measures under consideration are the
most unreasonable that could be invented.
Many of those people are perfectly Inno
cent: many kept their fidelity to the Union
untainted to tlie last; many were incapa
ble of any legal offence; a large proportion
even of the persons able to bear arms were
forced Into rebellion against their will;
mid of those who are guilty with their own
con-cut, the degrees of guilt are as various
is the siia les of their character and temper.
Imli'criniate vengeance upon classes.sects,
ami parties, or upon whole communities,
fur offenses committed by a portion of
liiriii against the governments to which
tn«*y owed obedience, was common in the
lair., irons ages of tlie world. But Christian
ity iud civilization have made such pro-
g••••.«* that recourse to a punishment so
cruel and unjust would meet with the eon-
d< lunation of all unpreiudieeU and right-
minded men. The punitive justice of this
age. and especially of tills country, does
not consist in striping whole Stutes of their
'ties, and mincing all their people.
itiiout distinction, to the condition of
ry. It deals separately with each In
dividual, confines itself to the forms of
law, and vindicates its own purity by an
impartial examination of every ease before
a competent judicial tribunal. If this does
not satisfy alt our desires with regard to
Southern rebels, let us console ourselves by
reflecting that a tree Constitution, tri
umphant in war and unbroken ill peace, is
worth fur more to us and our children than
the gratification of any present feeling.
I am aware it is assumed that tills system
of government for the Southern States is
not to be perpetual. It is true that this mil
itary government Is to lie only provisional,
but’it is through tills temporary evil tiiat a
greater evil is to be made perpetual. If tlie
guarantees of tlie Constitution can be bro
ken provisionally to serve a temporary
purpose, mid in a part only of tlie country,
we can destroy tiieni everywhere and for
all time. Arbitrary measures often change,
but they generally change f.»r the worse.
It is the curse of despotism that it lias no
halting place. The Intermitted exercise of
Its power brings no sense of security to its
subjects; for they can never know* what
more they will be called upon to endure
when Its red right hand 1* armed to plague
them again. Nor Is it possible to conjecture
how or where power, unrestrained by law,
may seek its next victims. Tlie States that
are still free may be enslaved at any mo
ment : for if tlie Constitution does not pro
tect all. it protects none.
It Is manifest and avqwedly the object of
these laws to confer op«n negroes the priv
ilege of voting, and to disfranchise such a
number of while citizens as will give the
former a clear majority at all elections in
the Southern States. This, to the minds of
some persons, is so important, that a viola
tion of the Constitution is Justified as a
means of bringing it about. Tlie morality
is always false''winch excuses a wrong be
cause it proposes to accomplish a desirable
end. We are not permitted to do cvlll that
good may come. But in this case the end
itself is evil, us well as the means. The
siilijligation of tlie States to negro domin-
ailon would be worse than tlie military
despotism under which they are now suf
fering. It was Indlevod beforehand that
the people would endure any amount of
military oppression, for any length of time,
rather than degrade themseves by subjec
tion to the negro race. Therefore they have
been left without a choice. Negro suffrage
was established by act of Congress, and tlie
military officers were commanded to super
intend the process of clothing the negro
race with the political privileges torn from
white men.
The blacks in the South are entitled to
lie well and humanely governed, and to
have the protection of just laws for all
their rights of person and property. If it
were practicable at this time to give them
a government exclusively their own, un
der which they might manage theirown
alialis in their own way. it would become
a grave question whether we ought to do
so. or whether common humanity would
not require us to save them from them
selves. But, under the circumstances, tills
is uidy a s|K.*ciiiatlve point. It is not pro
posed merely tiiat they shall govern them
selves. but that they shall rule tho white
race, make and and administer State laws,
elect Presidents mid members of Congress,
and shape to a greater or less extent the
future destiny of the wholo country.—
Would such a trust nnd power be sate in
such hands?
Tlie peculiar qualities which should
characterize any people who are fit to de
cide upon the management of public af-
fulrs for a great State have seldom been
combined. It Is the glory of white men to
know tiiat they havcTmd these qualities In
sufficient measure to build upon this con
tinent a great political fabric, nnd to pre
serve its stability for more than ninety
yoats. while In every other part of the
world ail similar experiments have failed.
But If anything can be proved by known
facts—If all reasoning upon evidence is
not abandoned, U must be acknowledged
tlmt in tlie progress of nations, negroes
have shown less capacity for government
than any other race of people. No Inde
pendent government of any form has ever
been successful In their hands. On the
contrary, wherever they have been left to
their own devices, they have shown a con
stant tendency to relapses Into barbarism.
In the Southern States, however, Congress
has undertaken to confer upon them the
privilege of tlie ballot. Just relieved from
slaver)'* It may be doubted whether, ns u
class, they know more than their ances
tors how to organize a civil society. In
deed. It Is admitted that the blacks of the
South are not only regardless of the rights
of property, but so utterly ignorant of pub
lic affairs that their voting can consist In
nothing more than carrying a ballot to the
place where they are directed to deposit It.
I need not remind you that the exercise of
tlic elective franchise is tlie highest attri
bute of an American citizen, and tlmt,
when guided by virtue, intelligence, patri
otism, nnd a proper appreciation of our
free institutions, it constitutes the true ba
sis of a democratic form of government. In
which the sovereign power Is lodged In tlic
liotly of tlic people. A trust artificially
created, not for its own sake, but solely as
a menus of promoting the general welfare,
Its Influence for good must necessarily de
pend upon the elevated character anu true
allegiance of tbo elector. It ought there
fore to be reposed In none except those
who are fitted morally and mentally to ad
minister It well; for If conferred utmn per
sons who do not justly estimate Its value
and who arc Indifferent to Its results, U
will only Fcrve as a mean* of placing pow- States in the Union, as tlie tax payers were
or in the hands of Lite unprincipled and led to suppose, hut to expel them from it
ambition*, and must eventuate in the coni- and hum) ihein over to be governed by ne-
plele destruction of tiiat liberty (d'whlcii it groe*. the moral duty to pay it may seem
should be the most powerful conservator, much '(>** Hear. I say it may seem for
l have therefore heretofore urged upon l no not admit that this or any oriicr urgn-
yonr iittent'on the great danger “to be up- incut in favor of repudiation can be enter-
prehended from an untimely extended of mined a» sound; but it» Influence •»« some
the elective franchise to any new class in classes of minds may well be apprehended,
onr country, especially when the large ma- Tlie financial honor of a great commercial
jorlty of that cla**. in wielding tho power nation, largely Indebted, and with a repub-
tluis placed in their bauds, cannot In* ex- Beau form of government administered by
peered correctly to comprehend tlie duties agent* of Uie popular choice, i* a thing of
and responsibilities which jiertaiii to *uf- such delicate texture, nud the destruction
frage. Yesterday, a* it were, four millions of It would be followed by such unspeaka-
of person* were held in iieondlrion ofsluv- ble calamity, that every true patriot must
ery that had existed lor generation*: to- . desire to avoid whatever might expose it
day they are freemen, and are assumed by to the slightest danger,
law to be citizens. It cannot lie presumed Tin* great interests of the country re
frain their previous condition of servitude, quire immediate relief from these enact-
that as a class, they are as well informed uient*. Undoes* In the South is paralyzed
as to the nature of our Government as the bv a sense of general insecurity. bv tho
Intelligent foreigner who makes our lan.l ( terror of confiscation, and the dreVl of
the home of Id* choice. In the case of the negro supremacy. The Southern trade,
latter, n ither a residence office year*, and from which the North would have derived
the knowledge of our institutions which it so great a profit under a government of
gives, nor attachment to the principle* of law. still languishes, mid ••an never lie re-
the Constitution, are the only condition* vived until it ceases to be fettered bv the
upon which lie can be admitted to citizen- arbitrary power which makes all ita opera -
siilp. Ue must prove, in addition, a go<Ml i tions unsafe. That rieli countrv— the
moral character, and thus give reasonable j richest in natural resources the world ever
ground for the belief that he will be faith-, saw—is worse than lo*t If it In: n<»r soon
til! to tlie obligations which ho assumes as j placed under the protection of a free Unn-
a citizen of tho Republic. Where a people j stitutiou. instead of being. n*» it might t-*
—the source of all political power—speak, | be, it sour< col wealth and power, it will
become an intolerable burden upon the
bv their suffrage, through the Instrument*
•silty of the ballot-box. it must he carefully
guarded against the control of tiio.*»e who
are corrupt in principle and enemies of
free institution*, for It can only heroine to
our political and social system a sat 0 con
ductor of healthy popular sentiment when
kept free from demoralizing influence*.—
Controlled through fraud and usurpa
tion. by the designing, anarchy nnd des-
iiotism must inevitably follow. In the
hand* of the patriotic and worthy, our
Government will be preserved upon tlie
principle* of the Constitution Inherited
from our lather*. It follows, therefore,
that in admitting to the ballot-box a new
class of voters not qualified for the exer
cise of tlic elective franchise, we weaken
our system of government, instead of add
ing to its strength and durability.” “I
yield to no one in attachment to tiiat rule
of general still rage which distinguishes
our policy as a nation. But there is a limit,
wisely observed hitherto, which makes the
ballot a privilege and trust, and which re
quires of some classes a time suitable for
probation and preparation. To give it In
discriminately to a new class. Wholly un
prepared. by previous habits nnd opportu
nities. to perform the trust which it de
mands, is to degrade it. and finally to de-
rest of the i
Another reason for retracing onr *rejn
w ill doubtless be seen by Congress in the
lute inuiiifcstui on- of public opinion uj*<ii
this subject. We live 111 a country where
the popular will always enforces obedience
to itself, sooii“r or later. It i* vain to
think of opposing it ivi n ans thing short
of legal authority, backed by ovenvhelm
ing force. It cannot have e.*cai>ed .tom-
attention tiiat from the day on which Con
gress fairly and formally presented the
proposition to govern the ooiitiieni Mute*
by military force, with u view to the ulti-
mate establishment of negro supremacy,
every expression of the general sentiment
has been more or less adverse to it. The
affections of tills generation cannot be de
tached from tlie institutions of their an
cestors. Their determination to preserve
tlie inheritance of free government in their
own hands, and transmit it undivided and
unimpaired to their own posterity, is too
strong to be successfully opposed. Even-
weaker passion will disappear before that
love of liberty and law for which the
American People are distinguished above
all others in tiie world.
How far tlie duty of tlie President. “ to
preserve, protect and defend the Constitu:
tion,” requires him to go in opposing an
unconstitutional act of Congress, is u very
serious ami Important question, on which
I have deliberated much, and felt ex
tremely anxious to reach a proper conclu
sion. Where an act has been passed ac
cording to the form* of the Constitution
by tlie supreme legislative authority, and
is regularly enrolled among the public
sunied tiiat no political tru
tablishcd than that sucli indiscriminate and
all-enibracing extension of popular suf
frage must end at last in its overthrow and
destruction.”
I repeat the expression of my w illingness
to join in any plan within the scope ot our
constitutional authority which promises to ... ,_ o r „.. w
better the condition of tlie negroes in the J statutes of the country. Executive re* ts-
South. by encouraging them in industry, tance to it, especially in times of high
enlightening their minds, improving their party excitement, would be likely to pro-
morals. nnd giving protection to all their duee violent collision between the respet-
just rights as freedmen. But the transfer five adherents of the two branches of the
of our political inheritance to them would, ~ *
in my opinion, be an abandonment of a
duty which we owe alike to the memory of
our fathers and the rights of our children.
The plan of putting tlie Southern States
wholly, and tlie General Government par
tially, into the hands of negroes, is pro
posed at a time peculiarly unpronitious.—
Tlie foundations of society have wen bro
ken un by civil war. Industry must be re
organized, justice re-established, public
Whatever might tend to provoke it
should be most earefullv avoided. A faith
ful and conscientious Magistrate will con
cede very much to honest error, and some
thing even to perverse malice, before he
will endanger ti e public peace; and he wilj
not adopt forcible measures, or such as
. - might lead to force, as long ns those which
credit maintained, and order brought out • are peaceable remain open to him or to ids
of confiision. To accomplish these ends constituents. It is true that cases may
would require all the wisdom and virtue of occur in which the Executive would !*>
the great men who formed our Institutions compelled to stand on it* rights, and main-
origin illy. I confidently bclluvo that their tain them, regardless of all consequence*,
descendants will In? equal to the nrdtiou* ! it Congress should pass an net which
task before them, hut it is worse than mad-j Is not only In palpable conflict with
ness to expect that negroes will perform it the Constitution, but will certainly,
for us. Certainly we ought not to ask their if carried out, produce immediate and irre-
assistance until'we despair of onr own ! parable injury to the organic structure of
competency. j the Government, and if there be neither
Tlic great difference between the two I judicial remedy for the wrongs it inflicts
races in physical, mental, and moral char- j nor power In the people to protect tliem-
actcristics will prevent an amalgamation selves without the official aid of their
or fusion of them together in one homo- 1 defender; if, for instance, the Legislative
*** ♦»•** Department should pass au act even
geneous mass. If the inferior obtains the
ascendency over the otiier.it will govern
with reference only to Its own interests—
for it will recognize no common interest—
and create such a tyranny a* this continent
has never yet witnessed. Already tiie ne
groes ure Influenced by promises of con
fiscation and plunder. They are taught to
regard as an enemy every white man who
has any resncct for tlic rights of his ow*u
race. If tills continues, it must become
worse a"d worse, until all order will be
subverted, all industry cease, and the fer
tile Helds of tlie South grow un Into a wil
derness. Of all tlie (lungers which our na
tion lias yet encountered, none ure equal to
those which mnst result from the success
of the effort now* making to Africanize the
half of our country.
1 would not put considerations of money
tn coiniietition with justice nnd right.—
But the expenses incident to “ reconstruc
tion ” under tiie system adopted by Con
gress aggravate what I regard ns the in
trinsic wrong of tlie measure itself. It 1ms
cost uncounted millions already, nnd If
persisted In will add largely to tiie weigh
of taxation, already too oppressive to he
born without lust complaint, and may fi
nally reduce the Treasury of tlie nation to
a condition of bankruptcy. We must not
delude ourselves. It will require a strong
standing army, nnd probably more than
two hundeed millions of dollars per an
num, to m iintain the supremacy of uegro
governments after they are established.—
The sum thus thrown away would, if prop
erly used, form a sinking ftmd large enough
to pay tlie whole national debt in less tlinn
fifteen years. It Is vain to hone that ne
groes will maintain their ascendency them
selves. Without military power they are
wholly Incapable of holding in subjection
the white people of the Mouth.
I submit to tlie judgment of Congress
whether tlie public credit may not be in
juriously affected by n system of mot.*ure*
like tills. Witli our debt, and tho va>t pri
vate interests which are complicated with
It, w’o cannot Imj too cautious of a policy
which might, by possibility, impair the
eonrtdenccof the world in our Government.
That confidence can only be retained by
carefully Inculcatlngthc principles ofjustlco
and honor on tlic popular mind, and by tho
most scrupulous fidelity to ull our engage
ments of every sort. Any serious breach
of the organic law, persisted in for a con-
through nil tiie forms of law to abolish ..
co-ordinate department of the Govern
ment—in such a case the President must
take the high rcs|>on*i bill ties of his office,
and save tlie life of the nation at all haz
ard*. The so-called reconstniuiion .net*,
though us plainly unconstitutional us any
that can be imagined, were not believed to
lie within the class last mentioned. Tlic
people were not wholly disarmed of the
power of self-defense. In all the Northern
States they still held In their hands the
sacred right of the ballot, and it was safe
to believe that In duo time they would coiuc
to the rescue of their own Institutions. It
gives me pleasure to add that the appeal to
our common constituents was not taken in
vain, and that my confidence in their wis
dom and virtue seems not to have been
misplaced.
It is well and publicly known that enor
mous frauds have been perpetuated on the
Treasury, and that colossal fortunes have
been made at the public expense. This
specie* of corruption has Increased, Is in
creased, and if not diminished will
soon bring us Into total ruin In a
disgrace. The public creditors and the
tax-payers arc alike Interested in an honest
administration or the finances, and neither
class will long endure the large-handed
robberies of tiie recent past. For this dis
creditable state of things there are several
cause*. Some of the taxes are so laid as to
present un Irresistible temptation to evade
payment. The great tarns which officer*
may win by connivance at fraud create a
pressure which Is more than the virtue of
many can withstand; and there can be no
doubt tlmt the open disregr.id of constitu
tional obligations avowed by some of tho
highest and most Influential men In tlie
country lias greatly weakened the moral
sense of those who serve In subordinate
place*. The expenses of the United State*,
including interest on tlie public debt. are.
more than six times as much as they were
Mvcn years ago. To collect and
dlaburso tills vast amount requires
careful supervision as well ns system
atic vigilance. Tlie system, never
perfected, was much disorganized bv the
“Tenure of Office Bill,” which has almost
destroyed official accountability. The
President may be thoroughly convinced
that an officer Is Incapable, dishonest or
nnniitliftil to the Constitution, but under
. i *.7 ' •«» ** i mi viiI. «.unsiiumon, nut under
sldcrable time, cannot but create fen ns for the laws which I have named, tlie utmost
tho stability of our institutions. Habitual i he can do is to complain to tho Senate, atid
violation of prescribed rules, which wo a*k the privilege of Minplviu•» ids nlaeo
bind ourselves to observe, must dumoral- | with a better man. If the Vena to b*» n-
Izc the people. Our only standard of civil garde l as personalty ot politically hostile
duty being set at naiurlm the sheet-anchor , to tho President, it U natural and' not olto-
of our political morality is lost, the public , gather unreasonable for the officer 11 c\-
eonsclenco swings from Its mooring*, ned ; pcct tiiat it will take ids part ns fur as nos-
ytclila to every ImpnUe of pu«lon mid In- I «IMc, rctore him to hi. pl«“ ilve
torcAt. If wo repudiate the Constitution, ; him a triumph over his Executive superior,
we wl l not he expected to care tor mero ! ThoofHecr ho* other chsnceai of Impunity
pecuniary oblivion.. The violation of trUing ftom occidental defects ofevldcnee,
ouch n pledge no we mado on the 2*1 day the mode of Ivratlmitlim it mid the
of July, 1801, will assuredly diminish tho of the hearing. It is wnndcrftil that offic^-
Sm . iV" uo 0,lr "‘her Pioatav Be- nl mall'enwim e nhould becomo bold in pro-
iattonnl debt"Z 88* *L 16 R? rtl0 ",«the dcllm,nenta lcnrn .o tflnh
national debt nos created, not to hold the themselves unto. I am entirely perrauded