Atlanta Georgian and news. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1907-1912, May 25, 1907, Image 27
THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN AND NEWS. SATURDAY, MAY 25,
1907.
JOHN TEMPLE GRA VESELABORATES IDEA
OF HIS NOW FAMOUS CHA TTANOOGA SPEECH
AT REQUEST OF THE NEW YORK WORLD
The New York World, through its
managing editor, on May 12 wired John
Temple Graves, editor of The Georgian,
a request for an article in elaboration
of his now famous Chattanooga speech.
The request was complied with some
days later, and the article was printed
in The World of Monday, being as
signed the position of honor, first col
umn, first page, in that issue. It is sig
nificant that the request for the elabo
ration of the speech In a newspaper
article, designed for such prominence
In a newspaper of the first rank In the
world, should have come a month to n
day after the 1 speech was delivered, and
after it had been printed and com
mented on by the press of the entire
country. Newspapers of the class to
which The World belongs do not give
space and prominence to any but mat
ters which they regard of serious im
port or wide popular interest. The
time at which the request was made
indicates that The World regards the
Interest in Mr. Graves* Chattanooga
speech as of rather lasting interest.
The text of Mr. Graves' article In
The World is reproduced here:
•Termlt mo to sn.v briefly that the desire
for sensation or publicity was no part of the
motive In my CbattnnoogH speech. I uni
not a figure upon the lecture pint form, I
am not. a candidate for public office, and
I am not In need of other publicity than
that which comes to me as the coutcnted
anil busy editor of n newspaper whose re
pute is enviable and whose prosperity Is
ample.
"I hive been accustomed for many y
In Georgia to speak my honest mind upon
man. this Is the chief ....
enjoyed In pnbllc life, and 1 hare indulged
It to (ny own happiness and satisfaction
more than once against my apparent in
terests, nnd many times In the teeth of my
personal popularity. I nin convinced of the
fact that the reason why truth Is less prev
alent In public life than It ought to Ik* Is
because so few men think truly and hon
estly. The object of most men in public
life, nnd unfortunately of many
h«n a u* ty u to bnm,, ° thn question, and to
, no * «• « radical, bnt As aeon-
senutive-to secure every right belonging
rhr,!til* SfflS! wlthout ., ,, »rlnglng upon the
82 . °i , tbe corporations, to establish as
pa lance between the reign of the
E 0 ? ?#!* 0 ** * r ?)* n °f the corporation
?• might demand—nnd
to protect the republic against the reign
°i A ntt u P° n the on ‘* hand nnd tho rule
of the mob upon the other.
"I believed then ns I believe now, that If
a great people should carry such an ex
pression of lofty confidence to a public
servant, even one not so grent as Presi
dent Roosevelt, that It would consecrate
that public servant beyond partisanship,
bevond passion nnd beyond selfishness to
this one grent work alone, nnd that lie
himself, lending the politics of the re
public, would also lean the movement to
relegate other dogtpas of either party to
the rear and to concentrate and conse
crate himself to the work of settling Just
now in the period of Its great imminence
nnd of its greatest possible promise this
question of supreme concern.
Knows Roosevelt's Drawbacks.
"I have not been unmindful of tho dif
ferences which have existed between the
two parties, nor of the differences of opin
ion which separate Mr. Rrynn and Mr.
Roosevelt. I have not Idealized the presi
dent in any iMirtimlar. I have been con
scious of bis human fallings, of his In
consistencies. of his limitations, nnd of the
errors In policy nnd in action which at
times have rutagonlzcd our Southern peo
ple and the Democratic ranks. Rut I have
shared the belief, which 1 believe now to
be practically universal, that the president
Is Im»Hi brave nnd honest—flint he Is easily
the most sueressfut public man in our
bistory—that he is girt .with the incompara
ble —~ A ‘— — ’ *- —
JOHN TEMPLE GRAVES.
American nubile life— that he has the iim-
hlnery of the government well In his
mind and hands and the reins of exeeutlvi
authority absolutely under masterful con
trol.
*1 believe that no man of either
who could be put III the white
at tills time would have so powerful
influence upon the shaping or these tre-
pnrty
house
personal profit nml personal popularity
less by a frank statement of sincere conrle
tlon than by a diligent effort to coucoct
and to perfect the most plausible nnd fas
cinating argument which can sustafu the
popular view.
Tho Real Voice of the People.
"I may add Just here that since the Chat
tnnooga speech was made, although ther*
have been a multitude of criticisms mingled
With many voices of approval from public
men and the public press, there has come
to me In thousands of letters nnd In many
thousands of personal expressions the nssur-
adco that my conception of public opinion
was not unfounded nnd that the sentiment
which I voiced In Chattanooga Is In fact
tbo real voice of the people of Georgia and
tho real opinion of the free nnd Intelligent
masses of the South.
"As to the proposition Itself, my whole
theory was founded upon that profound
nnd effective query with which The N**»
York World has recently startled nnd
parcntly 'stumped' tho country^'What
a Democrat r
i'l have answered to myself. In tho old
fashioned way nnd nfter the fnlth of my
fathers, that a Democrat was one who Ik*
Jteved In the rule of the people for the
real nnd practical Interests of the |M*ople.
I have been elementary enough to think
that the chief and vital concern of the
Democratic party was to promote those In
terests In legislation and In execution which
conserved the rights, the liberty and the
prosperity of the main lowly of the people
and eatablisheil the greatest good of the
greatest number. I have felt that the Dem
ocratic party wits not so Indlasolulily linked
to traditions of past days or past leaders
as to subordinate these present conditions
nnd present necessities that Involved the
great Imdy of the people for whom it stood.
“And when 1 came to measure in hit tnlnd
the Iimups which were moat vital to the Im
mediate present nnd to the Immediate fu
ture life and welfare of the plain people I
found no Issue that approximated In Immi
nence and In vital Importance the great
question of the relation of predatory wealth
to the rights ami fnteresta of the iieople,
and more particularly the collateral ques
tion of tho proper and reasonable regulation
of the railroads (the greatest of all corpo
rations) In their relations to freight and
panaenger rates, to franchises and to legis
lation. I believed then aud I believe now
that these other question of states' rights
and the tariff which have been fought over
by doctrinaires tor a hundred years and
Whose fortunes hsve risen and fallen with
incisions issues which overshadow
others in the consideration of the public
good.
"Loving Mr. Hryau far better than I do
tin* president, nnd admiring the Democrat
ic leader*much more than the Republican
executive, 1 have yet felt that Mr. Hryun,
going a a a new man Into office, with »
raw hand upon the machinery and having
behind him a party half famished for suc
cess nnd practically unacquainted with the
execution of government, even If ho could
t>e elected and if he hud a majority of both
houses behind him, would require so much
time to fumttlnrlsc himself with the grooves
of action nnd the machinery of execution
that the corporations nnd the representa
tives of predatory wealth would rally In
coherent nnd overwhelming forces to
thwart him nnd to resume control of leg
islation and of politics.
•To express Jt In a word. I did not be
lieve that It was wise policy to change
leaders In the stress of n great and hopeful
battle, or to remove n proven and appnr*
ently Invincible general, to Install an honest
and popular, tint certainly uu untried strat
egist and executive.
No Treason, Folly, Absurdity.
“As an Individual Dvmocrat of tho old
nvhool and after the old school fashion, rec-
ognlxiug leaders as lets than measures and
principles ns more than men. believing not
there Is i
mun inlgl..
playing for u.. ..... iu«
would see that the lilies of great!
him lay upon the absolutely non partisan
consecration to the great Issue of the regu
lation of predatory wealth. In this great
game he bus already more thuu once, and
never more imwerfully than In his recent
speech at Jamestown, made plain the fact
that he would fight this great fight as a
statesman nnd patriot always fights, with a
high nnd honorable consideration for nil
elnsaew Involved In thla tremendous strug
gle. he would aa promptly condemn an In
justice to the corporation ns he would
sternly protect the people from tyranny
aud oppression; he would ns carefully pro
tect the vested Interests of capital and the
privileges of corporations us he would font
lessly nnd rordlally conserve the rights and
liberties and lutcrests of the plain people
of America.
“Any solution on lower lines than these
nut Ih* only temporary lu Its nature.
“It Is a question which enti uot be .
urn neatly solved by the radical on el {her
side. No extremist of radical democracy
could be trustful to deal with llunl author
ity upon -this issue. No visible conserva
tive of veated Interests eouhl be trusted
to protect the rights of tho common peo-
so much In parties as In the |*eopIe, and
■ concerned for the people, I mag-
issue of predatory wealth above
nil other Issues nnd have simply advised the
party of the people to rise to the great
height of sacrificing a popular leader and a
barely possible chance of party success in
trder to give full rein to a great and vleto-
j-tous general, who was fighting nnd actually
winning In the cause for which we had
pie in relation to capital.
"And It Is liecnuse of thla peculiar and
ndmiruhlc balance which the president's
" inis aud the presli|ent's action have con-
winning In the cause ror wnicu
been plesidlng for n score of yearn.
“Was 1 here any treason In that sugges
tion to the |»eople, for whom the Democratic
party has so long professed to stand?
“Was there any disloyalty In It to the or-
\ ,0 "H.V!to wbomTh* corpora-
shibboleth In order to win n victory aud a
|Mirt lu Its final solution.
The One Man Available.
"I believe that If the people should re
new to I'restdent Roosevelt four years of
power with commission to solve tuts ques
tion that be would do It with n single
mind, with a dauntless courage end with a
vigorous patriotism.
“And 1 believe v
my deliberate Judgment, tiphih* me ■kuh
tlon as fairly and as fearlessly as 1 can,
with my prejudices all reaching toward
democracy and toward Its great leader,
whom I honor and respect—I believe that
no man In all the repimllc Is so well qual
ified nnd so favorably situated to settle
this question fairly and successfully us the
president of the (filltell States.
"lie Is the one man that the corpora-
tions fear so much that they would Ih*
ghtd to compromise with him,
“lie is the one mnn whom the people
trust so much that they would be willing
thunder in tho hands of the Republican
president.
Need of Reorganization.
"There wns never In my observation n
period when both parties were more In need
of reorganisation than they are today.
Roth parties are split Into fuctloiis, which
nre more widely sundered from each other
than ure the platforms of the two parties
which Include them.
Who Is to reconcile Mr. Bryan and Mr.
Relmont, or Mr. llesrst ami Mr. llynu,
lu tho Democratic party?
Who Is to strike the balance between
the democratic republicanism of Mr. Roose
velt and the corporate proclivities of Mr.
Foraker?
“How Is the Democratic party In Its
next convention to eliminate the conserva
tive element whose wealth unit influence
dominate its policies nml destroy Its chances
for success at the polls?
“Who is to represent the Interests of
corporation and privilege In the Republi
can party If Roosevelt or Tuft should bo
the nominee of that organisation?
“I speak for my party alone when I say
that It will not win unless It be reorgan
ised upon definite and progressive lines.
At the Inst convention the voice of the ma
jority was stifled and the Wall street ole-
ment of the Democratic party, dominating
its policies, deciding Its platforms and die-
distinct and shameless plea that
not offensive to the trusts!'
“I do not see how this element of the
Democratic party Is to Is* eliminated or
controlled, if the corporation Democrat*
happen to he sutsmlinute for a single elec
tion they will certainly revive nnd march
to triumph In the next campaign. Tho
only hope for n great nnd triumphant Dem
ocratic party Is to reorganise its ranks, to
eliminate Its heresies and to reform Its fol
lowers upon definite and progressive and
even conservatively radical Hues. The par
ty can never wiu ns n mongrel uud hybrid
organisation. It can never win ns it pnrty
whose platforms nre built out of u com
promise between Rrynn nnd Uclmout nml
Ryan and Henrst.
"I fall to nee bow I bis necessary pnrty
organisation can be brought nlNitit with-
it a temporary disintegration.
“An 'era or goo<I feeling’ would pre
sent the opportunity which the Democratic
pnrty absolutely requires for this Indispen
sable reorganization.
“It Is the only way to bring nltout ft
new deul nnd a 'square deal’ for the cltl-
sen.
'Given an era of good feeling In this later
on Monroe In 1K4. In order to reform Into
the definite organisations which have since
held the government In balance, why should
not both parties merge under Roosevelt In
material damage -
afford to wait for four years or more while
tho American people consecrated themselves
for a single season to the wise, firm and
effective solution of this question of pred
atory wealth tad railway corporations In
their relations to tho people.
Let Other Questions Wait.
"My whole proposition was based upon
the view that at this particular period
In onr history this question of all ques*
to wait upon Its solution, and that be
cause we had In executive, authority at this
time on# who bed demonstrated his ca
pacity to deal with , the question Id the
most masterful manner, on# who was al
ready Intrenched In position, holding tho
machinery of action and prestige of
cess, that the real Interests of the pe~~
which were et stake in these Issues would
seem to demand that this executive figure
should be held In position pending the solu
tion of this vital and pressing question.
"I believe that it would, take at least
four years or more of legislative influence
and executive authority reinforced by exec
utive action to bring this question or preda-
to nr wealth and the people to a wnefoston.
I did not oee any treason or folly In the
suggestion Jn a government for the people
and by the people, tho representatives of
the people should get behind the one man
who had demonstrated his wIHJagn&as and
permanent pulley of protection for the peo-
^“Ih there any reason why I should hnv
t»ccu halted as a foolish enthusiast, simply
because I honestly advocated as a policy
for my party the temporary sacrifice of Mr.
Bryan in order to secure a permanent trl
uinph of the vital principle for which be
fights?
“Is there anything short of truckling par
tisanship and the time-serving selfishness of
the age which could Justify the condemna
tion of an old-fashioned Democrat, who was
willing to retire a leader who has been
twice defeated and a pnrty name that baa
come to be much discredited by continuing
In power another popular leader under an
other popular name, who was doing all and
mare In our own cui* than «ny feeder of
our party has been able to do within the
last three decades, end who was settling as
fast as human power and courage could
settle It, the greatest eranomlc question
that concerns tho people of this country in
the present or the future?
“I fell beck once more upon my faith in
the people end their honest view In opposi
tion to the spurious loyalty of ■polls which
possesses the politicians, the office-holders
and the few newspapers which generally
speak for those classes of onr population.
Could Not Refute.
"I believe that President Roosevelt will
not, nnder any dreurasUnw*. accept • re-
nomination from the Republican party. I
think hts professions to that extent are ab
solutely jiocere. I believe however, that
neither President Roosevelt nor any other
American who has ever lived, or ever will
lire, would refuse a nomination tendered
him as a common expression of confidence
from the people of ail parties. Impressed
with fST SSSrttf of him motive* and the
fullness of his superior capacity to handle
the economic Questions of the hour.
*T bet lore that ft ho should accept this
nomination he would bold It not oa a par-
Unn nor os a Republican, ue would have
nothing to gala/
••The presUen
history Dot a
pie IxUleve cun not Ik* t»ought.
“He-Is the one mnn who bn« succeeded
tn nearly every great thing that he bus
undertaken to effect.
“Ills courage, his rapacity, his fortified
position and his wonderful success cun not
Ik* duplicated by any mnn of cither purty
who could be put in his place.
"And these conditions press now nn np
peal upon the vigorous, dauntless nnd
patriotic president that be could not and
would not resist.
“With this supreme regard for the tran
srendent Issue dear to mind. let me say
that I have not been unmindful of those
great considerations which would affect
my own political party and the party of
the president In this connection. There
has been once before In American poll
ast such an era as I sought to estub
...... .jore. Between the years of 1812 nnd
1820 the Federalist party, like the Demo
cratic party of today, had sustained sue-
resolve defeats at the hnnda of the people,
and Its leaders end follower# were bract I
rally discouraged. The admlntatratlo
sines Monroe
was re-elected president by a vote of 2*1
oat of 222 In the electoral college. This
was the "era of good feeling." It was a
period out of which the republic reaped In
calculable profit
"It may be urged by either party and
more particularly by my own that the
Federalists, the weaker, party, never re
covered from the general compromise, and
that It passed out of existence soon after
the era of good feeling was spent But
the student of history .will remember that
the Federalist party, which died by Its own
division# sod Its own unpopularity, rear-
“Its principles and reformed Ita
name of the Republican
quertng and triumphant sway la the Re
public with hot a single representative of
the ofhar party holding the presidency fa
Individual citizen the opportunity to align
himself with principles In which he really
believes and with platforms which rcnlly
carry his political convictions aud his civ
ic lutercsts.
Time for * New Deal.
“Aa It Is today, both parties nre filled
Itti masses of protestnnts against half '
the creeds which they profess nnd half tho
K lntforms which they follow. Tlnwe nre
••publican* by the thousands who nre
held loyal only by the memories of the
Civil war, by the traditions of ntwlltlon or
by the nparloan loyalty of spoil. Thera
nre Democrats by the tens of thousands
who nre held loyal by their Indlgnaut mem
ories of the bloody shirt, by the sectional
Issues of the sixties, and by the colossal
l shadow of negro domination.
“Nothing so wholesome could come to
the republic ns n new deal in which rent
statesmen and lenders of men would stand
up nml promulgate real platforms that
would carry the naturally opiM»slug theo
ries of this great nnd progressive era hi
such form thi>. the definite Democrat*,
who make one clnss of our imlltlcs. nnd
the conservative rl<-h, who make .-mother
clnss of our iKtlltlej, might honestly nml
sincerely nllgn themselves with the organ
ization which carried their convictions nnd
fight hereafter from the principles of the
present rather than from the prejudices of
the post nnd under the selfish spirit of
s|k>|Is.
“And what a glorious vindication It would
Ik* to representative government If In tha
great era of selfishness aud greed a free
people could subordinate party spirit to
popular rights, und. In an economic crisis,
demonstrate to the world the Individual
Integrity of the citizen
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229 Woodward An., ATLANTA, GA-