Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN. W.D.’Mah.on Everatb 0ol V Ealp&M Easley. Samuel Gomper 'J-G.Phelps Stokes. •=»■ UptonSindaii? ,*> Sherman* lames PRESIDENT ROOSEVELTS VIEWS ON UNION LABOR I strongly believe In trade unlona, wisely and justly handled, In which the rightful purpose to benefit those connected with them Is not accompanied by a desire to do Injustice or wrong to others. I believe In the duty of capitalists and wage workers to try to seek one another out, to understand each other’s point of view, and to endeavor to show broad and kindly human sympathy one with the other. By JAMES J. MURPHY, , President of Typographical Union No. 6. By EVERETT COLBY, Republican Senator in New Jer sey and Reformer. l\ \ r WHAT should labor do In politics?" This question Is brought home yl/ to the American people this Labor day with especial relevancy V V because 'this year for the first time In the history of the modern trade union movement In this country organized labor has gone Into politics <m a comprehensive national scale. Heretofore the leaders of union labor have sedulously avoided even the semblance of Identifying themselves or their organizations with political pertles. Suddenly has come a complete about-face attitude. Trade union' Ism Is making the revolutionary experiment of seeking to have none except labor’s friends placed on guard in the halls of congress and In the legisla tures of the various states tvhat the outcome will be no one knows. Even the labor union leaders themselves do not appear to be entirely clear as to Just how far organized labor ought to go In politics. Their ideas appear to be centered on retiring from the law-making bodies those whom they regard as labor’s enemies and of electing In their stead unionism's avowed friends. The future, they declare, will take care of Itself. Practical politicians of both the old parties are watching labor's new move with anxious eyes and are fearful for the outcome. Invariably they run like deer at the mere Invitation to discuss the unions' Invasion of the Held of politics—and this applies also to some In the public eye who have not been classed with the “practical” politicians. A few Republicans and Democrats, however, among whom are Repre- •entative James S. Sherman, of New York, chairman of the Republican con gressional campaign committee, and verett Colby, state senator In New Jer sey and Republican reformer, declare the workingman's vote should be cast with the Republican party. Mayor Adam, Buffalo's rugged Democratic mayor, asserts that labor Is not to be blamed If It protects itself In politics, but condemns any one In public life who is a better friend to a class than to the mass. The Socialists, Including the two recent wealthy converts. J. O. Phelps Stokes, of New York, and Joseph Medlll Patterson, of Chicago, and Upton Sinclair, author of "The Jungle,'! see labor’s only political salvation In' the Socialist party. Economists, the clergy, publicists and others view the new question In. varying lights. The Ideas of all on "What should labor do In politics?” are herewith presented. They make highly Interesting reading for Labor day. BV SAMUEL GOMPER8, President of the American Federa tion of Labor and Leader of La bor's Movement in Polities. Under our modern Industrial system and through the numbers, power, ag- gresilveness and manhood of our trades union movement, much of the burdens of ages which were borne by the type of "the man with the hoe" has been lifted. The bent form and the receding forehead have been changed to the upright attitude, and there has been developed a higher manhood «lth a better life today and * beticr prospect for the days to come, in strong contrast to the absolute mas ters Of employers and the servility of the workman of the paat Is the dlgni- ”, Jtd respectful position now at- maintained by labor. Public opinion In this country has »en compelled by the trade union m t nt *° ,ake a better and more comprehensive view of the rights of a "d to consider and even com- mend the rational, natural movement workers of America for self- protectinn by associated effort. „„i! any , " f our schools, colleges and uni,erslttes now have classes In which J21 labor problem In all Its K5 '* Investigated and discussed. iT'PtWfs «nd magazines devote oiumns to the presentation of labor * “nd dissertation on the rights msm "o " f "funnlzed labor. Very ?*"' «" f the " e ' “ 11 ‘me, are not al- ,*•? favorable to the position or con- of labor, but It ls a hopeful iffuitu fu i! of opportunities and pos- lb Utif,, „. hen thl , mogt potent RUb . di,™. ramifications, Is being tSS^I' , The greatest danger to the °f ‘he country would be should — * or no thought be given to the 5!“;Problems and principles In which ntL much Interested. Investl- guionsnd discussion can only aid In bor L um ' ,h °f ‘he great cause of la , r ~' hf cause of humanity. cZl±' aa i e *° '“‘1« thought and ire,!, lon have been given by con- matterl 1 h , fi d e "'ro» of labor as regards this £ f 'jnlolntlon that labor had and entered upon a determined laref? ? r ';.' slve J campaign to secure a a , distinctive share In the yerntnental affairs of the republic, and working people organise aa j-nri " 6 al1 ‘hose functions which, Citizens, It Is their they *5® “ < * Jtheir duty to exercise, «,jL “"not hope to maintain their van-iL , A Progressive position In the ts,p rr n .1 Phases of modern society. La- ot no demand upon government M to sii ,k h c ” *■ no ‘ equally accord- fan and 1™ ?* op ' e of °ur country. It las, ad Mil be satisfied with nothing senators In their ve hi»n U ‘i h j?£ ter ,he almighty dollar rights“t» n '"different or hostile to the W a, bih 1 ".' They have had no time in,,! 1 ' Inclination to support the f P ^hor ItiPfiMiirnu lha onnnt. *hlch c labor measures, the enact' we have urged, and «u BJ""‘alned beneficent features for prf,vi«i..„ r T"P c without an obnoxious i,}"" 1 ," ‘o any one. PS M ,'" Called not only to con- *nd hw|. an d 'fk'slatlve Indifference but a i 'f® »h« Interests of labor, mas« ,he Interests of the large luran, „ "dr people. The great tn- porathmJ '™" Bn 'cs. the trusts, the cor- dij.trv h *. .’"’.■called captains of In st* of' thl''i '"deed become the own- Public 1. J’alslators of our country, the <w AeSS ma "y «f whom have tip of , Stop thief!" nearest the through !hJ on * u *. hftv ® been elected Hit has from them. cume to a condition In Ibis, firing. the greatest and wealthiest nation on earth, that the almighty dollar Is to be worshipped to an extent of forget ting principle, conscience, uprightness and Justice, the time has arrived for labor and Its friends to raise their voices In condemnation of such degen eracy and to Invite all reform forces to Join with It In relegating Indiffer ence to the people's Interests, corrup tion and graft to political oblivion; to raise the standard of legislation by the election of sincere, progressive and honest men who, while worshipping money less, will honor conscience, jus tice and humanity more. Labor's present movement Is a de termined effort, free absolutely, from partisanship of every name and char acter, to secure the legislation It deems necessary and essential to the welfare and happiness of- all the people. As the present objects of the movement are purely in the line of legislation,, all efforts are being concentrated upon the election of members of congress and the various state legislatures. Those engaged In the movement are guided by the fact that principles are of primary consideration; office, secon dary. All observers agree that the cam S ilgn of our fellow workmen of Great ritaln has had a wholesome effect upon the government, as well as the Interests of Its wageearners, and the people generally of that country. In the last British elections fifty-four trade unionists were elected to parlia ment. If the British workmen, with their limited franchise, accomplished so much by their united action, what may we In the United States not do with universal suffrage? The tollers of America, by asserting their rights and electing honest men to congress and to other halls of legis lation, will more completely and more fully carry out their obligations as union men and more than ever merit the respect of their fellow citizens. BY WILLIAM D. MAHON, President Association of 8tr Railway Employee*. "What Should Labor Do In Politics? Just this: Divorce the people from the old political parties and destroy the blind following of political machines. The very keynote of the labor union Idea has always been to prevent the unions from tying up to any party. As I understand It. the present move ment of labor Is not to form a politi cal party, but rather to see to It that men are elected to congress and the legislatures who are honest, free and Independent and willing and determin ed that Justice shall be done to wage- earners, as well as to all others. Once you put the political machine out of business, you wifi get legisla tion favorable to all the people. This sentiment ls gaining ground with great rapidity everywhere, and Is not con fined to the tollers. The tide Is rising so fast against the "boss" and all his works that It would be unnatural If labor did not lend Its great force and Influence to the universal movement for a different order of things. In its present campaign I would have labor get control of the machinery of the old parties wherever possible and, where this can not be done, nominate Independently. To defeat a man now- In office who has been an enemy of labor. 1 would elect "a stick, “neces sary. Such a man should be humili ated as much as possible. It Is charged that labor Is seeking to build up class legislation. What we am. really trying to do Is ‘"break down class legislation, from which the country has already too long been suf- WHAT SOME LEADING TRADES GAINED IN NEW YORK DURING TWENTY YEARS Rate of Wages Weekly Hears Per Day. of Labor. r. c. or p. c. of TRADE— 1888. 1906. Inc. 1888. 1968. Itcd'n. Job Printers.. .. $3.00 $3.50 .188 50 4S ,186 llrl('klnyer» 4.05 6.60 . 382 5.1 44 .100 Granite Cutters 8.60 4.60 . 286 53 44 .100 Plasterers 4.00 6.60 . 375 53 44 .169 Plumbers..., 3.60 4.76 . 367 61 44 .169 Marble Cntrhra 3.00 6.0) .668 53 4 4 .169 Ship Carpenters 3.26 4.80 .371 63 44 .169 Hhln Carpenters 3.80 3.60 .077 64 48 .111 Mod Hoisting Engineers 350 5.00 .428 63 ,4 .1S9 Tile Ijtyers 3.50 5.00 . 428 69 44 . 264 This table Is compiled from atatfstlc* furnished by the New York State Bu reau of Labor Statist lea. Speaking merely as an individual, and not In any sense as representing my organization, It has always been my belief that every trade unionist should be affiliated with a political movement of some character. While In England and some other countries the unions have gone Into political movements as unlonB, It remains to be seen whether such a course will he proved a wise one for the labor organi zations In this country to follow. Nev ertheless, the fact that the present pro gram of seeking the election to con gress and the various state legislatures Rig]htReverandHei]i?7C.R»tfe8 I don't think It ought to be necennary for the laboring man to get in politics. He should be in politics now. In New Jersey we have come to the conclusion that the best way- to put into effect any legislation the people may desire is to go to the party pri mary and vote for delegates to the convention who are pledged to support definite candidates, ,who In turn are pledged to specific and definite princi ples of law. 0 To my mind It does little good for the voter of one party to go over to the other party, because both are con trolled by the same Influences and pre- gress and the various state legislatures brilw "ilthoSt^t^iDlna'^n vont “ far as possible the enactment of men favorable to labor has been the rlahta of others and wlthouf hnvInS <L f '»»s 'n “>«. Interest of the people. entered upon by such able and tried leaders as Samuel Gompers and the other heads of the American Federation of Labor makes the new movement one which should receive the careful con- slderatlon of every trade unionist In the United States. Notwithstanding all the carping crit lctsm directed against - the trade unions, there la no question whatever that the existing great prosperity of the country has been very materially augmented by the trade union move ment. Within the last decade labor has been most active In .securing legls latton favorable not only, to.the mem- here of the unions themselves, but also to non-unionists and the people gener ally. Even the most unskilled classes of labor, those which from the very fact that they are so unskilled do not easily lend themselves to organization and are not yet fully able to appre ciate the value of cohesion through the union movement, have been vastly ben efited by the laws which have already been passed In labor's Interests, while at the same time the whole labor movement has been strengthened and the whole mass of citizenship the coun try over Is far better off. In spite of all that has been doife, however, much more remains to be ac complished. Many of the reforms which the trade unionist Interests are now Insistent upon are bitterly opposed by the law making powers, and It Is obvious that labor's friends will have to be put on guard all along the line before many of these proposed reforms can be won. One of the most important reforms now being sought by the trade union ist, In my opinion, Is the stopping of the abuse of the Injunctions. These have been used against labor In a very determined and. In many cases, very unjust manner. I do not mean to eay that the unlonlet absolutely disap proves of the exercise of the Injunctive power by the courts, but he does In sist that the power be modified In some way so that he shall not be arbitrarily deprived of his rights. Probably the greatest barrier to the passage of Important laws sought by labor Interests today Is to be found In the United States senate, and the pres ent method of electing members of that body. Under the existing system of choosing senators by legislatures It hardly seems possible that labor men or men friendly to labor can be elected to the senate. When United States sen ators are elected directly by the peo ple labor will meet with much less opposition In securing the enactment of ' gtslatlon favorable to Its Interests. This, I believe, will all come In due time. For the present the plan of the American Federation of I .a bor to con fine Its efforts to securing the election of approved candidates to congress and the state legislatures Is an ample program, and If even moderately suc cessful, ought to prove a formidable entering wedge for labor In the politics of the future. BY JAME8 NOBLE ADAM, Democrat and Mayor of Buffalo. Labor 'should do In politics precisely what every other body of citizens should do in politics—It should do Its utmost to see the best men nominated and to see the best men elected, and see that those who are elected do their best after being elected. It should do this fairly, squarely and fearlessly. the rights of others and without having Its own rights trampled on. Capital as a class takes care to pro tect Itself In politics. Labor as a class ls not to be blamed If it takes care to protect Itself In politics. But capital and labor, either or both, are to blame and are to be condemned If they should resort to tactics that are dishonorable or methods that are dishonest. The man who wins In the long run Is the man who plays the clean, straight game. Theodore Roosevelt and William J. Bryan are notable examples of this truth. The two most potent Influences In the business world' are capital and la bor. One of the most potent Influences In politics In the past has been capital. Naturally labor seeks In politics the same position It holds In the business world. But neither capital nor labor should lose sight of the fact that poli tics, business, capital, labor and all else Is designed simply to serve the best ends of man and achieve the greatest good for the moot people. I have no patience with the statement that labor should not hare its particu lar friends In public life. Capital has Its particular friends In public life. But no man In public life or In politics has any right to be a better friend to a class than to the maes. It Is wrong to stand for the devices of a part of the people against the Interests of the people ns a whole. I believe labor, and by labor I mean the work ingmen of the country, should do Its best to get the best of Its number Into public life, and that these men In turn should serve their fellow workingmen most by standing steadfast tor what Is right, whether It Is Indorsed by labor or capital, or by every one or by no one at all. By RALPH M. EA8LEY, Secretary of ths Nationsl Civio Federation. While there exists some confusion, even In the ranks of labor Itself, aa to the exact significance of the po litical program of the American Fed eratlon of Labor, It can safely be said that, with certain exceptions, the gen eral policy of the federation does not mean the formation of an Independent political party at this time. On the contrary, Its policy has much In com mon with that of the Municipal Voters' League In Chicago, which resulted In changing a notoriously bad city council to a fairly representative and decent body. The league In that Instance found It necessary to secure the nomination of Independent candidates In only a very few cases. One clause In the ‘campaign program” Is: "Where a congressmen or state legislator has proven himself a true friend to the right of labor he should be supported and no candidate nominated against him.” This was the policy of the Chi cago Voters’ League. If organized labor can secure through either of the dominant parties, nr In any other way. the balance of power in congressional or legislative bodies. It will undoubtedly wield a great Influence In favor of Its measures. It is as legitimate for labor to organize to promote Its Interests through politics as It Is for organisations of employers or other groups of Interests to work for their own advantage. To join an Independent movement would do no lasting good. I fee), there fore, If the laborer goes Into hla own party primary, whether It be Demo cratic or Republican, he can accom plish more than by changing parties or joining some Independent faction. We advocate In New Jersey the di rect primary, which gives the party voter a freer opportunity of expressing his opinion as. to the character of pub lic men and public business. By J. O. PHELPS STOKE8, Socialist and Millionaire, I am asked to express my views as to what labor should do In politics. I assume the term labor, as here used, can with propriety be. held to denote those who produce at least as much wealth aa Is required for their own maintenance. It la evident that a large portion of those among our population who are capable of producing as much wealth aa they require, produce, aa a matter of fact, far less, a very large number producing none at all. It ls equally evident that any one who con sumes more wealth than he produces Is taking of the product of the labor of others (unless perhaps In such fa' vored. regions as supply man's require ments without effort on the port of any one). Where a vast group of men are com pelled by circumstances beyond their control to produce much more than they and their families require, ns Is the case at present, In order that hun dreds of thousands of others inay live In partial or complete Idleness or ex cessive luxiio’, " wrong exists which should receive wide public attention, and one which, In a community con trolled by the exploiters of labor, re quires political action for Its correction. Until the universal Introduction of machinery Into the Industrial world the exploitation of labor, as at present, did not exist. 80 long as eaoh laborer or would-be laborer possessed or was capable of possessing the few tools necessary to the production of mar ketable commodities, and had access to such lands as he needed, he was free Industrially and his own master, could produce os much or as little he chose; could work for whatever hours he chose, and cease from labor as often as he chose, knowing that he could resume at will, the tools being his. . The wide Introduction of labor sav Ing machinery changed all this. The average Individual workman, whether he had access to land or not, could no longer produce Independently In competition with the machine. Tools of the kind now used In the production of the great majority of material wealth became too costly for him to own. The modern tool Is the machine, or the power drill, or the steam en gine, or the expensive farm machinery that the average farmer has to mort gage hla farm to buy. The modern workman la obliged to, depend upon the money lender If he Is to com pete in the public markets. If he would work at all and support life, he must accept whatever conditions are imposed upon him by them. As a rule he cannot engage In self supporting labor without the consent of those whose capital, honestly or dishonestly won, enables them to own the machines and the land: and he can secure this consent oniy on condition that he will NOTABLE GAINS OF LABOR UNIONS IN 20 YEARS lnbor Day of 1906-tbe twentieth since the day became a legal holiday, the twenty-fifth since Its first aetim! observance-finds tbe workers of America vastly better off In many respects than they have ever Iteeu In history. According to many hthor leaders atul economists, worker* ha lay are Itcfter paid by from 19, to 40 per rent, and In some cases almost as high as 79 per cent, than two deendes ago. Their hours are shorter, and It Is asserted they are lietter fed, better clothed and lietter housed; that their rhlldren arc lietter educated; that their environment Is happier, and that they have more leisure to enjoy the Iteneflt* of all the rcfhitog Influences of life. Twenty years ago there were few labor law*. Sow there arc many In almost every state, la 1888 the entire body of law In »tr York atate la the interest 0/ wage earners consisted of less I ban half a down statutes, mostly unimportant. Today there are scores of Important laws providing protection and safeguards for lalior of every sort. In the Infancy of labor Dsy workers were poorly organised. Today upward of 2,000,000 tollers are ou Ihe rolls of trades unions. Reports of the stale tnlior bureaus show that .-apllal ami labor In many Important Indnstrtea are working In closer hnrmnny and that trade agreements have In immerous Instances supplnnted the strike ami lock out meilusls of uettllng Indnstrtnl disputes. Home rinse oh servers, among whom was the late Senator llanna, have within n few years predicted that the era of strikes Is nearing Its end. I'uldle opinion tweuly years sgo was niiiinst hostile to labor. Now It-.la largely enlisted on the worker's side and, with the employer and the employee himself, is active In providing many betterments for the masses of tollers. produce for them aa well as for him self and family. The average wage- earner today la thus In a condition of partial slavery. , The opportunities which he needs for "life, labor and the pursuit of happiness" are controlled absolutely and arbitrarily by others. Only In proportion as labor makes Its Just demands effectively by co-opera tion ls Its condition Improved. Such co-operation ls now needed In the po litical field ns much as In any other. The basic fact which Labor must face Is that It Is denied access to land and to the machinery of production, unless It will produce sufficient not merely for Us own support but for the maintenance also of the vast array of those who live In complete or partial Idleness upon the surplus product of Its toll. I think no right minded man would say that the right to use the machine should be wholly free, for It has been produced by others, and Its life Is lim ited, and ho who produces or provides It for another’s use should receive compensation from the user. But be yond and above all rightful compensa tion to those who contribute In any way to the product, an enormous sur plus of wealth goes today to those who contribute In no way whatsoever, and of this fact wider notice should ' taken. I am not of those who would exclude all employers from the category of the world's productive laborers. All grades of'productive activity and of Indolence caA be .ffeund among both employers and employed. .Every Individual or or ganization' having paid agents Is an em ployer. The trade unionist and so clallati, whether as Individuals or act Ing through their organizations, are no exceptions, and It occasionally hap pens that employer and employed work together Justly In the promotion of common interests. In a sense, any ex change of service for produce, If upon terms previously arranged, Is employ ed, and freedom to make such ex change Is clearly desirable. The line In the class struggle Is more correctly drawn between those who consume more wealth than they are willing to produce, and those who, If they would live, are compelled to produce more than they require. Labor, aa the term Is here used, con- citizen, atltutes the latter class. It should clearly recognize the fact of Its ex ploitation by others for the satisfaction of private greed, and should struggle politically to secure such public control of the land and of the costly machin ery of production as will Insure to all men access to both without any being under the necessity of producing a sur plus product for the maintenance of exploiters. to recognise that the organized, revo lutionary proletariat of Russia is the only power capable of making headwny against the bureaucracy. In Germany, It Is the working class socialistic party' which holds the emperor In check, and prevents him from crushing the Rus sian struggle for freedom. Great Brit ain stands upon the threshold of an era of long-needed domestic reform, and the time has come simply because her public men realize that the work ing class Is prepared to force It. The same time must come soon In this country. It Is time that you working men had enough of being buncoed by political bosses and trust magnates. It Is time that you thought of putting your own representatives Into congress to look after your interests, and to restore democratic Institutions to America. By HENRY C. POTTER, Bishop of the Protestant Epis copal Church, Diocese of New York. You will make an opportune use of Labor day, in the Interests of labor unions especially, If you will urge upon the attention of the unions In their public expressions some Intimation: First—Of their disapproval of acts of violence designed to vindicate the rights of labor; and, Becpnd—Of their’ sympathy. with those essential principles of Individual freedom on which the republic rests. It Is these which many people be lieve labor unions menace nnd Invade; and It Is greatly to be desired that those who represent the unions and apeak for them should make plain that the unlona stand for the principle of Individual freedom In regard to ail questions of work and pay. In a word, the principles of labor unions, with which a great many of us are In hearty sympathy, will receive their beat reinforcement by a line of action on the part of the unions them selves which Is recognized ns in de fense of the Individual liberty of the By .UPTON 8INCLAIR, Socialist Candidate for Congress and Author of “The Jungle." By JAMES S. SHERMAN, Chairman Republican Congress ional Campaign Committee. The American nation Is at present facing the greatest crisis In Its history. Corruption, which has been feeding upon the body politic for a generation, Is now admitted to be threatening lte very life. Our public spirited and thinking men. who for decades have been wrestling with this corruption, have failed universally. They have failed because they did not appeal to tabor: because labur was asleep. And now at last labor Is be ginning to wake up. The workingman Is beginning to realize the part which he plays in the political game. It Is hla business to furnish the vote. He sells It to the political boss, perhaps for a dollar or two. perhaps Just for a kind word and a little buncombe. So the political boss gets the offices, and then he sells the privileges of gov ernment to the capitalist, who uses his advantage to squeeze more money out of the workingman. There Is a natural and obvious 11ml tatlon to the continuance of that pro cess. It can go on until the capitalist begins to have so much money that the workingman has none at all, and then the workingman goes Into poli tics. 1 do not talk buncombe when I talk to workingmen. 1 do not tell them about the Importance of delivering.the American republic. The present day conditions keep the workingman’s nose on the grindstone, and he has no time to think about anything but making a living and keeping his family alive. And so when I talk to workingmen I show them how they are being robbed, and ask them how much longer they propose to stand It: It 1 Is time enough to think of ideals when a man has got enough to eat. All thinking men among our capi talists are agreed that we are on the verge of hard times such as the country has not yet known. When those times come several millions of men will be out of work, the unions will fall like houses of cards, and the workingman wilt be out on the streets. 1 tell him about It In advance, because I know that If it catches him suddenly he may take to bricks and clubs, which Is a wasteful process, while It he has had time to think about It he will be or ganised and ready to go Into pelltlce. It la the same all over the world, the same story of corruption and oppres sion, and of a new hope of Justice and right conditions, depending solely U|sm the working class to force them. At tbe present moment all are forced ence. Most decidedly should the laboring man take an Interest In politics and legislation, for It Is because of the laws affecting labor enacted during the last half century that our working classes have reached a standard of liv ing and an enjoyment of the good things of life unknown to a larger part of the laborers In other countries. Owing to our opportunities and ad vantages the laboring man of today becomes the employer and capitalist of tomorrow. Many a landowner of today was a farm hand a few years ago. Nearly all our prominent Iron and steel men began In the mill, and most of our textile officials once worked at the loom. Such conditions and such ad vances are not due to chance, but are made possible by legislation, and I may add Republican legislation. Our Republican tariff laws, from the Morrill law of 1881 to the Dlngley law of today, have given to our laboring classes work and then high wages for that work, becausp We make the duty on foreign wares cover the difference In labor cost. That Is what protection means—high wages, protection against cheap foreign labor. Then the Republican party, after It has given the laboring man full em ployment and constantly Increasing wages. Insures hla being paid 100 cents for every dollar he earns, and that his savings and Investments shall al ways be Ita good ns gold. And that means something, for our laboring men have many billions of dollars In savings banks, In building and loan associations and In homes. It would take too long to enumerate even the principal labor laws enacted by the Republican party, but I may mention those against slavery, against the qoolle trade and peonage; the re striction of Immigration, of paupers and criminals and Chinese exclusion; the law against convict labor and Im portation of contract labor; the pro tection of seamen and various vessel and Inspection laws; the nets requiring safety appliances on railroads; the first eight-hour law and many subsequent ones; the net creating the United States bureau of labor and the de partment of commerce and labor; the acts creating boards of arbitration nnd the Incorporation of national trades unions. I might mention the homestead laws and the many acts since down to the employers' liability act of the last ses sion, showing that In almost every Republican congress something has to Improve the conditions of elevate the laborer. There III to he done and the labor- hould study well the history ’ great parties and be able >ne intelligently and fairly .ild have hla vote and lntlu- been d labor and Is much s Ing man .« of the ,tw