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I THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN. LABOR IN POLITICS I a symposium PRESIDENT ROOSEVELTS VIEWS ON UNION LABOR [ strongly believe In trade union*, wisely and Justly handled. In which the rightful purpose to benefit those connected with them Is not secompanled ty a desire to do injustice or wrong to others. I believe in the duty of capitalists and wage workers to try to seek one another out, to undewtand each other’s point of view, and to endeavor to show broad and kltdly human sympathy one with the other. “w; ■ WU\y should lahor do In politics?" This question Is brought home tothe American people this Labor day with especial relevancy b(Cause this year for the first time In the history of the modern trade union movement In this country organised labor has gone into politics on a comprehensive national scale. Hereto/ore the leaders of union labor have sedulously avoided even the lemblgice of Identifying themselves or their organisations with political parties. Suddenly has come a complete about-face attitude. Trade union- lim Is mddng the revolutionary experiment of seeking to have none except labor's friends placed on guard In the halls of congress and In the leglsla lures of he various states Whs! the outcome will be no one knows. Even the labor union leaders thsmselfis do not appear to be entirely clear aa to Just how far organised labor oiiht to go In politics. Their Ideas appear to be centered on retiring from tlf law-making bodies those whom they regard as labor's enemies and ofelectlng in their stead unionism's avowed friends. The future, they declarw will take care of Itself. Piictlcal politicians of both the old parties are watching labor's new more t-lth anxious eyes and are fearful for the outcome. Invariably they run life deer at the mere Invitation to discuss the unions' Invasion of the held it polltlcs~and this applies also to some In the public eye who have not hen classed with the "practical'' politicians. J few Republicans and Democrats, however, among whom are Repre- rentdive James S. Sherman, of New York, chairman of the Republican con- lonal campaign committee, and verett Colby, state senator In New Jer sey ind Republican reformer, declare the workingman's vote should be cast aIU the Republican party. Mayor Adam, Buffalo's rugged Democratic mayor, that labor Is not to be blamed If It protects Itself In politics, but Semni any. one In public life who Is a better friend to a class than to thlmass. < I The Socialists, Including the two recent wealthy converts, J. O. Phelps sikt3, of New York, and Joseph Medlll Patterson, of Chicago, and Upton "Iclelr, author of "The. Jungle,” see labor's only political salvation In the clalfst party. Economists, the clergy, publicists and others view the new Jestlon In varying lights. The Ideas of all on "What should labor do In politics?" are herewith ...... They make highly Interesting reading for Labor day. If SAMUEL GOMPERS, President of the American Federa tion of Labor and Leader of La bor'* Movement in Politics. »der our modem Industrial system (I through the numbers, power, ag- eeelveneee and manhood of our edee union movement, much of the irdens of ages which were borne by « type of -the man with the hoe" has ten lifted. The bent form and the seeding forehead have been changed > the upright attitude, and there has een developed a higher manhood 1th a better life today and fetter prospect for the days to come, i itrong contrast to the absolute mas- ery of employers and the servility of he workmnn of the past Is the dlgnl- .1 S 1 " 1 respectful position now at- ,^ f d anri maintained by labor. Public opinion In this ’country ha* >*en compelled by the trade union movement to take a better and more ■omprehenalve view of the rights of mbor and to consider and even com- rnend the rational, natural movement "t the workers of America for aelf- protection by associated effort. Many of our schools, colleges and unit fruit lea now have classes In which *reat labor problem In all Its ll'haies i. Investigated and discussed, "paper, and magaxlnes devote iiumni to the presentation of labor *®d dissertation on the rights m.' 111 .™ "f organised labor. Very ™" y ° ( these, It la true, are not al- '» v "rable to tha position or con- '►miona of labor, but It Is a hopeful .Ihniti m,u J of opportunities and pos- Iblit ,,, t\ he n this moat potent iub- JlwiuLi* 11 i? ra mlflc»tlo*w. !» being J em**). The greatest danger to the tniUoa a • ••* R'COWII uuitgcr IU llic Hou " f ,he ' ountry would he should srest 2' ?,° thou *ht be given to the th«f . ob cm * Rr "t principles In which * re touch Interested. Investl- sstion and discuaalon can only aid In bor o Um " h ,,f ,h * »reat cause of la- li u , k r,u,e of humanity. conatH »o little thought and •rJ^'railnn have been given by con- m*u.' th .' /leslfee of labor aa regard* this v2, nf legislation that labor had »ud \.V ’ "rered upon a determined ^•tgresilve campaign to secure a i‘ ni •> distinctive share In the L’eu. ?i al nffa,r » of the republic. <nd , ,he working people organise i» work*’ w “ 11 'hose functions which, prlvTle^" 1 '*". « nrt c ltl**ns, It Is their they ** * n, l ,h elr duty to exercise, n«ht. l 2 nnot hop ® *° maintain their v«rvl " r » Progressive position In the b.r ma1f hi '* , !l °f modern society. La ir **7,, " r?,* 5 f'rr'avKl upon government H ,„ L^.’hlch I* not equally accord- c*n Pf°Pl« of our country. It In,. M M,u be satlslled with nothing ::%S*rj'T n •"d senators In their h*v* * r th * “Imlghty dollar 'trhtj„r" 1 "different or hostile to the *“1 miuiK’Y V** h » v » hR <J “me 'tssonahift 2 ! nclln »“on to support the of i,M b 2 r measure*, the enact- »Mrh 2 "« have urged, and *11 Hi 31 '!*'' 1 beneficent features for proviiin„P? opl ® without an obnoxious railed not only to con- »M legislative Indifference hit (L,, , 1 '° 'he Interests of labor, mass «r Jil ,h * 'htereats of the large Wrtnre *' our .People. The great In- Sormo-i ’mpanlea. the trusts, the cor- Imtrv *"' c *lled captains of In- tn of'.hl i eed become tbe own- Rubiic orrt„, f * ator* of our country, 'h. »?'■; many of whom have •Ip 0f’, h . , 8, °p thief!" nesreet the throu-i. , fc ,nn *ue, have been elected '""'rlbuii, * vtty agencies and the U 2 n * 'rom them caa u-nie in . ..... tbe greatest and wealthiest nation on eprth, that the almighty dollar la to be worshipped to an extent of forget ting principle, conscience, uprightness and Justice, the time has arrived for labor and Ita friends to raise their voices In condemnation of such degen eracy and to Invite all reform forces to join with It In relegating Indiffer ence to the people's Interests, corrup tion and graft to political oblivion; to raise the standard of legislation by the election of sincere, progressive and honest men who, while worshipping money less, will honor conscience. Jus tice and humanity more. Labor’s present movement Is a de termined effort, free abeolutely, from partisanship of every name and char acter, to secure tbe legislation It deems necessary and essential to the welfare and happiness of all the people. A* the present objects of the movement are purely In the line of legislation, all efforts are being concentrated upon the election of members of congress and the various state legislature*. Thoae engaged In the movement are guided by the fact that principle* are of primary consideration; office, secon dary. All observer* agree that the cam- g ilgn of our fellow workmen of Great rltaln has had a wholesome effect upon the government, as well a* tha Interests of Us wageearner*. and the people generally of that country. In the last British election* llfty-four trade unionist* were elected to parlia ment. If the British workmen, with their limited franchise, accomplished so much by their united action, what may we In the United States not do with universal suffrage? The tollers of America, by asserting their right* and electing honest men to congress and to other halts of legis lation, will more completely and more fully carry out their obligations as union men and more than ever merit the respect of their fellow cltlsens. BY WILLIAM D. MAHON, President Association of Street Railway Employees. 1 turn* to a condition in this, fcrlng. "What Should Labor Do In Politics? Just this; Divorce the people from the old political parties and destroy the blind following of political machine*. The very keynote of the labor union Idea haa always been to prevent the unions from tying up to any party. As I understand It, th* present move ment of labor Is not to form a politi cal party, but rather to see to tt that men are elected to congress and the legislatures who are honest, free and Independent and willing and determin ed that juatlce shall be done to wage- earners, as well as to all other*. Ones you put the political machine out of business, you will,get legisla tion favorable to all the people. This sentiment Is gaining ground with great rapidity everywhere, and I* not con fined to the toller*. The tide Is rising so fast against the "boss" and all hi* works that It would be unnatural If labor did not lend its great force and Influence to the universal movement for a different order of things. In Its present campaign 1 would have labor get control of the machinery of the old parties wherever possible and, where this can not be done, nominate Independently. To defeat a man now In office who ha* been sn enemy of labor. I would elect "a stick,' If neces sary. Such a man should be humili ated aa much a* possible. It Is charged that labor Is seeking to build up class legislation. What we are really trying to do I* to break down claaa legislation, from which the country haa already too long been *ut- • SamueL Gomper- -J.G.Phelps Stoke?,..— . ShepffiatL By JAMES J. MURPHY, . President of Typographical Union No. «. Speaking merely as an Individual, and not In any sense aa representing my organisation, It haa always been my belief tbat every trade unionist should be affiliated with a political movement of some character. While In England and adme other countries the unions have gone into political movements as unions. It remain* to be seen whether such a course will be proved a wise one for the labor organi sations In this country to follow. Nev ertheless, the fact that the present pro gram of seeking tbe election to con gress and the various state legislatures RigJnjLRevenand Kerrey CRfts# By EVERETT COLBY, Republican 8anator in New Jer tty and Reformer, I don't think It ought to be necessary for the laboring man to get In politics. He should be In politics now. In New Jersey we have come to the conclusion that the beet way to put Into effect any legislation the people may desire la to go to the party pri mary and vote for delegates fo the convention who are pledged to support definite candidates, who In turn are pledged to specific and definite prlnct pies of law. To my mind It does little good for the voter of one party to go over to the other party, because both are con trolled by the same Influences and pre ■res. ana tn. v.rtou. ..ate .eg.e.ature. ^^ftimoSt'uamtll'nr on vent ao far a. poee.ble the enactment of men favorable to labor has been JherigMa^of otfteMandwithout having of law * ,n the Interest of the people, entered upon by such able and tried n a own rights ’ trampled on. * To Join an Independent _ movement Capital aa a class takes leaders as Samuel Gompers and the other heads of the American Federation of Labor makes the new movement one which should receive the careful con. slderatlon of every trade unionist In tbe United States. Notwithstanding all the carping crlt Idem directed against the trade unions, there Is no question whatever that the existing great prosperity of the country has been very materially augmented by the trade union move ment Within the last decade labor baa been most active In securing legis lation favorable not only to the mem bers of the unions themselves, but also to non-unlonlst* and the people gener ally. Even the most unskilled classes of labor, those which from tbs very fact that they are so unaklllwl do not easily lend themselves to organisation and are not yet fully able to appre ciate the value of cohesion through the union movement, have been'vaetly ben efited by the law* which hav* already been passed In labor’s Interests, while at the same time the whole labor movement haa been strengthened and the whole mass of cltlsenahlp the coun try over Is far better off. In spite of all that haa been done, however, much more remalne to .be ac complished. Many of the reform* which the trade unionist Interests are now Insistent upon are bitterly opposed by the law making power*, and It Is obvious that labor's friends will have to he put on guard all along the line before many of these proposed reforms can be wan. One of the jrlosf Important' reforms now being sought by tne trade union- let, In my opinion, I* the stopping of the abuse of the Injunctions. . These have been used against labor In a very determined and. In many cases, very unjust manner. I do not mean to say that the unionist absolutely disap proves of the exercise of the Injunctive power by the courts, but he doe* In sist that the power be mwlifled In some way so that he shall not be arbitrarily deprived of his right*. Probably the greatest barrier to the passage of Important law* sought by labor Interests today I* to be found In the United Stales senate, and the pres ent method of electing member* of that body. Under the existing system of choosing senator* by legislatures It hardly seems possible that labor men or men friendly to labor can be elected to the senate. When United States sen ator* are elected directly by the iwo- ple labor will meet with much less opposition In securing the enactment of legislation favorable to IU Interests. This, I believe, will all come In due time. For tha present the plan of the American Federation of Lahor to con fine Its effort* to securing the election of approved candidate* to congress and the eUte legislatures Is an ample Program, and If even moderately suc cessful, ought to prove a formidable entering wedge for labor In the polities of the future. BY JAME8 NOBLE ADAM, Democrat and Mayor of Buffalo. Labor should do In politic* precisely what every other body of cltlxen* should do In polities—It should do Its utmost to see the best men nominated and to see the beet men elected, and to see that those who are elected do their best after being elected. It should do this fairly, squarely and fearlessly. care to pro tect Itself In politics. Labor as a class Is not to be blamed If It takes care to protect Itself In politics. But capital and labor, either or both, are to blame and are to be condemned If they ahould resort to tactics that are dishonorable or methods that are dishonest. The man who wins In the long run Is the man who play* the clean, straight gam*. Theodore Roosevelt and William J. Bryan are notable examples of this truth. The two moat potent Influences In the business world are capital and la bor. One of the most potent Influences In pelltlcs In the past has been capital. Naturally labor seeks In politics tha same position It holds In the business world. But neither capital nor labor ahould lose sight of the fact that | tics, business, capital, labor and else Is designed simply to serve the best ends of man and achieve the greatest good for the most people. I have no patience with the sUtement that labor should not have It* particu lar frienda In public life. Capital has Ita particular friend* In public life. But no man In public life or In politics haa any right to be a better friend to a class thkn to the mass. It Is wrong to-stand for the devices of a part of the people against the Interests of the people ss* a whole. I believe labor, and by labor I mean the work ingmen of the country, should do Ita beat to get the best of Its number Into public life, and that these men In turn should serve their fellow workingmen moat-by standing steadfast for what Is right, whether It Is Indorsed by labor or capital, or by every one or by no one at all. By RALPH M. EA8LEY, Secretary of th* National Civio Federation. While there exists some confusion, even In the ranks of labor Itself, as to the exact significance of the po litical program of the American Fed eration of Labor, It can lately be aald that, with certain exceptions, the gen eral policy of the federation does not mean the formation of an Independent political party at this time. On the contrary, its policy has much In com mon with that of the Municipal Voters' League In Chicago, which resulted In changing a notoriously bad city council to a fairly representative and decent body. The league In that Instance found It necessary to secure the nomination of Independent candidates In only a very few cases. One clause In the ‘campaign program” la: "Where a congressman or suite legislator- has proven himself a true friend to the right of labor he should be supported and no candidate nominated against him." This was the policy of the Chi cago Voters’ League. If organised labor can secure through either of the. dominant parties, or in any other way. the balance of power In congressional or legislative bodies, it will undoubtedly wield a great Influence In favor of Its measures. It Is as legitimate for labor to organise to promote Its Interests through politics as It Is for organisation* of employers nr other groups of Interests to work tor their own advantage. would do no lasting good. I feel, there fore, tt the laborer goes Into his own party primary, whether It be Demo cratlc or Republican, he can accom pllsh more than by changing parties or Joining soma Independent faction. We advocate In New Jersey the di rect primary, which gives the party voter a freer opportunity of expressing his opinion aa to the character of pub lie men and public business. By J. G. PHELPS STOKES, Socialist and Millionaire. I am asked to express my views as to what labor should do In politics. I assume the term labor, as here used, can with propriety be held to denote those who produce at least aa much wealth at la required for their own maintenance. It Is evident that a large portion of those among our population who are capable of producing as much wealth as they require, produce, aa a matter of fact, far tees, a very large number producing none at all. It Is equally evident that any one who con sumes more wealth than he produces Is taking of the product of the labor of others (unless perhaps In such fa vored regions as supply man's require ments without effort on the part of any one). Where a vast group of men are com pelled by clrcumslancea beyond their control to produce much more than they and their families require, a* Is the case at present, tn order that hun dreds of thousands of others may live res or ex cessive luxury, a wroqg exist* which should receive wide public attention, and one which. In a. community con trolled by the exploiters of .labor, re quires political action for Its correction. Until the universal Introduction of machinery Into the Industrial world the exploitation of labor, os at present, did not exist. So long as each laborer or would-be laborer possessed or was capable of possessing the few tools necessary to the production of mar ketable commodities, and bad access to such lends as he needed, be was free Industrially and hie own master. He could produce as much or aa little as he chose; could work for whatover hours he chose, and cease from labor as often as he chose, knowing that he could resume at will, tha tools being hie. The wide Introduction of labor sav ing machinery changed all this. The average Individual workman, whether he had access to land or not, could no longer produce Independently In competition with the machine. Toole of the kind now used In the production of the great majority of material wealth became too costly for him to own. The modern tool Is th* machine, or the power drill, or the steam en gine, or the expensive farm machinery that the average farmer ha* to mort gage his farm to buy. The modern Workman Is obliged to depend upon the money lender If he Is to com pete In the public market*. If he would work at all and support life, he must accept whatever condition* are Imposed upon him by them. As a rule he cannot engage In self supporting labor without the consent ft those whose capltsl. honestly or dishonestly won, enables them to own the machine* and the land; and he can secure this consent only on condition that he will NOTABLfe GAINS OF LABOR UNIONS IN 20 YEARS U»x>r liny of 19U6—tbe twentieth tine* the day became a legal holiday, the twenty-fifth »lnce Ita-first wctnal obtfrrance-dnda the workers of America rattly better off In many respects than they bare ever been In history. According to many labor leaders and economist^ workers today are better paid by from 10 to 40 per cent, and In some esses almost as high as 70 per cent, than two decades ago. Their boors are shorter, and It Is asserted they are lietter fw|. better clothed and better housed; that their children are better educated; tbat their environment la happier, and that they have more leisure to enjoy tbe lieneflts of all tbe refining Influence* of life. Twenty yenra ago there were few labor lawn. Sow there are many to almost every state, lo tbe entire body of law In New Vork state In the Interest of wage earners consisted of less than half a doten testates, mostly anlnportaot. Today ate scores of Important laws providing protection and safeguards for labor of every sort. In the Infancy of Labor Pay wiwkers were poorly organised. Today upward of 2.000,000 tollers are on the rolls of trades uulons. Reports of the state labor bureaus show that capital and labor lo many Important Industries are working in closer harmony sod that trade agreements have In numerous Instances supplanted tbe strike and lock-out methods of settling Industrial disputes. Rome close observers, among whom was tbe lute Kenstor Hanna, have within a few years predicted that tbe era of strikes Is nearing Its end. • Pnhlle opinion twenty years ago was almost hostile to labor. Now It In largely enlisted on the worker's side and. with tbe employer and the employee'himself. Is active In providing many betterments for the maasos of tollers. WHAT SOME LEADING TRADES GAINED IN NEW YORK DURING TWENTY YEARS Rat, of Wage Weekly Hour, I'er Hay. „f Labor. p. «\ or p. c. or TRADE- 1«SS. 190». Inc. IMS. 1906, IIM'n. Job Printer S3.on loon .iius r.:» Bricklayer. 4.06 6.«0 .aa? u 44 Uranlte Cotters AM 4.M ,316 It 44 .mo Plasterers 4.00 6.5o ..175 61 44 ,K< Plumbers AM 4.76 . 367 63 44 .l«o Marble Cutter, Aon 6.O11 ,M!6 A? 44 Ro Ship Carpenter, A« 4.30 . 371 63 44 .loo Shin Carpenter, 3.60 3.60 .077 64 44 .111 IIihI Iloltttlnic Knfltioer, .160 6.00 .433 63 44 1,0 Tile layer, AM 6.00 .433 6f 44 . 364 This tnhle I, compiled from •latlatlca furnlahed by tbe Near York Suite H i reau of Labor Mtntlstlca. produce foF them a* well as for him self and family. The average wage- earner today Is thus In a condition of partlnl slavery. The opportunities which he needs for "life, labor and the pursuit of hnpplners" are controlled absolutely and arbitrarily by others. Only In proportion as labor makes Its Juat demanda effectively by co-opera tion la Ita condition Improved. Much co-opcratlon la now needed In the po litical field na much aa In any other. The baalc fact which Labor muat face la that It la denied acceaa to land and to the machinery of production, unleaa It will produce sufficient not merely for Ita own support but for the maintenance also of the voat array of those who live In complete or partial Idleness ufion the surplus product of Its toll. t think no right minded man would say that the right to use the machine should be wholly free, for It has been produced by others, and Its Ilfs Is lim ited, and he who produces or provide* It for another's use should receive compensation from the user. But be yond and above all rightful compensa tion tn those who contribute tn any way to the product, an enormous sur plus of wealth goes today to those who contribute In no way whatsoever, and of this fact wider notice should be taken. 1 am not of those who would exclude all employers from the category of the world's productive laborer*. All grades of productive activity and of Indolence can be found among both employers and employed. Every Individual or or ganisation having paid agents Is an em ployer. The trade unionist and so cialists, whetheYas Individuals or act ing through their organisations, are no exceptions, and It occasionally hap pens that employer and employed work together Justly In the promotion of common Interests.. In a sense, any ex change of service tor produce, If upon terms previously arranged, Is employ ed, and freedom to make such ex change Is clearly desirable. The line Ir the class struggle Is more correctl;* drawn between those who consume more wealth than they are willing to produce, and those who, If they would live, are compelled to produce more than they require. Labor, as the term Is here used, con- cltlsen. •tltutes the latter class. It should dearly recognise the fact of It* ex ploitation by others for the satisfaction of private greed, and should struggle politically to secure such public control of the land and of tha costly machin ery of production aa will Insure to all men access to both without any being under the necessity of producing s sur plus product for the maintenance of exploiters. to recognise that the organized, revo lutionary proletariat of Russia js the only power capable of making headway against the bureaucracy. In Germany, It la the working claaa socialistic partv which hold* the emperor In check, and prevents him from crushing the Rus sian struggle for freedom. Great Brit ain stands upon the threshold of an era of long-needed domestic reform, and the time has come simply because her public men realise that the work ing class Is prepared to force It. The same time must come soon In this country. It Is time that you working men had enough of being buncoed by political bosses and trust magnates. It Is time that you thought of putting your own representatives Into congress to look after your Interests, and lo restore democratic Institutions to America. By HENRY C. POTTER, Bishop of the Protestant Epis copal Church, Diocese of New York. Tou will make an opportune use of Labor day. In the Interests of labor unions especially. If you will urge upon the attention of the unions In their public expressions some Intimation: First—Of their disapproval of acts of violence designed to vindicate the rights of labor; and. Second—Of ' their sympathy with those essential principles of individual freedom on which the republic rests. It fs these which many people be lieve labor unions menace and Invade; and It tt greatly to be desired that those who represent the unions and speak for them should make plain that the unions stand for the principle of individual freedom In regard to all questions of work and pay. In a word, the principles of labor unions, with which a great many of us are In hearty sympathy, will receiv.e their best reinforcement by a line of action on the part of the unions them selves which is recognized ns In de fense of the Individual liberty of the By UPTON SINCLAIR, Socialist Candidate for Congrats and Author of “Tho Jungle.” The American nation la at present facing the greatest crisis In Its history. Corruption, which has been feeding upon the body politic for a generation, now admitted to be threatening Its very life. Our public spirited and thinking men, who for decades have been wrestling with this corruption, have failed universally. They have failed because they did not appeal to labor; because labor was asleep. And now at last labor Is be ginning to wake up. The workingman is beginning to realise the part which he plays In the political game. It la his bualneaa to furnish the vote. He sells It to the political boss, perhaps for a dollar or two, perhaps juat for a kind word and a little buncombe. So the political boss gets the offices, and then he sells the privileges of gov ernment to the capitalist, who uses his advantage to aqueese more money out of the workingman. There Is a natural and obvious limi tation to the continuance of that pro cess. It can go on until the capitalist begins to have so much money that the workingman has none at all, and then the workingman goes Into poli tics. 1 do not talk buncombe when I talk workingmen. I do not tell them about the Importance of delivering the American republic. The present day conditions keep the Worklngman'a nose the grindstone, and he has no time think about anything but making a living and keeping his family alive. And ao when 1 talk to workingmen I show them how they are being robbed, and ask them how much longer they propose to stand It. It is time enough to think of Ideals when a man ha* got enough to eat. All thinking men among our capi talists are agreed that we are on the verge of hard times such as the country has not yet known. When those times come several millions of men will be out of work, the unions will fall like houses of cards, and. the workingman will be out on the streets. I tell him about It In advance, because f know that If It catches him suddenly he may take to bricks and clubs, which Is a wasteful process, while If he has had time to think about It he wilt be or ganised and ready to go Into politics. It la the same all over tha world, the same story of corruption and oppres sion, and of a new hope of justice snd right conditions, depending solely upon the working class-to force them. At tbs present moment all are forced enc*. By JAMES S. SHERMAN. Chairman Rspublican Congress ional Campaign Committee. Most decidedly should the laboring man take an Interest In politics and legislation, for It Is because of tha laws affecting labor enacted during the last half century that our working classes have reached a standard of Jiv ing and an enjoyment of the good things of life unknow n to a larger part of the laborer! In other countries. Owing to our opportunities and ad vantages the laboring man of today becomes th* employer and capitalist of tomorrow. Many a landowner of today was a farm hand s few years ago. ,Nearly slf our prominent Iron snd steel men began In the mill, and most of our textile officials once worked at the loom. Such conditions and such ad vances are not due to chance, but are made possible by legislation, a.id I may add Republican legislation. Our Republican tariff laws, from th* Morrill law of till to the Dlngley law of today, have given to our laboring classes work and then high wages for that work, because we make the duty on foreign wares cover the difference In labor cost. That Is .what protection means—high wages, protection against cheap foreign labor. Then the Republican party, after It has given the laboring man full em ployment and constantly Increasing wages. Insures his being paid 100 cents for every dollar he earns, and that his savings snd Investments shall al ways be ss good os gold. And that means something, for our laboring men have many billions nr dollars In savings hunks. In building and loan associations anil In homes. It Would take too long to enumerate even the principal labor laws enacted by the Republican party, hut I miv mention those against slavery, against t he coolie trad* and peonage; the re- trlctlnn of Immigration, of paupers and criminals and Chinese exclusion: the law against convict labor and Im portation of contract labor; the pro tection of seamen and various vessel and Inspection laws; the acts requiring safety appliances on railroads; the first eight-hour law and many subsequent ones; the act creating the United States bureau of labor and the de partment of commerce and labor; the acta creating hoards of arbitration and the Incorporation of national trades unions. I might mention the homestead laws and the many acts since down to the employers’ liability art of the last ses sion. showing that In almost everv Republican congress something ha's been done to Improve the conditions of labor snd elevate the laborer. There Is much still to he tlone and the labor ing man should study wall the history of the two gteat parties and be able In determine Intelligently and fairly which.should hate his vote and Influ-