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THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN, JACOBS’ PHARMACY. JACOBS’ PHARMACY. JACOBS’ PHARMACY. DO NOT FAIL TO READ The Jacobs’ Advertisements •• ■ - • -\ In Sunday’s Constitution JACOBS’ PHARMACY. VIEWS ON RACE TROUBLES BASED ON ACTUAL EXPERIENCE BROUGHT OUT IN ANSWER TO A NORTHERN INQUIR Y; PIVOTAL POINTS OF THE PROBLEM K H. Hinton, chalriuan of the South* stern Freight Association, with head line rs in Atlanta, linn addressed an cresting communication to the editor • r The Indianapolis News, In reply to ueMtfon asked editorially by that spnper In commenting on the re- « cut riot In Atlanta. Mr. Hinton, who l- a Mi> i ippbin ami a Southerner In nil that is broadest and best In the i * 1111« hns devoted a great deal of -iudy and thought to the negro. He i n ats the negro and his history with tie Intimate knowledge and broad -vn.j.flthy of one who conies from family holding a large number of slaves up to the war. Though a busy rail road man, Mr. Hinton Is by lncllna- t Ion nnd habit a close observer, a wide render and a student of his times. He line found time to contribute important I***ik*is upon social, industrial and po- lit leal conditions at the South. He makes the question asked by The In dianapolis News the text of an article which comprehends the salient condi tion* underlying the negro problem. The News, in the course of its com- m«-nt on the riot In Atlanta, asked: *■ I low does it happen that blacks, who took rare of the helpless women and « hlldren during the war, cannot now he trusted to live In the same townTMl a ipie-stlon could scarcely have been fra mo,i to !»y more completely bare the heart of the matter, and Mr. Hln- ton has made most excellent use of the opportunity. In doing so. he has cont11buted materially to the literature • •r the discussion and hus done his mm tion in general and the negro In pat - tic n service by stating the case without partiality or prejudice. Here Ih tin full text of his reply to The Indianapolis News: Mr. Hinton's Rtply. To the Editor of The Indianapolis one of your recent Issues, cotn- tlng on the Atlanta riot of Hep- >er -’3d, an unfortunate Incident h no good Southerner defends, you this language: low does Jt happen that the blacks, took care of the helpless women i hlhlren during the war. cannot he trusted to live In the same have not seen this question *n- •d directly by any Southern Jour- po-odbly because the answer Is so ►ctly obvious to us In the territory * "the white man’s burden" Is ; pkvusalj felt, that our writers . mMi |ii It superfluous to make at answer. And yet as your ques tion goes to the very foundation of all our race troubles, I do not think It should remain unanswered, particular ly as the very fact that It Is nsked Indicates much Ignorance of the funda mental principles of the problem thnt confronts us, and I nin pursuaded that you have asked It In a sincere search ing after light, nnd not In any caviling or carping spirit. Your question might be answered briefly by the statement that the negro has changed since 1865, and that In many Important particulars he has changed decidedly for the worse. This fact Is perfectly patent to Intelligent observer* In this territory, but It Is due you that I particularise. In order that you may understand that I am fitted by personal experience and observation to write on this sub ject, at least from our viewpoint, 1 Is proper for me to tell you that I am the son of a former large slave holder; that my father owned two largo plan tations In Mississippi with the requisite labor for places of that also—that is, from one hundred and fifty to two hundred slaves; that, although a small boy when the war began. I was thor oughly familiar with plantation life and with the relations between master nnd slave; that I lived on the planta tion during the war nnd during the dark days of reconstruction, which un fortunately did not end until 1*75; that prior to anil during the war, as well ns during the reconstruction period, I was thrown In dally contact with the negroes, on our own plantation nnd on those of our neighbors, nnd that on account of thane facts, I enjoyed ex ceptional opportunities for observa tion. Unswerving Loyalty, cheerfully admit thnt It Is true that during the war there was scarcely n plantation In the South where the nils tress of the place and her children wen not left alone nt the mercy <of the slaves a great part of the time; and It Is equally true that the record shows unswerving loyalty on the part of the slaves In executing this trust. This happy condition was the result of y of training, until It had become a habit of thought with the negroes—an In herited tendency—to treat the owner of the plantation and his family as supe rior beings, us they were. No thought of soclnl equality, and the vile thought inevitably Incident thereto, ever once entered the heads of the negroes. The discipline * of the plantation was firm, but kihdly, and under It the relation between the owner and the owned took on a paternalistic character, the owner feeling,toward his slaves as hfc might toward’ a lot of-chlldren dependent on him. and the slaves, looking up to the master as a superior, whom they held In highest respect. Under these condi tions there naturally grew up an af fection, a bond of sympathy* nnd u mutual feeling of Interest between the white families and their slaves, that was ns beautiful mra poem; whatever may bo said about the institution of slavery ns a whole. And I wish to say Just here that none of the old slave holders nor any of their descendants would restore the Institution If they A Good Story for Business Men The* advertising department of thip newspaper wants to get in touch with manufacturers and merchants whose business ean be improved. We have a good story—several of them, in fact, and all true—of business men who are coining money, and lots of it, by the .judicious use of newspaper publicity. There’s no better medium in which to start and “try out” an advertising experiment than this paper—none bet ter to use constantly nnd liberally after the advertising grows beyond the ex perimental stage. The Massengale Advertising Agen cy, of Atlanta, Gn., with its corps of experienced and successful advertising men, is a good concern to help you plan, prenarc and place your publicity. could. The end of the war came In the spring of 1863, and immediately a lot of adventurera, mom of them unscru pulous, came Into the South from tho North, They did not come for exploit ing legitimate enterprises, nor for hon est Investments, but for plunder. They Immediately began by precept and ex* ample to Instil Into tjie minds of tho negroes tho doctrine that they were In every way the equals <of the whites; that they were entitled to every priv ilege, social or otherwise, which their former masters had enjoyed, and that the United States government had spent millions to guarantee this them. From the .very first Insidious Introduction of this Infamous propa ganda there was crented between the two race* a strong propulsive force to drive them apart—awakening nnd plac ing on the defensive on the part of tho superior all his gride of race, and every Instinct of self-preservation—and on the part of the Inferior arousing an envy nnd hntred, Inevitably horn of feeling that In being debarred from social equality by the native whites, ho was being deprived of something to which he was entitled by right. A Mistake—a Misunderstanding. As strongly supporting the attitude of the “carpet baggers” about him. tho people of the North recognised tho ne gro ns an equal by admitting him Into all public places, such as theaters, Pullman cars nnd hotels, and these facts, coupled with the Intemperate utterances of the Republican politicians of tho period. In congress^ and out of It, mado It appear to the negro thnt tho proud aloofness of the white people of the Houth was the stubborn unreason ableness of race prejudice, and there fore unjust to him, and all our race troubles date from the baleful dissemi nation of this Idea. It Is but a step from the nursing of a supposed wrong to thoughts of righting It, and there gradually .grew Into the negro’s mliul a suggestion If not a well- defined determination to take by force tills coveted privilege. I say gradual ly. forjwlth the older negroes, the In stinct of deference and respect for tho white race was too firmly planted by the growth of years to be easily sup planted by a contrary teaching, but with the young men and with the youth as they grew to manhood their new-found counselors from the North found rfceptlve listeners to their In iquitous teaching, until In the early Seventies the question of social equality was frequently adverted to In public speeches by the negro politicians nnd preachers of that time, and by the white scoundrels and adventurers as sociated with them. At that time the negroes were moro than the political equals of the whites. Backed by Federal bayonets, they had voted themselves Into practically every office In the state, and had elected ns governor an adventurer from Massa chusetts, a miscreant whose offensive misrule Is still n malodorous memory In the state to this day. The legisla ture was known as the “Black and Tan” legislature on account of the great number of negroes and mulattoes that constituted it. ■AiWIIPBIIMVIhM My father, a highly educ and cultivated gentleman, who had been graduated with some distinction from a prominent university, was forced to pay his taxes In one county where ho owned land to a bullet-headed negro, who could scarcely write his own name, and yet this negro was sheriff of the county. In another county where my father owned land, the sheriff was a white renegade from somewhere north of the Ohio river, but most of the other employees about the court house were negroes. It Is safe to say. that there was scarcely u self-respecting white man til the state holding office. I reluctantly revive these unhappy recollections of experience* that linger in my memory ns a hideous nightmare, hut it is necessary to do so In order to emphasise a pivotal point in this dis cussion, to-wit, that as far ns political equality went, the negroes certainly ought to have been more chan sails - fled at that time. Hut they wertf*not. There was a constantly growing unrest By E. H. HINTON. and turbulence among them, and why? Simply because the Southern whites sternly and proudly refused to recog nise them as In any way their social equals. In 1875 this turbulence culmi nated In a number of riots In different parts of the state. These riots all oc curred about the same time, suggesting the possibility of some concert of action and nil were, traceable to the same causes. It Is unnecessary to give any detailed account of these various dem onstrations to show* their Inspiration. I will mention only one ns being typical of the others. Blind Cry for Social Equality. In Warren nnd nn adjoining county there operated n negro politician named Davenport, with a heart black er than his ebony skin, although no worse than other politicians and preachers of his race In other parts of the state. He openly preached the doctrine of social equality, and In 1875 he began to gather the negroes to gether for a concerted move on Vicks burg for the purpose of enforcing their one absorbing desire. He started with about 300, the raid gathering strength as it proceeded. From time to time he would regale his followers with most Inflammatory speeches. In theso harangues he did not complain that his hearers were deprived of any of their political privileges. He did not allege that their civil rights* were abridged in any particular, but still he had a grievance against the South ern whites, and It was that they re mained obdurate In the matter of social equnllty. VThey refuse to recognise us us their equals.” entd he, “but we will show them that we have the power to force them. We will go to Vicksburg and take the white women for our wives and concubines, and make slaves of the white men. We are being de prived of our rights, and we are going to have them If we have to wade up to our bridle bits In blood." \A spectacular governor of Colorado subsequently mode this expression fa mous, or Infamous, according to the point of view. It only shows how op pressed and depressed the Southern people were, that the author of these damnable utterances was not instantly dealt with in the summary fashion that you would deal with a rabid dog. Davenport continued his march to ward Vicksburg, but was finally met by a body of whites, led by some of Vicksburg's most prominent citizens, with the usual and Inevitable result. How many negroes were killed In that riot will probably never be known, but It was sufficient to have a very salutary effect. All the other riots of that year had a similar result. It was tho beginning of the end of Republican misrule in the state. White Msn Organize. That full the white men organised nnd took over the government of the state. Nearly all the harpies from the North fled between two suns, and after ten years of rank misrule—n satur nalia of official crime, of public plun der anil of spoliation of a proud but defeuted people, that dispassionate his. lory will some day record as a foul blot on the escutcheon of the Repub lican party—the Anglo-Saxon of the South came Into his own again. By the shotgun policy? Yes, I am no sense n disciple of Machlavelll, and I am pursudded that iny code of ethics Is on as high a plane as that of any other Anglo-Saxon, regardless of latitude or of environment; but I shall always believe that hi wresting their slate from the thieves and plunderers who were desecrating Its temples, the eml to be attained fully justified the means adopted by Mississippi's whiter. The history of Mississippi during the reconstruction period was a fair expo nent of the conditions in the other Houthern states. Home of them es caped from the incubus sooner than others, hut nil of them suffered the same ills that afflicted Mississippi, nnd In all the misguided. If not malevo lent. teachings of the Republican lead ers of the time left Its poisonous leav en In the heart of the negro. Of course, no further organised or open demonstrations, looking to social equality, were made by the negroes; hut the venomous germ was none the less active that Its operations were secret. It was kept alive, too, by the “bloody shirt" speeches of Republican politicians of the North who made the political atmosphere lurid for so many years succeeding 1875, ns well as by the actions, writings, speeches and other public utterances of possibly sin cere but, we think, misguided preach- j ers. teachers, publicists and would-be 1 philanthropist* of the North, who, ac cording to Charles Francis Adams (see Century Magaslne for May, 1806, page 103), have been talking and writing a lot of “rot” on this subject for the last forty, years. Considering, tho gravity of the results to the Houthern people, It is very mild, not to say flippant, crit icism to call-it “rot.” We are reaping today the bitter fruit . sown In this "rot” by our brothers of the North. The negroes have nil, deep down In their hearts, the false and dangerous notions gathered during reconstruction days, and every perpetration by them of the one most heinous and revolting of crimes may, be traced to the dominant thought that they are only taking by force what I* theirs by right, but which Is denied them by what they have been taught tp itofard as the unreasonable prejudice of The Southern whites. Protection of Criminals. As a race, the negroes do not re gard this monstrous offense ns a se rious crime, for they not only do not co-operate with the officers of the law In apprehending this class of criminals, but they actually protect and harbor them and aid their escape. It Is In conceivable that any people would habitually shield criminals of whose crimes they sincerely disapproved, and next to the crime Itself this phase of the race problem Is one of the most conspicuous features of the diseased condition of the mind of the negroes, from the Industrious dissemination by your people of the kind of “rot” which Charles Francis Adams now denounces. Forty years of freedom nnd this “rot" have transformed the negro from a do cile, kindly, confiding, good-natured de pendent servant Into a Jealous, envious, distrustful, resentful nnd Independent citizen. The difference between a faith ful dog urn! an undisciplined wfld ani mal Is not materially greater than the measure of this contrast. If you can appreciate the full significance of this transformation, you should be able to understand "Why the blacks who took care of helpless women and children of the Houth during the war, cannot now- bo trusted to live In the same town." What remedy do I propose? It Is this: Let your people undo the wrong they have done. Let them recognize the-fact that In clothing overnight with full-fledged citizenship, Including the dignity of suffrage, millions of bar barous, or at leust seml-barbarous, blacks, only n few years removed from the utter savagery of African Jungles, they committed a crime against the Anglo-Huxon thnt Is Without a parallel In the history of that proud race. Repeal the Fifteenth Amendment. Let them In a measure, make repa ration for this crime by wiping out tho fifteenth amendment to the constitution of the United Htates. Then instead of spending millions to send missionaries to the orient In an effort to supplant the teachings nnd philosophy of Budd ha, of Confucius and of Mahommed, with the Gospel of Christ, let your peo ple divert these honest. God-fearing, religious enthusiasts to the blacks of the Houth, to spread uniong them the plain gospel of honesty and of decent living and to serve ns nn antidote for the i>olson left by the horde of unsav ory characters whom you sent down to us. Immediately after the war. Let them teach the negro the honor and dignity of labor and to be ashamed of his present Idleness and shiftless ness. Let them teach him that to work three days out of the work-a-day week nnd to loaf the other three, ns at pres ent. is a crime, nnd that if he would practice ordinary providence, thrift nnd Industry, with the opoprtunlttes he has In the Houth, he would soon be the richest laborer In the w.orld. If he could be kept busy It would lie i terlal help In curbing his- criminal tendency. Above all, let them tench the negt-o that social equality Is Impossible and that It will ever remain so, and that even political equality Is un ’irides cent dream,” to he reulizeil only by tils faithfulness In good works. Let them make it dear to the negro that the Anglo-Saxon, unlike the Lutln races. In a thousand years of achieve ment, has always held himself proudly aloof from any amalgamation with nn Inferior race, nn Imiwrtant factor in his progress; that ns long as he hns In him on*? .spark of pride of race, one impulse of w-jrthy ambition. «»i one trace of lofty purpose or high Ideal, this will bo his attitude, and that if the negro would escape ultimate annihilation he must recognize and scrupulously le- sltuatlon by trying to look at this ques tion sometimes from the standpoint of the Southern white man, and by re fraining from any public deliverances on this subject until they have careful ly studied both sides of It. Above nil, they should avoid long race criticism based on maudlin sentimentality. As a preliminary text-book for those of your people who really wish to treat this question fairly, I strongly com mend to their thoughtful, earnest study an article written by Charlos Francis Adams, which appeared In the Century Magazine for May, 1806. I make one or two extracts which If you have not rend will, I am sure, prove interesting. Speaking of the speeches, writings, etc., of the public men of tho North on this subject In the past, he says, on page "In plain vernacular, they are all rot- rpt, which I myself have Indulged In to a considerable extent, and In face of observable facts, which would not down, I have had to outgrow." On page 105 he says: “One thing seems clear, without be ing reduced to servitude, the Inferior race must be recognized as such, and In some way so dealt with. Facts are facts; and only confusion results when things essentially not equal are dealt with on the basis of natural equality.” A Conftssion of Error. Further along In the article, on page 105, he Bay*: “In the first place, looking about mo among Africans in Africa—far remov- been accustomed—the scales fell from my eyes. I found my self most Impressed by a realizing sense of the appalling amount of error and cant in which we of the United Htates hav.e Indulged on this topic. \\ have actually wallowed In a hog of self-sufficient Ignorance—especially we philanthropists of New England. We do so still. Having eyes we will not see. Even now we not Infrequently heur the successor to the abolitionist and humanitarian of the nnte-clvll war peiiod—the “Uncle Tom" period—an nounce thnt the difference between the white man and the black man Is much less considerable than Is ordinarily supposed, and that the only real ob stacle In the negro’s way Is that ile has not been given a chance.' For my self, after visiting the black man In hk> own house, I come hack with the de cided impression that this Is the sheer est of delusions, duo to pure Ignorance of rudimentary facts, yet we built upon It during reconstruction days, as upon n foundation stone—a self-evident truth.” Our brothers north of the Ohio and Potomac rivers can be of material help In solving this problem If they, would, but not until this scales have fallen from their ejtes, as they have from the eyes of the distinguished New Nng- lander Just quoted, and not until they escape from the “bog of self-sufficient Ignorance" In which they are now' en veloped In connection with this topic. Until then (and we devoutly pray that that time Is not very far distant)! your peoplo do harm by Interfering.. Until then, urge them to remain neutral and let us "tread our wine press alone.” E. H. HINTON. IMPORTANT CHANGE IN SCHEDULES. SEABOARD AIR LINE RAILWAY. Train No. 41 from Washington. for merly arrived Atlanta 0.30 a. ni. "ami left for Birmingham at 8:50 a. m., will now arrive at 7:30 u. m. anti leave tor Birmingham at 7:45 a. m. No*. 60 ana 51, formerly operatr.d be. tween Atlanta and Abbeville, s. l\, will bo discontinued north of Athene, Gn. t No. 60 will Continue to lenvo Atlanta at \ 4:00 p. m. Returning, No. 51 will ar rive Atlanta at 8:25 a. m. No. 33, from New York, will arrive In Atlanta at 8:55 p. m„ and leave for Birmingham and Memphl. at 4:45 p. m. No.. 62 and 68, formerly operated he. ed from that American environment to' **•?," C " ' V *S which I had been nroiiKtnmed the be discontinued north of Clinton, 8. C. i nan oeen accustomed the N o. 53 will now arrive Atlanta gt 7:6* p. m. Arrival and departure of other train, will remain the .ante. Effective 12:01 p. m„ Sunday, No- 1 vember 25. W. E. CHRISTIAN, A.eietant General Pa.senger Agent 0000000000000000000000000^ O BREAKS JAW BONE O YELLING FOR YOUTH. 0 n 0 Santa Fe, N. M„ Deo, 1;—Colonel O 0 Mux Front, editor of Tho Rnntn Fc 0 0 New .Mexican, and until Governor O 0 Hugormr.n's apiMdntment, the un- O 0 disputed Republican dictator of 0 O New Mexico, fractured hlH Jaw O 0 yesterday yelling at hie office boy O 0 to answer the telephone. HI* fal»o O 0 taetli fell from hln mouth nnd the 0 O Jaw* came together with such O 0 force that the Jaw bone was 0 O broken. O 0 O 00000000000O000Q0000000000 Broader Sympathy, Your people could further help tin- Immigration Of the right sort will be beneficial to the state. This label: On your printed matter will also be beneficial to your bqsiness. Expert Printers Furnished onShort Notice. Atlanta Typographical Union 520 Candler Bldg. P. 0. Box 266. Atlanta Phone 873.