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“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WREN REASON IS LETT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jejjtrmn. VOLUME XXII ATLANTA, GA.,.WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1871. NUMBER 10 llMlg Jtttelligtnffr KUULUiHKD DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JARED IRWIN WHITAKER, Ptoprlotor. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, March 8, 1871. ALICE CARY’S SWEETEST I'OE.W. Of ail th« beautiful picture* That hand nt, Memory’* wall, 1* one uf a dim old forest. That Hoometl. beet of alf. Notfor it* guarlcd oai * oideo. Dark with the mistletoe; • Not for the violets yol'lon That * crinkle the vale below; Not for the milk while lilies That lean from the fragrant hedge, Ctxjuetting all day with the sunbeama, And Bleating their golden edge; Not for the vines on the upland Where the bright red berries, rc^t; No r the pinks, nor ihe pale, sweet cowslip, ft Heemcth to me the best. I once had a little brother W ith eyes that were dark and deep — In Ihe iitji ol that Oiden forest lie lleth In lt-ace asleep ; Light as the down of the thistle. Free as the winds that blow. We roved mere the beautiful bummers. The bummers ol long ago: But hi* lent on the hills grew weary. And one of the Aniurnu evea I made for my little brother A tied o! the yellow leaves. Hweetly his pale arms folded My nee.k in a meek embrace. As the light of Immortal beauty Bilenllv covered his lace ; And when tne arrows ol sunset Lodged In the tree-tops bright lie fell, lti hi? saint-liphibeauty. Asleep by the gates of light. Therefore, ol all the pictures That li ing on Memory’s wail. The one of the dim old forest Scemelh best of all. A rkuimaH. The Supreme Court ol Arkansan has rendered a decision dismissing the quo warranto against Lieutenant-Governor Johnson, which establishes his light to exercise tLe rights, privileges and 1 ranchiscs ol tlie oflice oi Lieutenant-Governor oi Arkansas. Since this decision was rendered, Clayton, it is rumored, is preparing a letter resigning the oflice ol United Slates Senator, to which he was recently elected. The rumor, however, is not credited, and flie latest intelli gence from Liil!e Rock is that Clayton is arming tho militia to sustain him in the position which he has lately taken. sy, ) i. > n. ) Tran unction* ol flic State Agricultural Noddy ol Cjcorgla lor 1801). Mr. Uinckle has placed on our table a large pamphlet ol G4 pages, bearing the above title. Its first leal presents a likeness of lien. C, Yan cey, late President ol the Society, which although recognizable, we must be permitted to Bay, is not equal to the original. The work, however, contains a variety ol matter of value and interest to tho agricultural community, ad dresses and essays on the subject of agriculture and kiudrtd subjects; reports ol committees; lists ol premiums awarded, Ac. Furnished at Agricultural uUlco, Atlanta, Ga., $1 per copy. It wilt, lie Been from the following papers that ex-Govcrnor Joseph E. Brown, President ol the Western & Atlantic Railroad Company has paid into the State Treasury the sum ol Iwouty-live thousand dollars reutal lor the month ol February, 1871. Western & Atlantic Railroad Company, I’iiksident’s Office, Atlanta, Ga., February 28,1871 J)r. H. L. Angier, (State Treasurer : Dear Sir—I herewith transmit to you by the Treasurer ol the Western & Atlantic Railroad Company, tweuty-live thousand dollars in cash, the reutul due the State lor the mouth ol Feb ruary. Please send me receipt. 1 aui vuy respectlully, Your obedient servant Joseph E Brown, President. No. 881. Comptroller General’s Office, ) Atlanta, Ga., Feb’y 28,1871. j Received ol Isaac P. Harris, Treasurer, , W. & A. R. It. Co., the sum ol twenty-live thou sand dollars, renlal ol the Western aud Atlan tic Railroad lor the mouth of February, 1871, as per certilicate No. 881, ol N. L. Angier, Treasurer. [shined.] Madison Bell. Comptroller General. $25,000. Details of the Late Railway Disaster Near Marseilles, France.—Details are given by the Marseilles journals ol the terrible rail way accident which look place on the 5th, be tween the town and Toulon. The train started lrom Marseilles at 7J o’clock in the morning.— U consisted ol twenty carriages—the number ol passengers we are not toid. At the end of tho passenger carriages was a post office van, and immediately bebmd this came tour wagons tilled with powder. The train had already travelled lor nearly two hours, aud was ap proaching its destination, when the explosion took place. At the time it was lortuately in the open country. There can be little doubt that, had the accident occurred close to a large lowu, the ialal results would not have been confined to the llain itself. As it was, tho shock was distinctly lelt at Toulon, though this place is some miles away lrom the scene oi tlie acci dent; roots were blown away Horn houses lor a considerable distance around; ’and the rails were torn up over a length ol 100 metres. An other terrible ellcct ol the accident was that the eyes ol mauy ol tho passougers were blown out ol their heads, while the bodies ol others were riddled with spliulcrs ot glass and wood. As we have already said, there were in the train twenty carriages; ol these eleven were com pletely, nine almost entirely, destroyed. About sixty-three people were killed on the spot; loose who have since died of their injuries raise the total number of tlie killed to between sev enty and eighty; the wounded are generally set down at about eighty. Tho precise spot at which the explosion took place is between Bau tin/. aud Ollioules, two towns in the Department ol Yar, the one lane, the other live miles lrom 1 onion. The cause ol the explosion is stili a matter ot conjecture. I When an intelligent Northern man ol busi ness visits the South for tne purpose of ascer- l taining, by personal contact and observation, | the principal causes that are at work to affect injuriously the peace and prosperity of that section of the Union, it is quite natural that the absence of political bias should give to the opinions he has thus formed greater weight and value than are conceded to those of acknowl edged partizuns. A New York merchant, who is described “ as one of the most distinguished ” in that city, bas just returned from an extended tour through the Southern States, and has furnished one of the journals—edited by a Republican—with the result of his observations. Ills account of the condition of affairs there coincides so entirely with the reports that, from time to time, have reached the Gazette lrom other sources, that they are eminently worth considering. Both financially and commercially, he found the Soutu greatly depressed. The cotton crop, though the largest that has been gathered since the v. ar, has not been profitable to the planters, except in a few instances and under unexcep tional circumstances. Tho factors who had taken liens upon the stock and crop, to cover their advances, have, to a considerable extent, succeeded in getting their money back; but the planter bas been left without sufficient resources to carry him unembarrassed through the next season, and the factors, though partially reim bursed, and generally secured against los9 in respect to their previous advances, are shy ol putting out more money, or of lurnishing more fertilizers on the basis ol their old engagements. The greater part ot tlie proceeds of last season’s crop having been absorbed by the factors, the country merchants, with whom the planters have also had dealings during the year, find it difficult to make collections, and, in many instances, will huve to wait the chances of the next crop. Money is consequently scarce, aud in demand, and will readily command oue and a-hali per cent, interest. Ot ail the cotton States, that of Georgia presents the most hope- lul prospects, whilst Savannah, her chief city— through the facilities offered by her great Cen tra) Railroad aud the liberality ot its manage ment—“lias become the second city ol the South.” Charleston has sunk into a kind of sullen stupor and torpidity. Mobile languishes wearily, aud the trade and commerce ol New Orleans, as compared with wnat it was beiore tlie war, has sensibly declined. No new building ol consequence are going up iu either ol the three latter cities. Alter making due allowance lor the general depression at this time, arising lrom the low price ol cotton, the conclu sion is reached that the main trouble ol the South is the extravagance ol the alien Radical authorities, and that the States where negroes predominate, and, therefore, hold, through cor rupt white Radicals, the chief control, are in a worse condition than any ot the sister Southern Slates. “ lu New Orleans, the rate of State aud local taxation for the year 1870 amounted to five and a half'per cent, upon a full valua tion of all the property, personal as well as real.” The leeliug at the South, among all classes of the native white population, is that they have been brutally dealt with by the Radicals at Washington, aud that the malignity ol the lat ter has not yet exhausted itselt. This feeling has crippled their energies, shaken their confi dence iu the future, and tends largely to keep up, and intensity, the social, political and indus trial disorganization that now prevails there.— The worst enemies of the South are the carpet baggers, and nothing—we are told—cau be more certain that prosperity there cannot be re stored uutil the carpet bag, governments, with their organized system ol robbery, arc put down, and an noncst system ol administration estab lished instead.—Baltimore Gazette. Prostects of Southern Staples and La bor.—For several years alter the war it was confidently prophesied that the cotton crop ol the South would never exceed 2,500,000 bales. It is now less than five years since the war and the crop approaches so near to lour millions of baleo as to justify many sagacious persons in wagering on that figure. The lowest estimate is 3,750,000 bales. This, too, upon a very loose and incomplete picking, with many fields aban doned for the want ot laborers to pick the opened bolls. The reflections suggested by this result are interesting and valuable. It is obvious that there is labor sufficient iu the South to raise as much cotton as the world demands or needs, and that the production is no longer limited by the lack ot labor. It is equally clear that that labor can be made available as long as the price of the product is remunerative. At what price it cau be made remunerative is to be determined by many laots and considerations. It the prices ol supplies and provisions do not decline in an equal ratio with,that ol cotton, the planters can not pay lor the labor the high rates paid the past aud previous seasons. Either, therefore, the production or the rates of labor must be re duced. It is better for all parties that the labor should be reduced, so as to produce permanency and regularity, and at the same time secure the means ot comfortable subsistence to the labor ers, than that by the abandonment ot this crop, these laborers should be driven lrom the plan tations and compelled to pursue a vagrant life. It was the high rate of cotton which so unset tled our labor during the last year by drawing the laborers from the sugar plantation to the cotton. Not one-half of the sugar crop could be realized, from the scarcity of labor. With a good cultivation in the spring and summer, the cane would have yielded a third more than it did. But cotton paid so much better that the old hands were attracted to the cotton fields. The rapid aud large decline in cotton had driv en them back to their old plantations, and lor sugar culture the prospects ol good cultivation this year, aud ol au abundance oi labor, are lar better than they were last season. Is it not belter that the laborer should remain on the plantation to which he is attached, where he lias his homestead, his family and friends, than be drawn away by a small advance in the price ol labor, to a new and strange place, and ex posed to the contingency ot a reduction in the rates ot his labor ? The great prosperity of the South, and the welfare oi the planters as well as the laborers, will, we think, be alike promoted tiy a fixed and regular, even if a lower rate ol prices than that ot the seasons previous to the present. Better small profits thau constant and sudden fluctuations.—Hew Orleans Times. From the True Georgian. A Card From Governor Joseph E, Brown. The Peace News in Wall Street.—The stock market has been always one ot the most sensitive barometers ot political events, and has i cot tried the changes from peace to war and war lo |>eace wilh unswerving fidelity. Our h.wi .Stock Exchange is comparatively new m experience oi this character, hut, lor its time. Las enjoyed a rather lively one. We cannot, ol course, point to the frequent fluctuations in the ’• Hinds,” which have entered so largely into the History of the Loudon Stock Exchange; lor, ustil our civil war gave us a great national d hi, aud its paper money started thousands of iai. way and other enterprises into life, the list at t ic stock board comprised only & lew old logy all airs, which, it they moved a quarter or halt per tout, produced iwuicuse excitement among the contemporaries ot Jacob Little. In fact, it is on record that when, a few years ago, a man in Wall street drew his check lor a hundred thou sand dollars, the wonderful piece ol paper was taken about lrom hank to bank aud among the brokers to bo snowu as an immeuse curiosity. Nowadays a check tor halt a million or a mil lion dollars is not even a rarity in Wall street dealings, such has been the enormous growth ol luiaiicnU business iu this city. When New \ oik Central was 200 a 218 in 1800, previous to Uie separation ot the scrip dividend, it was no uncommon thing lor a broker to buy a thousand lo two thousand shares aud give ms check lor $20o,000 to lour hundred tnousand dollars. Just uow Wall street is apparently in the throe* ol a great movement to Lowing the sign ing ol a treaty ot peace between F-rauix ~_d Germany. The stock market yesterday was buoyant, with heavy dealings iu all the apecu- 1 itivo shares which are more directly suscepti ble oi such influences as the oue referred to. l-sat summer the war in Europe was iollowed fiv a general decline, the tendency to which was atlerward helped by the drain ot specie to Europe. Now comes what appears to be the reverse movement, which promises to lift the slock market from its long dormant stagnation and provide brokers once more wilh business ana commissions.—N. Y. Herald. of the W. and A. It. R. Co., ) 171. f Offic February 21, 18’ Governor Bard:—I find the following article in your paper this day which you say is taken lrom the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, which I had not seen till I read your last issue: “ We have the highest authority lor saying that when the company was made up, it was understood that one share was to be lelt lor Bullock. Before the bid was put in, the share ot Bullock had been put down to a Northern man selected by Bullock to hold it for him. This tact was known to Brown and the leading mem bers of the company, and acquiesced iu by him and them. They know that one full share of the stock is owned by Bullock, though nomi nally put down to another. These tacts we ob tain irom a source altogether reliable, and they will soon be made known in such a way as to bring confusion and shame upon those engaged m tlie transaction. The p&rtv who holds Bul lock’s share is said to be a Northern man, who first gave Bullock employment, and sent him South as an employee of the Express Company, several years since.” Now, I pronounce the above statement of the Chronicle and Sentinel a fabrication and an un mitigated lalsehood, as a whole, aud in all parts in detail. And I deny that Governor Li. B. Bul lock has one dollar ot interest in the lease of the Slate Road, as a share holder or otherwise, iu any way, uirect or remote, vested or contin gent ; except the interest he has in common wilh every other citizen oi Georgia. As I do not believe, by republishing the state ment of the Chronicle and Sentinel, that yon wished to do injustice, i respectlully ask you to publish this card. Very respectlully, your obedient servant, Joseph E. Brown. A Syfttem of National Education. Of all the bills before the present Congress looking towards the centralization and consoli dation of the United States oi America into a union more closely resembling that ol United Germany—the ideal Government of General Grant—there is proiiabiy none so bold in its in vasion of the rights ol the States and none so subversive of the freedom of the citizen as that entitled “ An act to establish a system of nation al education ” In the course ol debate, a few days ago, Mr. Kerr, ot Indiana, showed so clearly its scope and intent that it will have to be laid aside, temporarily at least. Without any pretence of clear and express warrant in the Federal Constitution, and covering its naked deformity with the fig leaf of the preamble “ in order to form a more perfect unioa,” Mr. Kerr showed that any interpretatian wli : ch would give it validity would also warrant the passage of a law regulating marriage and divorce, the registration of wills, or the transfer of real es tate. But, passing from the question of consti tutional authority—a subject worthy only the jibes and sneers of the Radical mind—belaid bare the motives which lie behind it. 1. Thirty seven State superintendents, 243 general inspectors, 5.000 local inspectors, and an army ol 150,000 teachers, all under the con trol of and appointed by the bead ol the bureau so established, would furnish an opportunity for fraud and corruption, fur venality and nepotism, beside which the present icvenue system sinks into insignificance. 2. The aggregate annual expenditures would be $60,000,000. This vast Bum, very nearly the whole amount of the annual Federal expendi tures durmg the last Democratic administration, the bill proposes to share equally among the several States. This would burden the South ern and Western States most heavily, while the tax on the Eastern and Middle States would be comparatively light. By the last census the aggregate of values in Florida has been reduced forty-five per cent below that of I860; in Louisiana forty-six per cent.; in Missis sippi seventy-one per cent.; aud the bill imposes the same tax burdens on the people ol those States as the people ot Massachusetts aud Rhode Island would be called upon to bear, whose aggregate ol values has increased over ninety per cent, since 1860. And lurthcr to express the people of the Southern States, to protect the colored man against paying any part ol the tax, and to punish the white man ot the South, it provides that the homestead shall be exempted from taxation to the value ol $500. Is it possible for human ingenuity to devise a more grossly, unjust, unequal, oppressive, and cruel mode o! taxation 7 3. It would place iu the hands of the Execu tive (and this is the vital point of the measure) money and patronage more than sufficient lo have turned the scale, in any Presidential elec tion since the administration ol Washington, in favor of the incumbent ot the executive ollice, or ot the man by him chosen as his successor. The effect ol the bill, if passed, would be to insure General Grant’s re-election in 1872; and then; with a corruption fund of $60,000,000 yearly, aided by the bayonet election laws, to make him President for life in name—an empe ror in fact.—Hew York World. Elliott, the Celebrated Congressman. The Chronicle, ol Charlestown, Massachusetts, gives the following sketch ol Mr. Robert B. Elliott, member of the Forty-second Congress lor the Third District of South Carolina: “ Robert B. Elliott, three years ago was em ployed in this city as a type-setter. At that time he lived at the West End, in Boston, where he established quite a popularity among men of his own color daring the few months he was there, and was a prominent member of a then existing colored literary society. During his stay iu Boston he married a handsome and in telligent mulatto girl. Leaving Boston, he went to Charleston, South Carolina, where be became one ot the editors of a Republican pa per published by colored men. Mr. Elliott is about thirty years of age, aud appears to be a full-blooded African. He was born and educa ted in Liverpool,England, where he also learned the printer’s trade. He has traveled consider ably, and has served in the English navy. His education is complete, he possessing a good knowledge of classical literature, and speaking and writing the English, Latin, French, and Spanish languages. He has the reputation oi being the ablest colored orator in the South.” A Golden Eagle Captubd.—A week or two ago Dan. Roberts, son ot H. M. Roberts, Esq., who lives eight miles west ot Athens, captured a Golden Eagle. When first seen he was mak ing a meal off a large goose which he had just killed. Young Roberts shot at and broke his wing, and succeeded in capturing him without other injury. He is a noble-looking bird, hav ing plumage ol a deep and rich umber brown, glossed on the back and wings with purple reflections, with the feathers oi the head and neck of an orange-brown hue; and measures seven feet four inches from tip of wing to tip, and three from beak to tail. He is now in the possession oi W. G. Horton, Athens, where all who desire to see this noble specimen of the King ol Birds can call.—Athens Pott, lenn. Death of Charles W. Deming.—Charles W. Deming, a printer, originally lrom Augusta, died in Macon on Saturday last. A Couple of Strangers Castigated.— Yesterday a couple ol strangers followed a highly respectable lady on the streets to the res idence ol a iriend whom she was viBiting. En tering the residence they inquired the name ot the lady lrom a servant, and sent a message re questing to see her. She soon appeared, and was astonished to meet a couple ol entire strangers. They addressed several impertinent and insulting questions to the lady, ol which she atterwards intormed her husband, who re paired to their hotel with a cane provided lor the purpose, about supper time, and adminis tered quite a severe castigation to each ot them, breaking the arm ol one. The parlies punished tor this reprehensible social outrage claim to be gentlemen, and that the affair grew out ol a misapprehension ot their purpose iu thus fol lowing and unceremoniously interviewing the lady. It so, they will doubtless in future take the precaution to send in their cards when mak ing calls in strange places.—Augusta Constitu tionalist. CousrcMluuaf Documents. We are indebted to Hon. W. F. Price and Hon. P. M. B. Young for important Congress ional documents. Tire Blue Bidge .Railroad. The Senate oi Souta Carolina has passed to a second reading, by a large majority, a bill re pealing the act whieii gave the endorsement ol the State to $4,000,000 ol the Blue Ridge Rail road bonds. The Hawkinsville jail was broken open on Thursday night and two criminals liberated, one ot whom was Buck Dominead, who had been convicted oi murder and respited by the Gov ernor. SPEECH OF Hon. P. M. B. Young, OF OXOBQIA, iu Uie House ofBepresentatlve*, Febru ary licit, 1871. On the Contested Election Case of Tift vs. Whiteley, from the Second Coagi$3aioaal District of Georgia. The Rev. John Brown courted a lady up ward of six years, and was so singularly modest and bashful that he had never ventured to kiss her. One day it occurred to him that it would not be a bad thing to do. So, it is recorded, he said: “Jane, my woman, we’ve been ac quainted uow lor six > ears, an’—an’—I’ve never got a kiss yet. D’ye think I may take one, my bonnie lass 7” The ropiy was wimderlully char acteristic ol the Scottish maiden. “Just as ye like, John,” said sue “only be becomin' and proper wC ‘‘it." ‘Surely, Janet,” said John; “ we’ll ask a blessin.’ ” The bieasing was asked, and the kiss exchanged. " O woman,” said the enraptured but still devout minister, “ O woman, but n was gude. We’ii uo return thanks."— And they did.—Dayton Telescope. Daniel Webster’s Opinion of Ben. But ler.—For several years Butler was a blaring Democrat He was a delegate to all National Conventions, and made himself conspicuous by his servile devotion to the siaveholding interest. At the trial of Dr. Webeter, Butler attracted some notice, and gentlemen who had met turn in conversation and taken a strong aversion to him, asked Daniel Webster if he knew the man Butler, and what there was ot him. “I have seen him, sir,” was the reply. “ He is what we call a sharp practitioner. A pert, pushing law yer, superficially educated, with the impudence ot the devil, and a conscience to match."— “Such a man might be dangerous. Is he likely to attain a {>osiiioa m which he can do much miscbieif" “No sir—no danger ot that. lit is certain to be Rung netore he rescues a position of that iiiud.”—Albany Argus. Prof. Fay, of the Davenports, while stand ing in from ot the Lamar Hou«e, in Knoxville, recently, was approached by an apple-boy with a lull basket ot fruit. The Prolessor, alter pa tronizing him, cat open an apple and took a sil ver halt dollar out ot it, greatly to the boy’s astonishment. “ If this is the kind ol lrult you sell, I’ll take another,” said Fay, which he did, and lo! there was another hall dollar inside it. F&y, assuming great excitement, then asked the boy what he would take lor the whole basket ol apples, saying it would be a great specula tion. But the lad refused to sell even at five cents apiece, and on re-entering the hotel the Professor saw him seated by the wall culling open his unsold apples, in the vain search lor silver hall dollars. Mr, YOUNG. Mr. Speaker, I shall have to object, sir, to the swfiaring in ol this gentleman from Georgia; and it the gentleman lrom iVis- consin will yield to me for twenty or thirty minutes I will lay the reasons for my objection beiore the House. In the first place, sir. this case is not at all analogous to the case the House disposed of some time ago known as the Corker Beard case, and in wfuen Corker was sworn in. i’he election lor Congress occurred on the 20th, 21st and 22d December, and up to the 5th of February no certificate had been issued by the Governor for the Representative ot tbe Second Congressional District* The Code ol Georgia (1329) says: Within twenty days alter the election the Governor shall countjjjp the votes, aud immedi ately thereafter issue proclamation declaring tho person having the highest number of vole;:, and otherwise qualified, to be duly elected to represent this State in tbe House of Represents tives ol the United States, and for what period.” This the Governor has willfully neglected to do. And I do believe that he intended to issue uo certificate to either ol tho parties until the matter had been bronght to the notice of the House by a resolution adopted by the House on Thursday last, when the whole subject was re ferred to the Committee of Elections, with directions to report at its earliest convenience. It appears that this resolution has jerked out of tiie Governor a certificate, and a certificate issued ii* the face of the certified returns of the Secretary ot State, which conclusively show Mr. Tilt to be elected by over 500 majority, lie has endeavored by every subterfuge to evade bis duty iu giving the certificate uV Mr. Tilt.— He referred the case lor decision to ihe Chief Justice of Georgia aud two associate judges, not to determine who was entitled to the certifi cate, but in his own words: “ The object ot this suomission to you, gen tlemen, is to ascertain lor the satisfaction of Mr. Tift whether my opinion is well founded ; and if not, to learn irom your better judgment in what particular and lor what reason it is erroneous.” But only to satisfy Mr. Tift; not that Mr. Tift is to get the certificate, for they were not called upon to go that lar. They were only to say whether the Governor’s opinion was erron eous or not Ol cousc the judges declined ex pressing an opinion. He decides the ca3C, expresses his opinion, and adcs his own officers to say it it was right. He then tells Mr. Tilt he will refer the whole matter to his attorney gen eral, now in Washington, and the intimate iriend of Mr. Whiteley, Mr. Tilt’s opponent, these gentlemen, one the attorney general o! Georgia, the otner, Mr. Whiteley, the opponent ot Mr. TUi, both asking for seats in the United States Senate. During last week and all this time Mr. Tift has been demanding his certificate oi election. The Governor delays and puts him ofl from time to time, waiting probably to see whether Mr. Wliiteiey could succeed in getting his seat in the Senate. It the Senate had seated Mr. Whiteley I sup pose Mr.-Tift would have been permitted to take his seat in the House. But alas lor Tiltl The Senate last week decided against Mr. Far row, the attorney general ol Georgia, who is to decide which ot these gentlemen is to have the certificate. But Whiteley’s case is the same as Farrow’s in the Senate, and his late is to be the same as that oi the unfortunate P arrow. Mr. Farrow immediately writes out an opinion and telegraphs to Bullock to send on certificate lor Whiteley; and fwre he is asking to be cworn in to-day. I am aware, sir, that my friends on this sideot the House desire to establish a prece dent to the effect that the Governor’s certificate bears down all evidence, and that any gentle man may take his seat who who may a certifi cate properly signed, although the certificate may have been obtained by lradulent means and issued with lradulent intent, and although the House may be m possession oi evidence sufficient to prove Iraud from beginning to end. The majority ol this House may determine that the gentleman may be sworn. I care not tor that; I care not for the precedent. 1 only know that he ought not to be sworn, and that if every member of the House were posted upon this subject this certificate would be sent to the committee, with the other papers in the case, and the committee required to investigate. Now, sir, the committee are to meet on Friday on this very case. Would it not be proper to let the papers go, as the others have gone, to the committee, who can report if they desire on Saturday, and the report of the committee will lurnish the House with the facts which are necessary to show that the certificate now pre - sented by Mr. Whiteley is a iraud upon the House, a gross violation ol the elective fran chise 7 The precedents have established a rule for the admission ot members on the certificate of the Governor ol a State, as a prima facie right, where there has been no sufficient evidence in the possession ol the House at the time to pro duce a conviction that it has been improperly used. But the precedents have also established a rule equally certain and reasonable, thV a person claiming a seal on the certificate oi a Governor ot a State will not be admitted to a seat without investigation, when sufficient evi dence is in the possession ol the House at the ume to show that the certificate ol the Gover nor is erroneous. Such cases are exceptions to the general rule, and have been properly reler- red to the Committee ot Elections and decided, prima facie, upon the votes certified from tho returns ol the managers. In many cases the House has relused to seat the members holding certificates ol the Gover nor, aud either vacated the seats or sealed those claiming under the certified returns oi the man agers oi election. In the case of Messrs. Gohlson and Clair- borne, of Mississippi, Twenty-Fifth Congress, first session, volume two, Contested Elections, page 9,) the President having called an extra session ol Congress before the regular congres sional election in Mississippi, the Governor of that State issued a proclamation for a special election ol members for tbe called session only. The committee and the House held that the members elected, Messrs. Gohlson and Clair- boue, were entitled to seals during the entire Fweuty-Fiim Congress. Vote, (October 3, 1837,) 118 yeas to 161 nays. At the second session two contestants ap peared, Messrs. Prentiss aud Word, who were elected at the regular time in November and presented tbe usual credentials, the certificate of the Governor. They were not sealed ; but the wtiole subject was referred to the Committee of Elections. The House rescinded its resolution ot October 3, declaring Messrs. Gholson and Clairborne entitled to seats, passed a resolution that Messrs. Prentiss and Word were not enti tled to seats, and the Governor of Mississippi was n aitied that the Beats were vacant. Tbe celebrated New Jersey case, (first session TweDty—Sixth Congress, Contested Election Cases, volume two, page 19,) two delegations for five congressional districts ui New Jersey pre sented themselves. Messrs. Stratum and olhets ottered the usual evidence ot election, the cer tificate oi the Governor ol New Jersey. Messrs. Kiiie and others presented the certificate of tfie Secretary of State of New Jersey, that they had received a majority ot the votes cast in their respective districts. Neither delegation were then admitted to seats, Dot on the 13ih January, 1840, all tbe papers and other testimo ny were referred to the Committee ot Elections with instructions to report who should occupy the seats, and a copy of the resolution was served on all the parties. uu tne 28th Ftbiuary, the House instructed the committee— “ To report forthwith which five of the ten individuals claiming seats lrom the State of New Jersey received the greatest number of lawiul votes from the whole State lor represen tation in the Congress ot the United States, at the election of 1838, in said State, with all the evidence of that tact in their possession : Pro vided, That nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to prevent or delay the action ot said committee in taking testimony and deciding the said case upon the merits oi the election.” In deciding the prima fade right to seats un der this resolution the committee confined them selves strictly lo the returns of the managers ot election and excluded ali ex parte o&ifis and tes timony intended to attack the statement as in competent to be considered in the case. Tue committee then added to the vote which had been counted by the Governor of New Jersey the votes received at the townships of Millville and South Amboy, which had been omitted in tbe certificates of tbe clerk of the counties ol Middlesex and Cumberland, thus verifying the certificate of the Secretary of State a: d show ing that the persons certified by him “ received tbe greatest number of lawiul votes; ” and on the 10th of March, by a vote of 111 to SO, the House declared that Messrs. Kiiie and others, certified by the Secretary of State, were entitled to seats from New Jersey as members of the Twenty Sixth Congress, but that this de cision shall not affect the rights of the other claimants to continue the investigation or con- 1 test. Whereupon these gentlemen were seated. In the final report ol the committee, made July S, 1340, referring to the above report, they say: “ By the adoption of that report the House made substantially a correction of the returns and awarded tbe seats,” &c. With a proviso that the investigation and con test should go on the merits ot the election. A large mass of testimony had been received and considered; a summing-up of the legal votes cast gave to the sitting members a clear majority, and a resolution was adopted by the House declaring them entitled to occupy the seats as members el the House. This case aud the case nefw under considera tion of me second district of Georgia are par allel cases, with these exceptions: in the New Jersey case tlie Governor certified truly from the returns beiore him; the suppression ot the votes oi Millville and South Amboy was the act of the clerks of Middlesex and Cumberland coun ties. In the Georgia case the returns were truly made to the Secretary of the State, according to the constitution of Georgia. The suppression of the votes and tlie false count are made by Governor Buliock, oi Georgia. The language of the committee (on page 31) applied to these clerks is especially applicable to Governor Bullock; that in suppressing the votes he has been “ guilty ol a gross violation of the election franchise, calculated virtually to deprive the people of their dearest rights, and to keep from this House a knowledge of those facts by which alone it can judge oi the elec tion ot its members.” And this conduct, “ whether proceeding from ignorauce or design, must meet tlie unqualified disapprobation of tho honest and intelligent of every party.” Iu the case ot Brockenbrough vs. Cabell, oi Florida, Twenty Ninth Congress, first session, Contested Elections, volume two, page 79,) a certificate ot election had been issued to Cabell at the expiration of thirty days. Contestant Brockenbrough presented the certified copv of the Secretary of State oi a tabular statement of the voles received within thirty days, and cer tified copies of returns from tour other counties, received alter thirty days which were admitted as evidence, (page 80;) and on this evidence alone, which showed a majority, according to the returns, tor Brockenbrough, Cabell was de clared “ not entitled to his seat,” and Brocken- brougb was seated. Iu the case of the second district of Georgia tho returns are all certified under the hand and seal of the Beer tary of State, showing a ma jority of 500 votes lor Tift after giving to White- ley the benefit of all doubtful votes. In the case oi Settelt vs. Robbins, of Penn sylvania, (Contested Elections, second volume, )age 138, Thirty-First Congress,) the committee aid down and acted upon the axiom that “ the legal presumption is al ways against the existence ot fraud. Nothing but the most unequivocal evidence can destroy the credit of official re turns.” In the case of Sheafe vs. Tillman, (Forty-First Congress, third session, report No. 3,) when the Governor of Tennessee had thrown out some counties and reiused to count them the commit tee denounced this action of the Governor as entirely unauthorized by law aud a violation ot his duty. The committee say: “There is no law oi the State of Ten- nesau that gives authority to the Governor to reject the vote of any county or part of a county ; his duty is only to compare the returns received by him with those returned to the office of the Sec retary of State, and upon such comparison being made to ‘ deliver to the candidate receiving the highest number of votes in his district the cer tificate of his election as Representative to Con- f ress. (Code of Tennessee, sec. 935, page 239) f illegal votes have been cast, if irregularities have existed in the elections in any of the coun ties or precincts, if intimidation or violence has been used to deter legal or peaceable citizens from exercising their rights as voters, to this House must the party deeming himself ag grieved look for redress. This great power of determining the question of the right of a per son to a seat in Congress is not vested in the Executive of any State, but belongs solely to the House of Representatives. (Constitution United States, art. 1 sec. 5) “ The action of the Governor, so far as he has thrown out the votes of counties or parts of counties, is to be disregarded, and the matters in dispute are to be settled upon the actual re turns and the evidence introduced, independent ot tho doings of the Executive." The law of Georgia is similar to the law ot Tennessee, except that the returns are by the constitution made to the Secretary ol State, and the votes are counted and certified according to th*ecotieby the Governor (Code, 1329) within twenty days atter tlie election, In the case of Phelps and Cavanaugh, of Minnesota, Thirty-fifth Congress, first session, (Contested Elections, volume two, page 248, they presented the cirtificates of the Governor, with the broad seal ot Minnesota. Objection was made to the right ot the claimants to their seats on the ground that their election was prior to the admission of the State into the Union. They were not then sworn in, but the subject was re- ierred to the Committee of Elections, who re ported in their favor,and they were then sworn in. Daily vs. Easterbrook, of Nebraska Territory, (Contested Elections, volume two, page 299,) Thirty-Sixth Congress: « “ A certified copy of the official abstract of the votes filed by the Governor in the office of the Secretary of the Territory is competent proof of the result of the election.” Clements of Tennessee, Thirtv-Seventh Con- cress, second session, (Contested Elections, page 366:) “ The refusal of a Governor to grant a certifi cate does not prejudice the right of the claimant to a seat.”—Report by Mr. Dawes. Also Richard’s case, Hall and Clark, 95) Con tested Elections.) Case 54, John Biddle and Gabriel Richard vs Austin E. Wing, Delegate lor Michigan Terri tory, Nineteenth Congress, first session, (Con tested elections, volume one, page 503:) “ The officers of the different election districts must certify the result to the canvassers and they must certify to the Governor. They are ali ministerial officers, aud error committed by any of them, either through mistake or design, i3 to be corrected by tbe House.” Now’, Mr. Speaker, I think I have conclu sively shown that there are many precedents on the records of the proceedings of this House which go to prove that in many instances per sona have appeared before the bar ol the House with regular certified certificates and yet been refused admission to seats because there was in the possession oi the House testimony showing fraud or wrong in some particular in the issu ing of the certificates. I believe and hope the time has passed when the majority of this House could be influenced by passion, prejudice or party feeling upon a question like this. Be lieving, sir, that this House means to do justice, I feel confident in my own mind that Mr. Tilt will be accorded the seat to which the people of his district have elected him by so decided a majority. All the testimony we desire to take is already in possession of the House and in the hands of the committee, and when the facts appear I feei that the verdict of the House will be a just one. I now leave the matter with the House. “The Memphis pulpit,” says the Appeal, “ boasts of some ot the most learned men in the country. Dr. Wheat, the courtly and elegant gentleman, ot whose ability we have on other occasions spoken, is an ex-professor of the Uni versity ol North Carolina, and Mr. Walk lor many years was a belles iettres professor in a Western university. Hence the simple elegance aud purity of his diction. He began lile very poor, and, like Andrew Johnson, read books while seated on a tailor’3 table. He has declined the protierea professorship of a flourishing col lege because he deemed it his duty to ‘go about doing good.’ The productions of his pen have oiten adorned the pages of quarterlies. Dr. Ford bas won great fame as a Uterateur, and one of the most tasteful belies iettres scholars ol the country is the rector of Grace Church. There is a Catholic priest of the city distin guished for his critical classical taste and learn ing. Of others we may speak hereafter,” An Outrage upon a Citizen of Geor&la. The Air-Liue Eagle gives an account which we publish below, oi a high-hauded outrage committed upon the person of a citizen ol Geor gia, which demands the immediate attention ol the civil authorities of the State. A petty offi cial, clothed with a little brief authority and guarded i>y Federal bayonets, has without any provoenthn, seized the p- rs m of a citizen and subj ected him lo the ignominy of the hand cuff. It is time this abuse of tiie bayonet and hand-cufl should come to an end. and the Gov ernor ot tiie State should inter; ose his authori ty, as far as it can fx> exercised, to protect the citizen against these instruments ot terture and oppression, which have been put in the hands of mon who seek to show their importance by acts of tyranny. They should be taught that it ihe\ are United Stales officials, they are not abov the law. Ii the statement of facts in relation to this transaction be true, as much as we love order aud peace, we do not hesitate to say that this official, whoever he may be, ii he had been shot down in his tracks, would have received only his merited punishment: It is our duty to record one of the most glaring and flagrant outrages upon the rights and liber ties ot the citizen that has occurred within our knowledge. On Monday last as the reveuue officer, who was in charge oi a squad ot sol diers and a train of wagons, approached the bridge across the Chestalee river, belonging to W. R. Bolding, Esq, ha ordered the bridge- keeper to open the gate and let him and his train pass. Beiore doing so the keeper demanded the toll, which the officer refused to pay. About this lime Mr. Bolding himself came up, when the same order was given to him, which lie also refused to obey until the toll was paid. At this the officer ordered au axe to be brought, when, Mr. Bolding feeling that he was powerless, to enforce his rights, and tearing his property would be damaged, directed his bridge-keeper to deliver the key. This the officer would not allow to be used, but had the gate broken, and passed through-his whole manner being most insolent, arbitrary and insulting. Bat this is not ali, it it were, outrage as it was, it might be borne. As soon as the bridge wras passed, this petty tyrant swelled and bloat ed with a little brief authority -intoxicated with powers as well as with blockade whisky— ordered Mr. Bolding under arrest—had him handcuffed—then, in this condition, without permitting him even to speak to his wife or children, he was dragged as a ielon from his homo and family, to be carried, as it is sup posed, to Atlanta. And all this lor no crime— uo violation of law—no wrong. Mr. Bold ing is one of the first citizens ol our county— a peaceable, law abiding, high toned, Chris tian gentleman. Such flagrant violations oi every principle of law and of right should not and cannot be tolerated without an effort at least to correct them. The conduct oi this distorted monster, in this case, savors more of the bandit than of an officer charged with the execution of law. We, therelorc, in the name of law, order, justice, right, and of everything that is sacred, appeal to the constituted authorities of the coun try to see to it that adequate and speedy punish ment be inflicted for this gross, wanton, flagrant outrage and crime. Murder of Hon. George W. Fish, of OGLETnoRrE.—We received the following yesterday afternoon by mail, and the statements therein made are fully substantiated by parties who came in ou the Southwestern road at 4:50 P. M. Colonel Fish was lately appointed Judge of the Thirteenth Senatorial District, by Governor Bullock, and was a very popular gen tleman with those who knew him in Macon.— We are assured by several gentlemen that his assassination could certainly not have been caused from anything of a political nature: Montezuma, February 28,1871. Editors Telegraph and Messenger: Our com munity is now under great excitement, caused by the wicked assassination of Colonel George W. Fish, ot Oglethorpe. He, (Colonel Fish,) came down on the night train irom Macon last night, and while passing the Court-house he was shot down by the iurkiug assassin, who had placed himself in the Court-house door, and made ready for his victim, aud shot a load of buckshot immediately below the left ear, which produced death in a iew minutes. Suspicion rests strongly on one party I undcistand, but it is thought advisable not to mention the name yet, as our citizens are usiDg every eflort to capture and bring to justice tbe assassin. Our citizens greatly deplore this wicked deed, as they know, from previous experience, it will be tortured into a Ku-Klux outrage on an inoflend- ing Radical, to make capital for the waning Radical cause. But, from what little we have heard of the matter, it possesses no political significance whatever, all being of the same household ot faith.—Tel and Mess. M. C. Tbe Bayonet liiocilun Rill, The election bill, which passed ilie Senate on last Saturday, has gone to the President for his approval, which it will of course receive. It is a party measure concocted, no doubt, in caucus, and is a part ot the desperate game of the Radi cals to retain power. The Democrats in the Senate resisted its passage with all their power, and in the debate had the advantage of the friends of the measure. But reason and argu ment were ot no avail. The measure passed by a strict party vote. The speeches of Gasserly, Bayard and Blair, are specially noticed for their point and briiliaucy. The latter’s denunciation ol the carpet-baggers who had loisted them selves into office in the South by the bayonet, was in his best style oi invective. Nor did the President escape his share of the responsibility. Gen. Blair charged him with using tne bayonet in the South to secure his election, and ex pressed the opinion that iu order to secure his re-election he* would resort to the use of the bayonet in the North. In the debate it was said that this measure would ruiu the Radical party or be the knell of liberty in this country. Serious Case of Sbootius in Hall County. The Air Line Eagle, Gainesville, gives an account ol the shooting oi one James Myers, by a Mr. Smallwood and a Mr. Loggins. It seems that Myers h id been recognized to appear and answer a bill ot indictment tor some oliense, and had given Wilkinson, Smallwood and L. M. Osborn, with others, as sureties, on his bond. Smallwood and Osborn became appre hensive that Myers was about to flee the coun try aud thereby lorfeit his bond, and decided to arrest and surrender him to tne Sheriff. To effect tms, they procured the services ot young Smallwood and Loggins, and detailed them to guard a crossing on the Chattahoochee river to prevent Myers’ escape. Myers, as was expected, appeared at the river and prepared to cross, and reiusiag to halt when ordered was fired upon and severely, if not mortally wounded. Tbe Southern Pacliic Railroad. The Southern Pacific Railroad has gone to a committee of conference which probably seals us late during the present session ot Congress. The point ol difference between the two houses is tnis: The measure as it passed the Senate provided for several branch roads in addition to the main trunk. By the action of the House these branch roads were cut off, and left only the main trunk, having San Diego, California, and Marshall, Texas, lor its termini. It is feared that this difference will prove irreconciliable, and that it muv cause the loss ot the bill. Ku-Klux lu Kentucky, Ou Saturday morning last, betore day break, a party ot disguised horsemen rode into Frank fort, the capital ol Kentucky, arrested the po licemen who were on duty, then repaired to the jail, and by stratagem gained admission. They then seized the jailor, got possession ot the jail keys, and rescued a prisoner who was confined under the charge ot murdering a negro. The whole affair was managed so quietly as to arouse no one, and not a dozen persons in the city knew ui the occurrence till breakiast time. What will Grant aud Morton do with it ? Sumner on Grant. Letter writers from Washington state that Sumner is preparing a philippic against the President, more fierce and bitter than his San Domingo speech. He will charge Grant with despotism and with having accepted presents. No body doubts the truth of either of these charges—and to them nepotism might have been added. We like this—“ Lay on McDufl,” Ac. The New York Ledger advises Gen. Grant to dismiss Secretary Bout well. If Bonner will send Dexter to the stables of the White house, aud write his advice on the buck ot the deed of gift, Boutwell will go out in less than twenty- lour hours. FOR TITS ISTnilQIHCXK. The Western A Atlantic Railroad. Lease Again—’Thoughts for the People. Mr. Editor .-—The question oi the lease of this road has been one of ponderous dimensions— one in which the public has been greallv aroused, and diversified opinions entertained in relation to those who have control of it at the present time. The columns of various journals m the State have been mado the medium through which unjustifiable attacks have been circulated against the company, which were but the offspring of enmity, and the iruiis of minds blinded by prejudice. Had not my attention been drawn to this subject, by the appearance ot a card irom the President of the road, Joseph E. Brown, to the “ True Geor gian,” 1 should not again have alluded to the subject, as I am satisfied that every charge that ever was made is without foundation, ami put into circulation for the purpose ot promoting private interest or political aggrandizement, it the President of the road is made ol such mate rial as to be guilty of palming upon the people of Georgia a deception so glaring as has been charged by the “ Chronicle and Sentinel,” and the facts can be substantiated, then it is due the people that the guilty parties should be exposed; but ou the other hand, should the authors of such charges fail in their efforts to establish their positions, it is right, and the imperative duty oi every Christian gentleman, to put the seal of condemnation upon this wholesale being and utter disregard for the private char acter and public* mftulttypn^ Ql every citizen from the highest to the lowest Walks of lit6? ’ The public and private character of Governor Brown has long been known to tho people of Georgia. His fidelity to their interests in those days when misfortunes were heaviest upon them, will secure confidence in whatever he may utter now. Ilis late card presents tho impress of truth, and must forever put to silenco his bitterest enemies. Aside from this, are many more alarming evils which must be corrected by the proper cultivation of moral obligations, and a check put upon the unrestrained and’ misguided delects in the management of the journals of the country, who listen to the demauds of the outside populace, and jump at conclusions and transiorm them at ouce into startling tacts. As the natural result of which, thousands are tbrown into commotion, the innocent is made to suffer while the tongue of the slanderer is put into successful operation and each bleeding victim becomes the mere ekeleton of what once constituted the dignified form of a Christian gentleman. We are indeed, living at an ago, in the his tory of the world, which presentato the mind ol every reflecting man, facts which ought to ar rest his most profound attention, and aflord much ior his contemplation. The rapid depre ciation in the morals of the people, and the alarming disregard tor the fulfillment of obliga tions due from one to tbe other, lias become pro verbial. This fact of itself, is fraught witli tbe most serious consequences to the well-being of society, and must tend to the uprooting ot all those social qualities which constitutes the hap piness ol all of our relationships as a people, with each other. And it will be a moral impos sibility to protect the reputation and moral status ot any man, so long as men continue to lose sight of these great cardinal principles, which should characterize the Christian and tho gentleman, and assume tbe right to deal out a stream of vituperation and foul slanders against their neighbor. 1 am not particularizing, but defending a principle in which all are alike in volved ; and if not checked by moral restraints emanating lrom those who hold in the estima tion of the people higher positions, tbe entire iabric oi all of our religious iustitutions must sink beneath the surging waves which aro threatening us upon every side. The value and position ol every community, in point of morals, may be correctly ascertamed just in proportion as it appreciates and hold as sacred, aud defend tbe reputation ot those who are among them. This is an inevitable conclu sion ; and wherever the contrary is known to exist, morals, virtue and religion, will t*; soimd universally at low ebb, while vice and immo rality, in every instance, will hold the balance ol power. As an inevitable result of this state of society, private character becomes a matter ot secondary consideration in the minds ot those whose least of soul consists in their depreciating and defaming the character ct their neighbors, these chaiacters are more familiarly recognized as slanderers. No man ever attains to it posi tion so high, but an effort may be made by tlicso reptiles in human lorm to reach him—the min ister in the sacred desk, and virtue, as unsullied as an angel, are not exempt lrom the blighting touch ot these scorpions ol moral death. Has society no remedy by which Lo defend itself against such encroachments upon tbe sanctity of her altars f Let the virtuous and good unite in solid phalanx, and throw around tnein a moral wall as Arm as an adamantine rock, so that tlie vile slanderer can never enter into its sacred precincts—never listen to his idle whisperings, or enhale the pe3tilerous iumes which are emitted lrom his poisonous breath ; but, drive him irom your presence as unworthy of your confidence. If a man’s reputation is to become valuable, and virtue approved only in proportion as they are recognized and anprovrd by such characters, the doom of all good men is gone beyond redemption. I may not have felt the blignting and withering touch of slander, yet there is a principle involved, which will, if not checked, in its onward progress, undermine and destroy the purest men ol our country. As the last alternative for the correction of slander, the guilty party should be made to leel the force of law, by the payment ot heavy dam ages, as was done in a case in Tennessee, where a jury fined an individual $27,000 for slander. To the honor of a Tennessee jury, be it said that they appreciate the reputation and charac ter of its citizens. Never was there a more beaulilul sentiment uttered, than a “good mime is rather to be chosen than much riches.” Rob a man of his reputation and character, and you transform hi ui st once into a monster, but little removed irom the untutored savage. And whenever a com munity depreciates in moral honesty, so lar as to lose sight oi this startling truth, disaffection and distrust at once assumes their sway, and the tongue ol the slanderer is permitted to sport with virtue, and swallow up in the vortex ot infamy the purest hopes of entire communities. *** Scene in Court.—It is natural for man to indulge an appetite that affords him pleasure. So frequently in many cases has this been done, that what at first was innocent by constant in dulgence becomes vice. It hu3 been so with Patrick O’Reardon, and lie now puts in an up pearance before the Recorder on the charge of habitual drunkenness: “ Will you persist in drinking, Pal ?” said ihe magistrate. “ Faith, you may well say that; I’d get thirsty if I didn’t.” “ Then you don’t drink when you are thirsty, but only in fear that you may become so.” “ Yes, sar.” “ And you think whisky is better than water.” » “ It’s stronger, sir." “ But do you think it’s as good 7” " Oh yes, sar; because you can mix them, and the whisky kills the impurities in the water." “But what kills the impurities in the wiiis ky?" asked the court. “Nothin’ at all—it does all the killin'itself." he replied triumphantly, aud looked very much as if he had established a proposition that ad mitted of no denial. A Homer (La.) exchange tells the following; “ We were called on late one night by a gentle man—we knew he was a gentleman lrom what he said—who wanted some advice. * What could be done,’ said he, ‘with a man, who to get a license, should swear that the girl was more than twenty-one years old ?’ Our reply was that it would depend somewhat upon tiie fact whether she was twenty-one. ‘Well, sup pose she is not’’ Nothing could be done in such a case, we replied, with the party swearing, but to send him to the penitentiary. * If that is so,’ Baid our interrogator, * I reckon I’d better keep on to Arkansas.’ ’’ The editor of Ihe True Georgian is entitled to our thanks, outside of the courtesy of an ex change, lor the personal kindness of sending Jo us copies of tbe last number of his interesting weekly journal, which we duly appreciate. The literary merits of this paper and the variety oi its general reading matter, commend it to the patronage of the public. General Beauregard, now in Louisiana, is said to be very much annoyed at the persistent attempts of the newspapers to locate him in va rious parts of Earope. He thinks they might let him live in peace at home, instead of com pelling him to take part in French war,