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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST, JAMES GARDNER, JR. TERMS. Daily, per annum, 09 j Tri-vv eekiy, per annum, ■ If paid in advance, I Weekly, per annum, ~ 10 If paid in advance, ~ j J3r Ail new subscript juris noist be paid in advance. tfcjr-i > Ksiaye nia.st be paid on all Comuiuiucatk.ris , and Letters of business. MR. tOLQI I IT’S SPHliC'll. SENATE.—FEB. 17, 1847. THE THREE MILLION BILL. Mr. Colquitt then arose, and addressed the Senate. At his request, he said, the hnn ra b!e senator from Mississippi [Mr. Chalmers] ! obtained the floor on y’esterday, in order to as- I ford him Ihe opportunity of expressing in's ; views upon some of the questions which had 1 een discussed bv the Senate. Some weeks of almost unremitting bodily affliction had de prived him of the pleasure of listening to the debates, and of casting his vote upon the mea sures which had engaged the Senate's delib erations. He had, however, endeavored, he *aid, to keep himself informed of their pro gress by reading daily the reports of their proceedings. The range which the debate upon the ques tion then under consideration had taken, would enable him to represent Ids views, so that none might misunderstand his position. The honorable senator from North Carolina, [Mr. Badger,] in his able and ingenious I speech of yesterday, made a grave and seri ous charge against the President of the Uni ted Stales. The senator declared, that the Conviction had been forced upon Ids mind— ym, forced —that the President of the United States sought to prevent the discussion of Executive measures by Congress, by State legislatures, and by the people at lar^e.— This’s a grave charge, and intended to go he- j fore the people of this country as an estab lished fact, I hat (lie present Chief Magistrate ] affected to usurp dictatorial powers, am’, hy j preventing discussion, conceal his wicked ness from the public. (Such a charge, made i by a senator so distinguished as a jurist, ac companied hy tiie repeated declaration, that to his mind Lite proof which established it was conclusive, was well calculated to alarm the fears of all who loved their country. — This proof which was so conclusive to the fnind of the senator, and which, in despite of Ids desire to believe otherwise, forced the la men’able cogviction upon him, was produced; und his best friends must doubt Ids sincerity or pity his credulity. What was the proof? A small note-book, in which was pasted a few extracts from a newspaper friendly to the President. The extracts themselves, if it wete established that they had been written by the President, wholly fail to prove the grave charge so reluctantly forced upon the . mind of the senator. They are tolerably bold articles, expressing t lie opinions of the writer upon the importance of (articular measures, censuring the tardy action of Congress, and condemning the conduct of ihe legislature of North Carolina for a public act of tiiat body, fcffr, suppose these articles had been written by the President; do they prove that he de- , Fired to stifle debate, either in Congress, in i the State legislatures, or among (lie people ? j It might prove that he desired that important measures should be passed through Congress with reasonable despatch, without being clog ged hy the vvranglings of party and the seif i (mess of individual members. It might prove that he did not approve the resolution passed by the legislature of North Carolina, and wished to denounce it; but surely, such proof could not Jorce avy prejudiced mind to conceive that the writer of the articles, (which the senator carefully preserves in his note book,) ever dreamed of preventing the legis lature of North Carolina, from discussing Executive measures, or interfere in their dis cussion by tfie people at large. This, upon the supposition that the President penned the articles himself ! But what must any well informed, unprejudiced man, say to tiie proof, upon which the senator so confidently relies, when he learns that there is no evidence whatever, that the President ever saw the ar ticles (so carefully preserved) either before or after tLev were written? Yet the able se nator from North Carolina makes this grave charge against the President, and, with al most tearful eyes, declares, that, with great reluctance, he has been forced to the conclu sion of its truth. But, forsooth, “the editor of the Union is the friend of tiie President— is the organ of the administration—and came to this c tv shortly after the inauguration of the President!” “Surely, no min can doubt, therefore, that the President wrote the arti cles, or had them written, in order to lash Congress info obedience, gag the legislature of North Carolina, and shut the mouths of the people at large.” This may be beautiful rea=oning, and logic bo forcible as to Joyce conriclion upon the reluctant mind of the senator from North Carolina; but I am satisfied that there are, in this republic, avast number of very honest men who are too sillv to believe that the evi dence produced establishes the very gra e charge which lie makes even against tiie v fiier of these articles, and a vast number that will fail to understand why the Presi dent shall he held responsible for every ar ticle written by the editor of a friendly press, without proof that ids eyes ever rested upon it either before or after it was written. The senator from North Carolina his followed the fxampie set him by the senator from Florida, (Mr. Wescotl.] by holding tiie President res- 1 |io«sib!e for Uie articles which daily appear in the Union—indeed, by making the admin- { isiratiouand the editor of the Union identi- j cal. The senator from Florida,a professed democrat, charges the administration with { having mode a premeditated attack upon Ihe distingjulshed senator from South Carolina [Mr. Cat noun J and his friends; and tiie con viction, I suppose, has been forced upon his unwilling and reluctant mind , by tiie offen- j ■ive article of which the editor of the Union I wag expelled from the privilege of being a listener to the debates of tiie Senate, If the senator from North Carolina, (Mr. Badger,] »n 4 the senator from Florida, [Mr. Wescott,] do tincerly believe that these aritcles to which they object, and which they deem of fensive and reprehensible, were the act of the President, then„ I must say Ijj&t the resolu tion passed on Saturday would have exhibi ted more -magninimuy to been moved! against the President himself, rather than against his humble and passive instrument. To my mind, appart from the position in which the resolutions passed on. Saturday are placed by she senators to whom I have alluded, the whole procedure was impolitic, petulant, and ridiculous; and I take the li berty of saying now, that 1 had sought to be present, in order to record my vote against , their passage. While I listened to some of the high-toned remarks made by senators extailing thedigmly. inielligence. and puri'y of this very honorable body, of which 1 am a member; and the expressed indignation o' I he Wickedness of llio.-e who would dare breath a thought, that we writ* not each, and all pcrh'c' specimen* < f humanity, I could hut feel proud of the t-x-xlied fact; while 1 wonder ed uy uhat singular j rucess, men were made so spotless and etherial after their election to the Senate, whose previous lives and char acters had been so frequently marked with manifest imperfections. W ilhout determin ing the problem, I concluded that, as we were the very proper judges ofour own worth | and characters, and the very proper and summary executioners of all unreasonable de linquents who should feel deposed to ques tion our perfectibility, we might have com promised with '■•Father Rilcht ” bypassing unanimously a resolution, for which every senator of course, from due self-respect would vo‘e, that we are the most dignified, inteliil genl,aud patriotic set of men the world ever beheld; that no motion, speech, or vote has nr ever will be made or given here, tainted in any wise by party feelings, self-interest, or ambition. If we had done**this, and could have prevailed upon tiie “veteran editor” to have given his endorsement, we might, with out any disparagement whatever, have still permitted the old gentleman in a quiet and polite way to have had an occasional seal somewhere in our rear. It is true, sir, that tills assumption of su periority, by exposing our vanity, might have subjected us in the eyes of the uninitiated to ridicule, but we should have been free from disgrace, I wiil have done with this topic, which has been made necessary to notice, by the attempt to identify tiie editor of the Union as the President, or the President as tiie editor. This identity was oarticuiarly necessary lo the honorable senator from North Carolina, in order lo have a pretext for his grave charge against, tiie President No communication has been made by the President to Congress, to Stale legislatures, or the people, but. lias been courteous, differ ential, respectful, ami able. Why, then, this charge, so wholly groundless? I will leave the honest throughout the laud lo Je | cide. The senator from North Carolina will par : don me when I say that his speech fell upon ! my ears as though it was intended alone for his noble Stale. He must have fell tiie ne cessity of making a scape-goat, to screen the legislature of the State from the indigna tion of a patriotic constituency. By the aid i of the mighty influence of party spirit, he | has sought to make the President that medi- I tun of escape from public odium; and com ments, with becoming wisdom and sagacity, j upon an extract culled from an article in the j Union. The senator does not seem willing to subscribe to the party name, given by the I Union, to the governor, and his majority in i that respectable legislative assembly. The j i Union says the “federa l governor” and “fed- ; j eral legislature,” and the honorable senator | says that the present governor was but a j | school-boy in the day* of federalism, and, j consequently he is no federalist. There is, in my estimation, a va*t difference between i a party and a faction. The first is an assn- ' ciation of men—no matter by what name j I called —combined to carry out a given set of j I princip'es. A faction attaches itself to men ■ i without regard to principle. The names of 1 I parties may change, from caprice or from j choice, and yet the principles must always determine their identity. The first division of parties, under our constitution, arose mainly from different opinions entertained as : to tiie capacity of the people for self-govern ment, and the constructive powers of tlie ; constitution. The one party was called fed eral, which was then the most popular name, I at the head of which was Alexander llamil i ton; the other was called republican, at the : head of which was Thomas Jefferson. The federal party, composed of talented and pa- ; triotic men, were very honestly of the opin- ' inn that a literal or a strict construction of the constitution would leave the federal gov ernment too weak ami ricketty to an-wer a permanent and valuable purpose. They con tended for a liberal and latitudmoiis construe- | lion of that instrument, that the wisdom and i power of the federal government might be the belter exercised fur ihe general welfare. The republican party deemed the constitu tion worse than useless, if the rights of the States and the people \vere placed; by con struction, under tiie control of tiie central i J government. These different opinions were | given form and shape by 'lie mea.-ures which I were proposed or adopted hy the federal gov ernment. The leading measures which call j ed forth the strength of these parties were a bank of the United States and internal improvement by the genera! government.— Mr. Jefferson and his party came into power in 1800. The federal.party remained in the minority’, notwithstanding the great respect ability of their numbers, the strength of their talents, and the purify of their charac ters, until, by one false slop, thev rendered their party name infamous, and all effort for ascendency under it hopeless and ridiculous. They lost sight of the prospect of a party triumph by discussing those principles bv which they were legitimately divided; and hence, in their anxiety to seize upon appli ances that might bring them into power, they eagerly opposed every prominent mea sure which emanated from the republican party then in power. War was declared— the war ot 1812 whh Great Britain. The federal party, not because it properly involv ed any (tarty principle, but because it was opposition, and for other causes not necessa ry now to mention, abused the Chief Magis trate, clogged the wheels of government, cm- I barrassed the operations of their own coun- I trv, and expressed sympathy for the power ■ with which we were at war. This false step { completed their downfall. The question, however, recurs, Do the same principles stiff live ? Is there a party now in the United Stales who advocate the same doc trines, the same liberal construction of the j constitution, and the same measures ? The i federal party was for a national or United ! States bank, for internal improvements by | the general government, and more recently for a protective tariff. Does the governor of North Carolina and a majority of the legisla ture of that State, advocate these measures? —ls so, they have the characterisf ic marks of federalism, and should not complain to be dubbed by their true name. The same parly, from ignorance of the feelings of the people, it is true, has worn threadbare and cast away several choice names since they threw aside .tiie name es federalism. The party still lives, and obtained a short-lived ’popularity, by dig ging up a new name for themselves from the tomb of the rpvoiuiiotf—the name of whig. A name endeared, by the memory of the daring deeds of those who bore it, to the American heart. But this assumed name, for party purposes, does not change a single feature of the old federal party. Its identity is as certain, its character as distinct as ever; and it is mortifying that tfie hallowed name of whig is now to be rendered odious by res orting to the same impair otic course of art ion, which made the name of federalist a name «>f loathing and reproach. T/ie lederal party ; then, being in the minority, hoped to rise into ! . povjjpr by assailing the administration, abus ing ihe uo.r, exaggerating its cos?, and by embarrassing the operations of the govern ment, i'he same parly, under tlie name of whig,advocating the same political doctrines, j being in the minority now, have adopted tiie , same unwise policy in conducting’ the war * with .Mexico; and if the people are still true ! to themselves,the same result will inevitably j follow. The legislature of North Carolina j desired to manifest generous feeling towards ; those patriotic citizens of tlie State, who responded to the call of their country by tak- j ingarms in her defence. Rut such was the j strength of their party zeal, such their desire j to brake down the administration, that they I accompanied this show of sympathy with the I poisonous breath that blighted at once the j joys and hops of the soldier. At the sound i of the trumpet and beat of the drum the chiv alrous and patriotic sons of tiie proud State of North Carolina, would have rallied in un wanted numbers to tiie standard of the coun try. But the legislature of their Slate, echoing hack the party-cry from Washington, damped the ardor of their citizens, and smoth ered their feelings of patriotism. In the most effectual, insidious, and destructive manner; they administered Lite poison, which produced a death-chill upon the spirit of her people. Under the guise of friendship for the volun teer, they vote money for their comfort, and preface their favor, by telling them in the solemn form of legislative enactment, that the war in which they are to engage, is not the country’s war; but a war made by the President. The preamble to the resolutions, carries with it the denunciation of the cause, in which the citizen soldier was called to fight. Was it necessary for the country’s good, for the success of the war, or for the better securing an honorable pe »ce, that lids preamble should have gone along with the offered gratuity? Was it not dictated by the full spirit of party, alike reckless of the coun try’s honor, and her glory? Does it not pro claim to the world, that the legislature has a greater zeal for the success of the whig party, than for the honor of tiie country ami the success of her arms? What was the effect of this partisan legislation? Sir, the proud State of North Carolina had a difficulty in raising the required regiment. She was ’ among I lie last, if not tiie very last, to an | nonnee her regiment ready for service. For the country, her patriotic citizens would in i an instant have been ready, and in her cause, j w ould have dared to die; but for the President I and the President’s war—in «an unholy and i unjust strife for conquest with Mexico—they I were unwilling In suffer and to peril. This | 1 is the inevitable result of whig speeches made | in Congress upon this subject and the result i ot the legislature of North Carolina, upon I the spirit of her citizens. Instead of con ! centrating public sentiment and public feel j ing, to give power and efficiency to the gov i eminent in the prosecution of a foreign war, | it is, and has been the great business of the | whig party to paralyze the moral energies of i the nation, dir-tract her counsels, lobring the | cnn-titiited authorities of the government info I disrepute, for tiie very (audible, praiseworthy, and, of cowrie, patriotic purpose, of bringing the whig party into power in 1848. If gentlemen desire to ascertain how tbe-e parti-an speeches sound upon the ears of mi prejudiced patriotic citizens, and with what feelings they will be read by posterity, ht them imagine one of their finest orators ha ranguing our soldiery upon the eve of a bat tle. Conceive the armies face to face—the Mexican genera! and bis soldiery on the one side, the American commander and our citi zen patriots on the oilier. There is but a brief pause before the din of arms will be i heard. Hark!—the pause is to be tilled, tiie brief space is to be occupied, the breathless silence is to be broken; the voice of an Ame rican statesman tails in moving accents upon i the hostile bands. Hear him! He will fre I u:i Ids countrymen! He will nerve up their | arms! and his cheering plaudi’s will inspire j i their hoaits amid the dying groins of their | comrades! “Fight, my countrymen; but this I is an unnecessary war. unjust in i's incep- I lion, and unholy in its purposes. This war i i- not tiie country's war; but a war made by James K. Polk. Jt is waged for plunder and ; for conquest! The President seeks to dis ! member a sister republic! You are here to : aid him in his wb-ked purposes by beating down an unoffending f.»e! He is spending millions upon millions of the public treasure! Already the government is bankrupt, and yet, poor soldiers, though all the money has been spent f »r you your pay should be raised, and your comforts multiplied! Now, for (be battle, and let your arms he covered with glory!” How would a speech containing such sentiments sound? Which of the for ces, the Mexican or the American, would feel themselves encouraged and comfoned by the address? I shall not decide; 1 shall 1 not lay myself liable to the charge of seek j ing to fetter public discussion. I shall leave i it to be decided by the American public, and ■ will abide that decision, as it shall be pub- I fished from the ballot-box. For my whig friends, I have felt disposed in apologize for those acts of unkindness for the cause of the country. Ifthoy were enabled to maintain themselves before the country upon the great national issues which divide tiie parties,l can scarcely believe they would have assumed their present position in the war with Mexi co. Bui they were in a strait, and the Mex ican war was rather a God-send, affording them hope for success, or at least a tolerable shelter for a safe retreat. lam no factionist, and wear no man’s livery; but confess myself a party man, struggling to make triumphant the cherished principles of my life. These principles are dear to my ■ heart, as I believe them to be the principles upon which depend the prosperity and happi ness of the country. The thousand collateral questions which do not touch these great fundamental ques lions, arising daily in the course of legisla tion. and which cannot properly be called party questions, cannot, nor will not, make me abandon that party association by which those great principle? can alone be sustained. The present administration has sustained with more ability, and carried out with more fidelity, the great principles of the republican party, than any administration since I have had any knowledge of the government. If, therefore, I differed with the President upon the Mexican war, and upon every other col lateral question involving none of the great principles which divide the parties, I should still give the administration a cordial and hearty support. We expect partisans tnagree upon the leading questions*of the country.— This agreement is the essence and spirit of party, as contra-distinguished from faction; but vve should not expect, nor hope, that tlie members of the same party should, nr could agree upon the various questions which arise, that are disconnected with tho.-e principles and measures upon which naiiorinl imtie> divide. A democrat diff’ rs with the {’resi dent as to the war; a- to tiie best mode of conducting it; ns to the officers to lend our armies; as In whether volunteers or reg ulars are the most efficient; and yet it would be consummate folly, m my judgment, that he should, for these differences, make war I upon the administration, and unite with the | whigs in breaking it, down, when he must ■ know that its downfall is the certain over j throw of those principles and measures, j which he desires should survive those tem porary questions which he uses to accom plish their overthrow. The whigs mav be justifiable in bringing everything to bear for the purpose of destroying the administration; because they not only want office and power, but they desire to overthrow every republi can measure of the administration. They may seek to derive strong'll among the peo ple, by condemning the Mexican war; for they may well fear to go before the country upon the true issues dividing the parties. For the first time Use country has some chance to test the practical operations of our republican faith. For the first time, we have an ad valorem tariff approximating a reve nue standard. When this act was passed the alarm cry was ral-ed, and an effort to pro duce a panic. Ruin ! ‘ruin ! ruin! was sounded ‘rom the hulls of Congress,and re iterated through the press, until even the stout-hearted democracy was seen to falter. Can these prophets of evil go’ 'before the country, and hold up their heads, while the evidences of their errors meet them in every part of the republic ? Manufactures prosper; agriculture flourishes; commerce is lively, and every branch of industry feels already the invigorating influence of the measure.— The cry of an exhausted treasury, by reason of the reduced tariff of 1846, has been falsi fied and the fact recorded, that the increase of revenue is about GO per cent., and the gross amount of increase in the treasury for the first quarter of the year about $700,000. 'l’he burdens of the people have been lessen ed, their taxes have been reduced, their ar ticles of consumption lessened in price, and their produce raised in value, 'i’he odious sub-treasury, with its specie clause, has gone into operation, and the alarm created by its enemies is dying away, and will .-non be for gotten, or only be remembered to be ridicul ed as a folly. Indeed. 1 am satisfied, that neither in town nor country, would the people know such an act was in existence but for politicans. The country was never more prosperous in all its departments. The money market never more oa-v. The currency never sounder, 'i’he balance of trade in our favor, and specie | flowing into the countryCn abundance. The whigs are not prepared to go before the coun try with the party issues, and their promising results. They may well seek to fasten upon some new issue, which may afford some hope f->r party success. But lam amazed at senators who believe and feel with me, and with the President, upon the great questions ot the country, who seem willing to lend 'heir position and popii'anty to the breaking down of an administration, which has done more than all which has preceded it, in fixing these principles, and giving them a place in the affections of the people. The main feel ing of ego rex metis inspires too many of tiie dem ■» racy to draw cha'ked lines for tin ir as sociates, and to embrace or denounce them as they may square themselves by its direc tion. No man was ever yet a great states man, no matter how exalted his patriotism, who refused political and patty associations, because lie was unable to command obedi ence to all ins behests. ! >s and not men” is the motto, and yet we must have men to carry out the principles. In my opin ion it is not the mark of wi-dom fora states man to stilt himself upon his individuality, and fee! proud of his influence, when that verv course robs him entirely of the ability to be serviceable to his country. My hono j table friend from Florida [Mr. Western t] I boas'ed tbe other day that he was ‘no man’s | man.” That was certainly a very common 1 boast, and if ho only meant by it that he made no sacrifice of principle, at any time, merely for tiie sake of pleasing some politi cal favorite, it was likewise proper; but if lie meant by it that bo was too independent to aid in carrying on the government, unless the views of others should become subservi ent to his own. I must beg Dave to say that t'ne boast savors more of self importance than genuine statesmanship. 1 tie senator has certainly gone very for to establish tor him selfa character for independent uncertainly; so that no one now dares hazard a goes where he will be found upon any given question. (To be concluded in our nexf.) [From the Baltimore Patriot, Feb. 22d!.] ARRIVAL OF TilF CAMBRIA. 15 Hay* Later from Europe. Tiie steamship Cambria arrived at Boston on Saturday evening, about four o’clock. In i the course of tiie night a telegraphic des patch came on from New York giving a sy nopsis of the intelligence. From this and the New York Herald of yesterday morning, we make up the following account. 'l’he Cambria sailed from Liverpool on the 4th inst., and her news is, therefore, fifteen days later than that received by the Sarah Sands. 'l’he intelligence will be found to b« deep ly interesting and important. The doings of the British Parliament were interesting— The three principal measures be ing the entire remission of the Corn duly — the. suspension of the Navigation laws, and a pro posed remission of sugar duties. The market for Provisions was steady. The Lon market was not so brisk. The price of sugar has advanced. 'i’he Cambria brings two millions of dollars in specie, 'i’here has been no mitigation of the sufferings in Ireland, Di.-turbances, caused by want of food, were of daily occur rence. The Bank of England has again advanced its rate of interest. The Pone of Rome has contributed one thousand Roman crowns from his private purse for the relief of the poor in Ireland. The French Chambers have adopted a bill providing that tbe lowest rate of duly be le vied on food of all kinds until .September next. Queen Victoria has given Royal assent to the bill suspending the duty on Corn, and also to tiie bill suspending the Navigation Laws. Both Bills having been passed by Parliament. The suspension of the Sugar duties had been considered in Parliament. Lord John Russell has introduced into Par liament a bill for tiie relief and improvement of Ireland, the main features of which are— Money is to be advanced by Government for tiie purchase of seed crops; loans to he made to the land’ordsfor the improvement of waste lam s, or the lands to be bought by Govern merit at fixed rates; it tiie land ords w 1 neither sell nor improve, G >verement to he . empowered to take tne lands at a valuation; ;t million steriing io be appropriated tor tiie reclamation of waste land-; drainage to tie extensively carried out; lands purchased hy 1 Government to here-sold in small lots; \to man Proprietary for temporary relief to be i crea'ed; new poor laws to be enacted; com mittees to be appointed to distribute money and food; out door relief recommended to aged and infirm paupers. Toe whole outlay for the relief of Ireland proposed is seven m.l --1 ion pounds at least. An American loan for four millions ster ! ling has b'ben negotiated in London. The French Government has addressed circulars to the Consuls of Mexico, prohibit i!ig French subjects from taking letters of marque. Lord Palmerston has slated, on authority, that no person in England was authorized to issue letters of marque. The Russian Government, was concentra ting troops on the frontier of Poland. Much distress is experienced in the mamv l factoring districts of England—but 1 work doing and food very high. The Pope preached a sermon on tjte 13th January, being the first sermon delivered by a Pope for more than three hundred years. Contracts have been made for supplying the French Government with two millions and a half kilogrammes of Maryland Tobac co at one hundred and a half francs. Thirty-five thousand bids., of American flour had arrived at Havre within a short time. The accounts from Havre are of the 31st ult. A sudden and total change occurred in that market, in consequence of the receipt of j intelligence from New York to the 9:h, which gave rise to an animated and speculative de mand, and imparted a corresponding feeling to the Liverpool market. 'l'he .-ales in a few hours amounted to 75,000 (is it possible?) bales, and prices have recovered. The accounts from the manufacturing dis trict were still unsatisfactory. In cotton fabrics, only a very small business was being transacted, and prices very irregular. The slate of trade in Manchester exhibited no material vara'ion in the present con dition of this market from that detailed in the circular, save a decline in the value of nearly every description of do h and yarns. Matters could not be more unsatisfactory. Transac tions were restricted to pressing wants. The marks? for provisions was steady. An enornmous business lias been done in sunav during the fortnight. Speculators had been extensively purchasing. Prices had advanced considerably beyond the quotations of the Ist inst. and even over those last re ported. At the close the market had taken a turn —less business was transacted, and prices had assumed a declining tendency. 'l'he iron market was not so bri-k as last reported; further reduced rates having been submitted to for pigdescriptinns, buyers have heetiind iced 'o purchase with more freedom. Pii -rs of manufauctured iron continued fully as high. 'l’he lea market was rather dull. The Zenohia reached Liverpool on tiie 27th, Pa*rick Henry on the 28ih, Anglo Sax on from Boston, on the 23d. There appears to he no mitigation in the accounts of suffering by the* famine in frp i laud. The amnun's b *ing raised bv subscrip tion ami otherwise, for the relief of the suf ferers, were, howeves, very libera!; and will, when applied, do much to alleviate their suf ferings. We have from France, accounts of more di-turhanees, and of the liirenteued famine. Tiie French government, however, was ta king active measures to avert the impend ing calamity. Account.- from Prussia are almost as dis tressing as those from Ireland. In the man ufacturing districts paticularlv, the destitu tion is very alarming, and robberies are of frequent occurrence. E retain!. The only items of news from this suffer ing country relate to tiie dreadful famine, which is indeed torrih’e. 'i’he following is a single instance among hundreds winch are recorded. From the R°r. Samuel S'nrh, Rerfnr and Vi car of Kilcommon , County of Mayn. A day ago I inferred a miserable cabin, dug out of the hog; a poor woman sat propped again-t the wall insidephe stencil was intol erab'e, and on my n mplaining of it the m i thrr pointed to a square bed in one corner; if contained the putrid—tiie abso'utelv melt ed away remains of her eldest son. On en quiry why she did not bury it, slip assigned two reasons; first, she had not strength to go out and a ‘quaint the neighbors; next she waited ill her other child would die, and they might bury both together. I exam ne I the place where it lav; the sight was awful; the poor child lav there, unable to erv, so exhaus- tel and far gone, no after efforts could save it. It is since dead—it died this day. Here 1 is one case in many.” It is nnnece-sa r v to give mop cases. The I newspapers are full of them. Hundreds are dying of starvation, 'i’he famine is becorn -1 ing general in the Son'll and West. Thou sands of the people are flying to England and Scotland. In Liverpool alone 100.000 re -1 reived relief during a single week! There*is 1 much excitement against tiie Irish Landlords for their uncharitable conduct. The estates ' of absentees will probably be taken by gov ernment at an appraized value and sold out * to {he tenantry. Sco land, Germany, See. ? Accounts from ihe Highlands and Islands •/ of Scn'land continue distressing. The Scot isli nobility and gentry are extending relief with paincely liberality. In all the churches of the three kingdoms, collect ions were taken up, by request of Her Majeslv, for the poor 5 of Ireland and Scotland. Immense sums f were contributed. From all Germany we > have accounts of distress occasioned by the • bight price of food. Families are preparing to come to America in hundreds. The trial of I 250 Poles for the revolt at Cracow, was soon to begin. Accounts from Prussia are i almost as distressing as those from Ireland. J In the manufacturing districts, particularly, the destitution is alarming. Robberies are 1 of common and frequent occurrence. Spain is becoming more tranquil, and the the gov ’ eminent has declared lhat no military expe ditions against the Spani-h-American Re -1 publics shall he permitted. This is a finish -1 ing blow at Fiores’ contemplated expedit ion 1 against Ecuador. Russia is concentrating ’ troops on the Polish frontier for some un known pnrpo-e. In some parts of Belgium, 1 particularly Flanders, the famine is'"very severe. [From B dimer 4' Smith's I'iines. Feb 4.] L The stale ot our commercial and monetary - affairs, since the sailing of the last steamer, ' has been one of extreme peculiarity and in : tcrest. The larjre drains upon the Bank of | England, to meet the demand caused by the extensive importations of grain, produce and a!i other sons of p r ovi.- 1 inin’o the king dom, Lis induced the government to raise their rate of interest. This has caused busi ness lly in he duii. 'l' ere appears to be no milieu ion 111 the account of suffering by the famine in Ireland, The amount being raised by subscription and otherwise for toe relief of the Irish sufferers, are very liberal and will, when applied, do much to alleviate their misery. Ghats .Market—The report piiblihsed on the departure of the Sir ah Sands, on the 20th ult,, left fiie two chief markets in England, I Liverpool and London, with a downward ten dency in prices, and tiie operations by con signees and specuiaiors much more limited. Seuce that day, the imports h ive b«en very extensive and. all through, large sales have been made. The stock in flour ta Liverpool I alone is estimated at 500.000 barrels, with a ; corresponding stock of grain. There is a prevailing opinion that the Bri- I ti~li corn growers liave large stocks, which with the temporary suspension of the navi gation laws, and the repeal of the import du ty, tend to checlt specula’ion, and will, it is assumed, produce a reaction both in prices | and also in the extent of future operations— This action was felt in London on Monday, the Ist instant, when wheat declined from | four shillings to five shillings per quarter At | Liverpool on the following day, prices were ’ four shillings per qu trier lower on Indian corn, four shillings on flour, two shillings per : load on wheat, since the publication of the Weekly Circular on the 29th. The cotton market has been in a very quiet position; the sales are limited in extent, and | prices are rather on the decline. On the ; 30:h ult, G,OJO bales, including 2,0U0 on spec | illation, were sold; on the Ist 5 000 bales h id changed hands, of which speculators took 1.000. The business of the 2d was estimated at 2.000 bales, 500 of which were taken on i speculation. Yesterday, we had a dull, hea vy market, with prices for American gene rally 1-8 pence per lb. lower; other de-crip lions remained unchanged. The sales amount to 3 500 bales, 500 of which speculators look, 2.500 American. The business consisted of I 4.000 American at 6 1 4 pence to 7 3-4; 200 Egyptian at 7 pence to 7 3-4; and 200 iSurat at 4 1-4 pence to 4 3-4. London Money Market, Feb. 3 — Onthc2’!«t ultimo. I lie Bank of England again raised ism rate of hills discounted u> 4 per cent. This, for a time, produced a great depression in the market. The step, however, i- considered to he dictated hy sound policy, and the market lias since rallied con siderably from the alarm which the step first caus ed; in fact, during the ta-t week, a degree of firm ness has been attained that could hardly have been expected a in anil ago; the tendency has been throughout upward. The appearance of the For* | elga Exchanges has also improved, particularly on ; Paris and Hamburgh. Toe drain for bullion con : tinues heavy on the hank, and will, perhaps con tinue so for a short lime lunger. The Vam > ; takes out scarcely less than two millions. chi-Hy ‘ in silver; but it is understood in the first mercan tile circles thgi. the Bank are quite resolved to ! raise still higher toe present rate, if appearances should warn the directors to do so. Liverpool Cotton Market —For the wc>*k em i ig Jan. 2.’. —Cotton is a distinct and fulfil low er I his week. No In ig ie v with regard to the question of cotton itself, l>U tue rising price ol food and the disturbance in the money market are c iu-ing appreheu-ioiis on ’Change, and checking j comtnmcia! enterpri-e every where, consequently j our market is partaking of the general gloom and depression. At the public* sale of Sea Islands brought forward to-day, but little was sold, and that little hi a decline in the common qualities of 1 Ito Id per H> from the best bn-iness doing pre viously jby private. 3(500 American taken this wed; on speculation, ami 400 Am • rican and 430 tsurats for **xpoit. The sales to-day are estimated j at 30 0 bales. The sales for the week amount tu I J 11,33.) bales. Another import.—The increasing stringency of the money market, and the pressure of new cotton for sale, have depressed prices considerably this week; the market has been very irregular, Araeri- I can having been sold at a Id to id, and all other i descriptions at id to Id p-r 11) decline, closing j heavily. At the public sate ih s day. consisiii gos IStil t'ca Islands and 375 Stained, 25 •of the for | iner and 60 oft he lattersold at a reduction of *d to | M in the lower qualities. ,' Fur the week ending Jan. 29. —Under I lie re straining influence of the raised rue of discount hy the Bank of England, and the con-ideunions c«»u --i nected therewith, our market suffered a little fur ther depression at the c!o eof the la-1 and the be ginning oft e pre ent w ek, within the last three days, im hiding this morning, the accounts .rom | London come rather better, and from Manchester j and the manufacturing districts no worse; cunso ; ouently the market recovered a more cheerful tone, i an 1 the full quotations of Friday last f..r the mid dling quality of American have, been restored.— ; This morning there is agi od ileal of stir and acti vity, the proceedings on the part of the trade being followed up by considerable buying on .-pecula tion. \VeJia\e hail letters a few days later from tiie United States, bowing the receipts of cotton at the different ports to be considerable: thegeneral eftirnale of crop much as before. 9oO.) American | ami 20 I Siirats ha%e been tiken on speculation, i ami 550 American, SOU Sunns and 120 Egyptian for export. The sales fur the week are 24,590 1 bales. Another Report. F.arly pvrt of the week the market was much (It pressed, and prices gave way ■ Id to Id per lb, yesterday both trade and specula tors came forward freely, and a good business lias ; been done during the two daysar higher rates. the quotations of Friday being now firmly maintained for most descriptions. Speculators have taken 900 J American and 200 Surat, and exporters 550 j American, 120 Egyptian and 50J Surat. Sales ! for week 24,590 bales. Fmm Jan. 30 to Feb. 3, inclusive —Since the publication of weekly circular on 29th nit. market very quiet and dull. 30ih ult. 6O0t» bales inclu ding 2Uoon speculation sold. Ist. 5)00 bales chang ed bauds, 15u0 to sj eculators. Business of the 2d. e t m ited at 2UOO. SUO on specu’ation. Yesterday dull heavy market, American gem rally Id lower, oilier descriptions unchanged. Sa'es about 4500 bales, speculators took 25.0 Am*ricr.n Business consisted of 4CH)O American GI a 7id; 200 Egyptian at 7a 7i; 2(H) Surat 4fd a 4Jd. Sales of the week ending 31st Jan., 24,590 bales, of which 7270 were Bowed Georgia, ordinary to mid 51 tofii, fair to good fair 7 a 71, good and fine 7ia7l. Stock on hand 293,600, against 6i4.520 bales last year at the same period. Import ( f the week 22.955 hales. Taken for consumption since ; Ist January 50,100, against 101,910 last year. HAVRE, Jan. 23.— CoUovs. —Receipt of the advices from the United Slates hy the Cambria steamer of Ist inst., our market dull, which was immediately succeeded by some degree of briskness j in i lie demand, on the part of the trade, for Upland, ; and led to more firmness in prices. The intelli ; gence from Liverpool, which subsequently reached us, being of an unfavorable nature, produced a de pressed feeling here, and created a decline of f \ to 2on all American descriptions. This induced speculators again to come forward; the transac i Hons since the commencement of the week have not been considerable, they have nevertheless been to a good extent; buying for consumption has, on the other band, been on a very moderate scale; low ebb of our stock leaving such little morn either for speculation or consumption, the attention of purchasers has therefore been chiefly directed to cargoes for delivery. Sales i],4bo bales; imports j 10.5 6 bales. J AN. 31.—Since our last report a considerable failing olf has taken place; speculators have fur the present withdrawn from the field; continued scarcity 7 of money is the principal cause of th«dull ness in the demand; this would have had less ef fect in checking the desire to purchase if the ac , counts from Liverpool had been of a different ten or. This has had an unfavorable influence, led to a further decline in prices of American, which have receded f 2 to 3, and are now almut f 5 lower titan at the commencement of the fortnight; does not however seem to be any want of confidence on j the part of holders generally speaking, notwith-