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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. | JAMES GARDNER, JR. T CKMS. Daily, per annum, Tn-vVeekly, per annum, U<J If paid in advance, - J ; Weekly, per annum, 3 UO j If paid in advance 2 50 SCrAll new subscriptions must be paid in advance. | 93TPostage must be paid on all Communications i and Let'ers of business. r — r C-oa^rrsviounl. SENATE.— February 19, IS 17. THE SLAVERY QUESTION. Mr. Calhoun then rose and said : Mr. President, I rise lo offer a set ol resoiu tions in reference to the various resolu tions from the Slate Legislatures upon the subject of what they call the exten sion of slavery, and the proviso attached lo the House bill, called ihe three million bill. What 1 propose before I send my resolutions to the table, is to make a few explanatory remarks. Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor some lime ago, that all par- i ties in the non-slaveholding Slates had come to a fixed and solemn determina tion upon two propositions. One was, that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which per- j milled by their constitution the existence of slavery; and the other was, that slave ry shall not hereafter exist in any of the Territories of the United States; the ef fect of which would be to give to the non slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain, to the entire exclusion of the slaveholding States. Since that de #laration was made, Mr. President, we have abundant proof that there was a sat isfactory foundation for it. We have re ceived already solemn resolutions passed by seven of the non-slaveholding Stales— one half of the number already in the Union, lowa not being counted—using the strongest possible language to that ef fect; and no doubt in a short space of time similar resolutions will be received from all of the noa-sla veholding Slates.— But we need not go beyond the walls of Congress. The subject has been agitated in the other House, and they have sent you up a bill ‘‘prohibiting the extension of slavery” (using their own language) “to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.” At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pa. cific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority. Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time that the southern States, the sluveholding States, should inquire what is now their relative strength in this Union, and what it will be if this determination should he carried into effect hereafter. Sir, already we are in a minority—l use the word “we” for brevity sake—already we are in a mi nority in the other House, in the electoral college, and, 1 may say, in every depart merit of this government, except at pre sent in the Senate of the United Slates— there for the present we have an equali ty. Os the twenty-eight States, fourteen are non-slaveholding and fourteen are _ o slavoholding. counting Delaware, which , is doubtful, as one of the non-slaveholding j States. But this equality of strength ex- | ists only in the Senate. One of the clerks j at my request has furnished me with a statement of what is the relative strength of I tlie two descriptions of States, in the other House of Congress, and in the electoral college. There are 228 representatives, including lowa, which is already repre sented there. Os these, 138 are from the non-slaveholding States, and 90 are from what are called the slave States, giving a majority in the aggregate to the former of4B. In the electoral college there are 163 votes belonging the non-slavehold ing States, and 118 to the slaveholding, | giving a majority of 50 to the non-slave- | holding. We, Mr. President, have at present only ' one position in the government, by which ; we may make any resistance to this ag- j gressive policy which has been declared against the south; or any other that the j non-slaveholding States may choose to lake. And this equality in this body is of the most transient character. Already 1 lowa is a State; but, owing to some do- | mestic calamity, is not yet represented in J this body. When she appears here, there will be an addition of two senators to the | representatives here of the non-slavehold- i ingStates. Already Wisconsin has pass ed the initiatory stage and will bo here I at next session. This will add two more, making a clear majority of four in tin's \ body on the side of the non-slaveholding j Slates, who will be thus enabled to sway ■ every branch of this government at their : will and pleasure. But, sir, if this ag gressive policy be followed—if the de termination of the non-slaveholding States is to be adhered to hereafter, and we are to be entirely excluded from the territo ries which we already possess, or may possess—if this is to be the fixed policy of the government, I ask what will be our situation hereafter? Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fifteen of the largest description of in the territories belonging to the United* States. Already a law is in cotyse of passage through the other House creating one north of Wisconsin. There is ample room for another north of Iowa; and an other north of that; and then that large region extendingon this side ofthe Rocky mountains, from 49 degress, down to the Texan line, which may beset down fair ]y as an area or twelve and a half de grees of latitude—that extended region of itself is susceptible of having six, seven, j or eight large States. To this, add Ore gon, which extends from 49 to 42 degrees, which will give four more, aud I make a very moderate calculation when 1 say that, in addition to lowa and Wisconsin, twelve more States upon the territory al ready ours—without reference to any ac quisitions from Mexico—may be, and will be, shortly, added to these United States. How will we then stand? There will be but fourteen on the part of the south—we j j are to be fixed, limited, and forever—-and : twenty-eight on the part of the non-slave- j | holding Sutes! Twenty-eight! Double | our number! And with the same dispro portion in the other House and in the electoral college! The government, sir, ! will be entirely in the hands of the non slaveholding States—overwhelmingly. Sir, if this state of things is lo go on, j if this determination, so solemnly made, is to be persisted in, where shall we stand, as far as this federal government of ours is concerned? What, then must we do? We must look to justice—to onr own interests—lo the constitution.— We will have no longer a shield even in equality here. Now Cun we rely upon j the sense of justice of this body? Ought • we to rely upon this? These are the solemn questions which I put on all sides. Sir, look to the past. If we are to look to that —I will no go into details—we will see from of this govern ment to the present day, as far as pecuni | ary resources are concerned—as far as the disbursement ol revenue is involved, it j will be found that we have been a portion of the community which has substantial ly supported this government without re ceiving anything like a tantamount sup j port from it. But why should 1 go beyond I this very measure itself? Why go be yond this determination on the part of the non-slav-eholding Slates, that there can I he no farther addition to the slaveholding States, to prove what our condition is? Sir, what is the entire amount of this policy? I will not say that it is so design ed. I will not say from what cause it i originated. I will not sav whether blind fanaticism on one side, whether a hostile feeling to slavery entertained by many not fanatical on the other, has produced it; or whether it has been the work of men, who, looking to political power, have con sidered the agitation of this question as the most effectual mode of obtaining the spoils of this government. I look to the fact itself. It is a policy now openly avowed lo be persisted in. It is a policy, Mr. President, which aims to monopo lize the pow'ers of this government and to obtain sole possession of its patronage. Now, I ask. is there any remedy? Does ; the constitution afford any remeey? And i if not, is there any hope? These, Mr. j President, are solemn questions- not only j to us, but let me say to gentlemen from i the non slaveholding States, to them. Sir, ' the day that the balance between the two | sections of the country —the slaveholding , States and the non-slaveholding Slates— i is destroyed, is a day that will not be far removed from political revolution, anar chy, civil war, and wide-spread disaster. The balance of this system is in the i slaveholding States. They are the con i' servative portion—always have been the | conservative portion—always will be the j conservative portion; and with a due bal | ance on their part may, for generations j to come, uphold tiiis glorious Union of I ours. But if this policy should be car. | ried out-if we are to be reduced to a hand | ful—if we are to become a mere ball to ; play the presidential game with—to count ! something in the Baltimore caucus—if | this is to be the result—wo! wo! I say to to this Union! Now, sir, I put again the solemn ques tion—does the constitution afford any remedy? Is there any provision in it by i which this.aggressive policy-boldly avow i ed, as if perfectly consistent w ith our in i stitutions and the safety and piosperity of I the United States!—may be confronted? Is this a policy consistent w ith the con stitution? No, Mr. President, no! It is, | in all its features, daringly opposed to the j constitution. What is it? Ours is a federal constitution. The Slates are its constituents, and not the people,— The twenty-eight States—the twenty-nine j States (including lowa) —stand under this government as twenty-nine individu- I ; als, or as twenty-nine individuals would stand to a consolidated power. It was I not made for the mere individual pros- ! j perity of the State as individuals. No, j i sir. It was made for higher ends. It j j was formed that every State constituting ■ a portion of this great Union of curs i I should enjoy all its advantages, natural and acquired, with greater security, and 1 enjoy them more perfectly. The whole | system is based on justice and equality —perfect equality between the members |of this republic. Nor can that be con- I sistent with equality which will make this ; public domain a monopoly on one side i —which, in its consequences, w r ou!d place the whole power in one section of the Union to be wielded against the other section ofthe Union? Is that equality? How do we stand in reference to this territorial question—this public domain of ours? Why, sir, what is it? It is the common property of the Slates of this Union. They are called “the territories of the United States.” And what are the “United States” but the States united? ( Sir, these territories are the property of tli£ States united; held jointly for their ; common use. And is it consistent with justice—is it consistent with equality, that any portion of the partners, outnumbering another portion, shall oust them in this common property of theirs—shall pass any law which shall proscribe the citi zens of other protions of the Union from emigrating with their property to the ter ritories of the United Stales? Would that ! be consistent—can it be consistent with I the idea of a common property, held joint ly for the common benefit of all? Would it be so considered in private life? Would it not be considered the greater outrage T— .zaazs-szsaui*-m%j.-MMiLX£., -jimj. , .111 .ujw^u ' in the world, and which any court on the lace of of the globe would at onceover rule? Mr. President, not only is that proposition grossly inconsistent with the constitution, but the which undertakes to say : that no State shall be admitted into this Union, which shall not prohibit by its con ! stitulion the existence of slaves, is equally j a great outrage against the constitution | of the United States. Sir* I hold it to be a fundamental principle of our political system, that the people have a right to | establish what government they may think ; proper for themselves; that every State i about to become a member of this Union ; has a right to form its own government as its pleases; and that, in order to be ad j milled there is but one qualification, and ; that is, that the government shall be repub. I lican. It is not so expressly prescribed by the instrument itself, but by that great section which guarantees to every Slate in this Union a republican form of govern i ment. Now, sir wiiat is proposed? It is | proposed, from a vague, indefinite, er roneous, and most dangerous conception : of private individual liberty, to overrule S this great common liberty which a people | have of framing their own constitution! | Sir, the individual right of men is not I nearly so easily to be established bv any j course of reasoning, as, his common liber ty. Aad yet, sir, there are men of such delicate feeling on the subject of liberty —there are men who cannot possibly bear wiiat they call slavery in one section of the country- (and it is not so much slavery as an institution indispensably for the good of both races) —men so squeamish on this point, that they are ready to strike down the bight right of a community to govern themselves, in order to maintain the abso lute rigber of individuals inall.circumslan- O • ccs, to govern themselves! | Mr. President, the resolutions that 1 ! have proposed present, in exacts terms, 1 these great truths. I propose to present them to the Senate; 1 propose to have a j vote upon them; and 1 trust there is no j rrenllernan here who will refuse a direct | O ! vote upon these propositions. It is manly i that we shall know the slate of things. It is due to our constituents that we | should insist upon it; and I, as one, will I insist upon it that the sense of this body shall be taken: the body which represents ! the States in their capacity as communi ties, and the members of which are to be ; their special geardians. It is due to them, | sir, that there should be a fair expression |of what is the sense of this body. Upon ; that expression much depends. It is the i only stand which we can have. It is the only position which we can take, which will uphold us with anything like inde ! prndence —which will give us any chance | at all to maintain an equality in this 1 Union, on those great principles to which I have had reference. Overrule these i principles, and we are nothing! Preserve them, and we will ever be a respectable portion of the community. Sir. here let me say a word as to the compromise line I ha veal ways considered it as a great error—highly injurious to the south, because it surrendered, for mere temporary purposes, those high principles of the constitution upon which I think we ought to stand. lam against any com promise line- Aet I would have been willing to have continued the compromise line. One of the resolutions in the House, to thatVffect,was offered at rnysuggestion. I said to a friend there, [Mr. Burt.] “Let j us not be disturbers of this Union. As abhorrent to my feelings as is that com promise line, let it be adhered to in good faith; and if the other portions of the j Union are willing to stand by it, let us not refuse to stand by it. It has kept peace for some time, and in the circumstances perhaps it would he better to kept peace jas it is.” But, sir, it was voted down by an overwhelming majority. It was renewed by a gentleman from a non slave j holding State,an 1 again voted down by an overwhelming majority. Well, I see my way in the constitution. I cannot in the compromise. A compro mise is but an act of Congress. It may be overruled at any lime. It gives us no security. But the constitution is stable. It is a rock. On it I can stand. It is a principle on which we can meet our I friends from the non-slaveholding States. 1 It is firm ground, on which they can better i stand in opposition to fanaticism, than on i the shifting sands of compromise. Let us be done with compromise. Let us go back and stand upon the constitu tion! Well, sir, what if the dicision of this body shall deny to us this high constitu tional right, which in my opinion is as clear as any in life instrument itself—the more defined and stable, indeed, because deduced from the entire body of the in strument, and the nature of the subject !to which it relates? What then? That is a question which I will not undertake to decide. It is a question for our con stituents —the slaveholding States. A solemn and a great question, Mr. Presi dent. And if the decision should be ad verse at this lime, I trust and do believe that they will take under solemn consid eration what they ought to do. I give no advice. It would be hazardous and dan gerous for me to do so. But I may speak as an individual member of that section of the Union. There I drew my first breath. There are all my hopes. lam a planter —a cotton planter. I am a southern man and a slaveholder—a kind and mer ciful one, I trust —and none the worst for being a slaveholder. I say, for one, I would rather meet any extremity upon earth than give up one inch of our equal ity—one inch of what belongs to us as members of this great republic ! What! acknowledge inferiority! The surrender of life is nothing to sinking down into ac knowledged inferiority! I have examined this subject largely— widely. I think I see the future if we do not stand up now; and in my humbl opinion, the condition of Ireland is mere ciful and happy—the condition of Hindos tan is peace and happiness—the condi tion of Jamaica is prosperous and happy, to what the Southern States will be if now they yield ! Mr. President, I desire that the resolu tions which I now send to the table be read. [The resolutions were then read.] Here the honorable senator resumed his scat. Mr. Benton then rose and said: Mr, President we have some business to trans act. Ido not intend to a void business for a string of abstractions. Mr. Calhoun. The senator* says he cannot take up abstractions. The con stitulion is an abstraction. All the great rules of life are abstractions. The De claration of Independence was made on an abstraction; and when I hear a man declare that he is against abstract truth in a case of this kind, I am prepared to know wiiat his course will be ! 1 certain ly supposed that the senator trom Missouri, the represeentativo of a slaveholding State would have supported these resolutions. I moved them in good faith, under a sol emn conviction of wiiat was due to those whom I represent; and due the whole South and the whole Union. I have as little desire as any senator to obstruct public business. All I want is a decis ion, and a decision before the three mil lion bill is decided. If the senator from Missouri wants to-morrow morning, very well. The resolutions can be taken up on Monday. Mr. Benton. I will pursue mv own course when the time conies. I know what are abstractions and what are not. I know what business is, and what is not. I am for going on with the business of the session; and 1 say I shall not vote for ab stractions, years ahead, to the exclusion ofbusinesss. He says he calculated on my course. He is mistaken. He knows very well, from rny whole course in pub lic life, that I never would leave public business to take up firebrands to set the world on fire. Mr. Calhoun. The senator does not at all comprehend me. Mr. Benton. I am from the right place. lam on the side of my country and the Union. The resolutions were then ordered to be printed. [Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.] TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION. Washington, Feb. 24, 1847. SENATE. The reading of the journal having been dispensed with, the civil and diplo matic appropriation bill was taken up immediately after the presentation of pe titions and the reporting of two or three private bills from committees. Several amendments to the bill, which had been reported from the committee on finance, were agreed to. Mr. Evans offered an amendment, whichhe observed was the request oftho Secretary of the Treasury, allowing the assistant treasurer at New York to em ploy a chief clerk, at a salary of §2,000 a year, and authorising such clerk to per form the functions of the assistant trea sures in his absence. Mi*. Niles moved to amend by redu cing the salary from two thousand to fif teen hundred dollars, which was agreed to. Mr. Huntington moved to amend by striking out the authority given to the chief clerk to perform the function of the treasurer, which was agreed to, and the amendment as amended was then adopted Mr. Crittenden gave notice that he should introduce a bill making a contri bution for the relief of Ireland to morrow. Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Webster seve- | rally gave notice that they should call up their resolutions to-morrow. The army appropriation bill was re ferred to the committee on finance. The three million bill was then taken up, and Mr. Benton addressed the Sen ate at considerable length. He com menced at once bv charging that Mr. Calhoun was responsible for the war and its consequences. If was the solemn duty of that Senator if he believed that the march of the army to the Rio Grande would produce hostilities, knowing that such march had been ordered to have, laid his views before the President, and attempted to have arrested it. How such a course could have lessened the Senator’s influence with the Presidenton the Oregon question, was beyond his comprehension. He charged that when Mr. Calhoun signed the treaty of annexation, he signed an acceptance of the war with Mexico, for she had previovsly declared that she would consider such annexation as a de claration of war on our part. Mr. B. entered into a very elaborate review of all the circumstances attend ing the annexation and the conspicuous part taken in it by Mr. Calhoun, to prove that he then advocated the very powers which he now condemns the President for having used—that he then maintained principles which he now denounces as unconstitutional. The Senator from South Carolina made the war. History would so write it in her book—it would be written with, a pen of iron upon tablets of brass—and the children of all genera tions to come would learnjit intheir les sons.] Mr, Calhoun replied, and said there was one thing of importance to be infer red from the speech of the Senator from Missouri, which was that the war was unpopular, and being unpopular, it would soon be brought to a termination. The Senator from Missouri had said that he (Mr. C.) was the sole author of annexa tion. lie took it and claimed it—but it was not lonrj since that the oriran of the ■ O administration claimed the honor for Mr. Polk himself. Mr. Calhoun had expected the attack of the Senator from Mo lie had been warned to beware of annihilation, and really supposed there would have been some force in the assault. But of all the weak, trashv, stale arguments he had ever listened to, this was the weakest. Me was really surprised that a man of the talents of the Senator from Mo. should not have made out a stronger case. He fell in finitely obliged to him tor the attack, for it could do him no harm, and mij»ht benefit him by placing him in a right position before the people. Mr.C. thengave a history ofhis course in reference to the annexation of Texas, and after a brief rejoinder by Mr. Benton, the Senate went into Executive session. Mr. Davis has the floor for to-morrow. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Met at 10 A. M. pursuant to the resolu tion yesterday adopted. No quorum present. Call of the House ordered, and 81 members answered to their names. Proceeded to call names of absentees, when it appeared that 112 members were present. Still no quorum. Speaker or dered the doors to he closed when a motion to suspend further proceedings under the rule, prevailed, 106 to 22—a quorum voting- On motion of Mr, Charles J. lugersoll, the business in progress was suspended for one hour, to receive reports from com miltees. Bills from Senate: To exempt from duties certain articles imported by liter ary institutions; to organize the ten new regiments into brigades and divisions, and for the appointment of Major and Brig adier Generals. Read twice, and refer red. Mr. C. J. Ingersoll offered a resolution, providing for the fitting out of the ship Pennsylvania, to carry provisions to the starving Irish population, but the House refused to suspend the rules to receive the same. The House, then in committee of the whole on the stale of the Uniom, Mr. Bowlin in the chair, took up the bill ‘-'to establish certain post routes’" in the differ ent States and Territories, reported on the first inst. by Mr. Hopkins, from the committiee on the post office and post roads A number of amendments were adopted, and the bill then reported to the House and passed. , An additional bill was introduced, a dopted by the committee, reported to the House, and also passed, increasing the compensation of deputy postmasters in certain cases, extending the franking privilege, on all mailable matter, until the first of December next, to the Presi- I dent, Vice President. Secretary of the Senate, Clerk of the House, members of both Houses, &c., and for other pur poses. Mr. J. C. Ingersoll made a report on | that part of the President’s Message re- I ferrin<r to the War with Mexico, hut r"> 1 \ without reading, it was laid on the table, and ordered lobe printed. Adjourned. —BHMB—BBIjg BHBMMWMMMWBMWWWMi C—— AUGUSTA. GEO,. SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 28, 1547. Proprietors of Warehouses in Augusta and Hamburg will oblige us if they will have the stock of Colton remaining in their respective ware houses counted for us by ten o’clock on Monday j morning. .’Tintl ICobbcr Caught. A young chap named Hanby Johnson, apparent ly about 17 years of age, a mail rider between this city and Carnesville, was arrested yesterday by Mr. Alexander, Post Office Ag«*nt, on a charge of ! robbing the mail. The.father of the boy, Hardy | Johnson, lias also been arrested, and both are now i confined in our jail. As far as ascertained one ! hundred dollars in money and a check drawn by the Bank of Augusta, was stolen from the bag. A portion of the money, we understand, has been recovered. The check was found on the father of the boy, who endeavored to negotiate it with one of our merchants. Heavy Clearances. The New Orleans papers of the 21st inst. notice the clearance of twenty-six vessels at that port on the 20lh inst. The export of Colton was very large, no fewer than 10,917 bales having been shipped. fill cad Mluffs and Frcishtii. The exports of corn from New-York alone, since September, has been 1,700,000 bushels; | from all our seaports 2,800,000 bushels. The Albany Argus states the following as the advance in breadstuff's and freights occa sioned by the short crops in Europe: ‘•On the slh of August last, the price of a barrel of Genesee flour in New York city, was the freight thereon to Liverpool, was 2s. sterling. The price of a bushel of Genesee wheat was 94c.; the freight thereon to Liverpool, 9d. sterling, “On the 17th of February inst., the price of a barrel of Genesee flour in New York was §7.25, and the freight thereon to Liver pool, Bs. sterling. The price of a bushel of , Genesee wheat was 1,75 c. and the freight thereon to Liverpool, 30d. sterling.” Hence it will be perceived that notwith standing the high advance in the value of flour and wheat, the advance in freights on the same has been much higher. Farmers are doing well, but ship masters are doing much better. Storm. There was a severe snow storm at the North Saturday week. It delayed the arrival at N. York of the train with the Cambria’s passengers. It was also the cause of the delay in the transporta tion of the letters received by her. Jfs“The Charleston Courier of the 27th inst. says —“The pilot boat Friends repirts having picked up in Bull’s Bay, on the 241 h inst., 7 bales Cotton marked R. 11., J. A. Gordon, J. I’., S. Cantey, C. W. and that the schr. Medium hence for Santee, had also picked up several bales at the same time.” I,alcr from Texas. i The steamship Galveston, Capt. Haviland, arrived at New Orleans on the 20lh instant from the port of Galveston, having sailed on the 18th inst. The Civilian mentions that Maj. John Al len, U. S, Marshal for the district of Texas, arrived at Galveston on the 15th inst. from Matarnorosand Brazos Santiago. Major A. arrived on board and in charge of the schoon er Star, seized for violating the revenue laws, at the port of Brazos Santiago, and sent to Galveston for adjudication in the U. S. Court, | now as a court of admiralty there. ! The cargo of the Star was left by the mar i slial at Matamoros, Gen. Scott refusing to I deliver it up,or recognize the jurisdiction of * the court, as the Civilian understood. The U. S. Court for the circuit and district of Texas closed all save the admiralty docket ■ on Monday, the lslh inst. There was no l criminal business; and but few civil cases were disposed of. It appears by the report of Capt. Payne, j that there have been received 1382 tons of Cumberland and 6119 barrels of Pittsburg i coal at the depot in that city since November* for the use of Government steam transports. | The accounts given in the Austin and Vic j toria papers as to raising a regiment in Tex as are not encouraging. Col. Hays was | still at San Antonio and volunteers coming I in slowly. The remains of the gallant Capt. Gillespie have been received at San Antonio. The Indians on the frontier of Texas are said to be tolerably quiet. The Tonka was are giving most trouble by killing the cattle of the settlers. Col. Croghan passed through Houston on the 4th in&t. on his way to San Antonio to i muster volunteers into the service. The U. S. cutter Wolcott arrived at Gal veston on the Bth inst. Ehe is engaged in the coast survey. The Galveston News has a long article upon sugar culture in Texas. We clip a single paragraph from it: The superior quality of Texas sugar is now, vve believe, admitted on all hands. We | have not this year seen a barrel from any I plantation in Texas which does not surpass i the best Louisiana sugar in our market, as well in purity and lightness of color as in ‘ the clear and semi-transparent appearance : of the grain. This superiority is also de monstrated by the fact that our sugar cmn mands about one cent per pound more than the common Louisiana in every market where it has been offered for sale. Such is the case in this market, in New Orleans and in the citv of New York. - Later from Vcru Crux. The New Orleans Picayune of the 21st inst. says—“By the arrival at half past 2 o’clock this morning of the schr. Wm. Bry an, Capt. Ryan, from Tampico, we have later , accounts from Vera Cruz,brought to the for mer place by the prize schooner Belle, Lieut, i M. C. Perry, Jr. commanding. Our letters i from the squadron are to the 4th inst., and i our Vera Cruz papers to the 2d inst. | “Gen. Valencia has been relieved of his 1 command, and his place supplied by General I Vazquez. j “The Mexicans having become convinced that Vera Cruz is to be the object of attack, have set about fortifying the passes on the road to Mexico. The merchants of Jalapa have been called ttpon for a loan of §4OOO to fortify the Puente Nacional. “Rejon and Iriarte have entered upon the discharge of fheir duties as Secretaries of Foreign Affairs and Finance. Guevera has resigned the post of Minister of Justice. “Senor Lomus had tendered his resigna tion to the Government, but it had been re fused. Eight day’s leave of absence was granted him, and Gen. La Vega appointed temporarily to his post. I “We do not find anything later from San Luis, and cannot say whether Santa Anna has marched thence, i “The Mexican papers are crowded with the movements of our troops. At San Luis, Tula and Jalapa they are on the alert for the i advance of Gen. Scott.” companies of Ihe Virginia volunteers sailed from Hampt< n Roads on the 22d inst. on ; board the ship Sarah Walker and barque Exact, I for Point Isabel. i Sir The Wilmington boat with the Northern mail, did not leave Charleston on Friday last, ow ing to the boisterous stale of the weather. Plan* of Gen. Scott. The N. O. Pirayune says—The immediate de signs of Gen. Scott are no longer a secret. It is supposed that they are now as well understood by | the enemy as by our own army, and the press I speaks of them with freedom. In the correspon dence of the St. Louis Republican from the Bra * zos, they are detailed with some minuteness. We ! m ike a brief extract from it: The design of Gen. Scott I assert to be as fol lows: He has determined upon attacking and fa king the castle of San Juan at Vera Cruz by the Ist of March at the very furthest. This attack is to be made by sea and land at the same time; and { to that end Com. Conner has been notified to be : prepared with his entire fleet, by Gen, Scott. Gen. | Scott is now anxiously waiting the reply of Com. Conner to his orders in this respect. Gen. Scott has selected the island of Lohos as the head of his operations by land. Thither the whole ; of Gen. Worth’s division is to be transported, the I Ist Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers, now at anchor off this place, and some two or three regi ments from New Orleans. This force will be join ed by a part of the division under Gen. Patterson, who will march from the vicinity of Tampico to such point as Gen. Scott shall designate. This island has been selected in consequence of affording the best and safest harbor between that place and Vera Cruz. Its length is a mile and a half and its breadth half amile. From the main beach it is eight miles, with an excellent channel between it and the shore, several fathoms deep.— The harbor is a perfectly safe one, permitting the | landing of troops without difficulty, vessels of the I largest class being enabled to anchor within a short distance of the shore. The island of Lobos is el evated some six or seven feet above the level of the sea, is covered with a fine growth of timber, and limes abound there in great abundance. Water of a good quality, and in a sufficient quantity to supply all the men we shall take there, can easily be procured by sinking barrels. Its harbor is fa vorably known to a number of seafaring men whose pursuit has heretofore been smuggling, and it has for years been the spot selected by the Eng lish for the transhipment of specie from Mexico. —