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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST, j
JAMES GARDNER, JR.
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BEMAuitS OF MIL CALHOUN.
I.V REPLY TO MR. HEM TON.
15 Senate, February 24, 1847.
Mr. Calhoun rose and said : One thing, Mr. \
President, at least, may be inferred from tbe ;
unprovoked attack of the Senator, and the 1
great solitude he evinced to trace the author- ;
thip of The war to me—and that is, that the
war i« unpopular. There can be no mistake, j
He felt that the tide of public sentiment nad
turned against it, and hence the anxiety ex
hibited to place its responsibility on roy shoiilc -
ers, and lake it from those on whom H ought
justly to rest. Had he supposed the opposite
—had he believed that tbe war was necessa- :
rv and unavoidable, and that its termination j
would be success—l am the last man to ;
whom lie would attribute any agency in j
causing it. lam gratified that tbe Senator |
h„s furnished this evidence. It affords rea- j
enable hope that those who are responsible ;
for it, will exert themselves, and I hope with ■
buccess, to bring it to aspeeyd termination.
He traces the authorship to me, because,
as he asserts, I am the real author of the an
nexation of Texas, and that annexation is
the real cause of the war. I trust, Mr. Pres
ident, there will be no dispute hereafter as
to the real author of annexation. Less than
twelve months since, I had many competi
tors for that honor: the official organ here
claimed, if my memory serves me, a large
share for Mr. Polk and his Adminis'ration,
and not less than half a dozen others from
other quarters claimed to be the real authors.
But now, since the war has become unpopu
lar, they all seem to agree that 1. in reality,
am the author of annexation. I will not put
the honor aside. I may now rightfully and
indisputably clain) to be the author of that
great event —an event which has so much
extended the domains of the Union, which
has added so largely to its productive pow
ers, which promises so greatly to extend its
commerce, which has stimulated its industry,
and given security to our most exposed fron
tier. I take pride to myself as being the au
thor of this great event.
But the Senator objects that I so conduct
ed the question of annexation as necessarily
to lead to the war. On what does he rest
this charge ? He rests it on the ground that
I selected the Resolution as it came from
the House of Representatives, as the basis
of the annexation, instead of giving the Tex
an Government the choice between the
Hon.-e Resolution and the amendment of
the Senate originally moved by the Senator
himself. He complained bitterly tiiat the
Senate Resolution —passed at the very heel
of the session, under the expectation that it
would be carried info effect by the present
A [ministration, then just coming into power,
and not by Mr. Tyler’s Administration, then
about to expire—had not been adopted.
He seemed to think lhat tiie then Admin
istration had no right to act upon it,
and that, undertaking to do so, was depriv
ing its successor of one of its rights. He
accused me of acting with the greatest
promptness. The fact is so. The Resolu
tion, if I recollect, was signed by the late
President about the first of March. I saw
the importance of acting promptly, and ad
vised the President to act without de ! ay; that
he had the constitutional right of doing so,
and that I deemed it necessary that he should
act in order effectually to secure the success
of a measure which had originated with his
Administration. His cabinet was summon
ed the next day, and concurred in the opt
ion. That night I prepared the despatch for
Mr. Donelson, our Charge in Texas, and the
next day,late in the evening of the third of
March, it was forwarded to him. It was my
last official act of any importance as Secre
tary of State.
I selected the Resolution cf the House in
preference to the amendment of which the
Senator from Missouri was the author, be
cause I clearly saw, not only that it was
every way preferable, but the only certain
mode by which annexation could be effected.
My reasons for thinking so were fully set
forth in my despatch, which may be found
among the public documents accompanying
the first annual message of the present Exe
cutive. They will speak for themselves;
they never have been controverted, and nev
er can be successfully. Indeed, I never con- j
sidered the Senator’s amendment as ex- ;
pressing the deliberate sense cither of the
Senate or House o f Representatives. It is
well known that he, and a few of his friend?,
had the power of greatly embarrassing the |
passage of the Resolutions of the House, if
not of defeating them; and that his amend- j
ment was moved, not so much as an improve- j
inent of the Resolutions, as to gratify him j
and them. That the course I adopted did j
secure annexation, and that it was indispen- ,
sable for that purpose, I have high authority
in my possession. That which all would ad- |
init to be the highest, if I could with propri- j
ety introduce it; and for this prompt and de
cided act, if for nothing else, I might claim
the authorship of annexation.
Now, can anything be more absurd than
the assertion that the war with Mexico re
sulted from selecting the House resolution, j
instead of the amendment of the senator!
He has ventured the bold assertion, without j
the shadow of an argument to sustain it.—
What possible difference could it make with
Mexico, whether the annexation was made
upon one or the other ? Why should the one
not be as offensive to her as the other ? In
deed, I doubt much whether, even to this j
day, the government of Mexico knows wheth- !
cr the resolution was passed with or without
an alternative. Such is the baseless ground
on which he has charged me with being the
author of the war. I hud heard, fur several
days past, that he had prepared to make an
elaborate attack on me. Some of my friends
asked, .ather jestingly, if I did not Expect to
be annihilated. After these givings out, and
auch laiVorious preparation, ] did suppose the
senator would make some show of a formid
able charge; but of all tbe attacks 1 have
ever witnessed in this or .any other' legisla
tive body, I have neves kfiown one so empty
and ridiculous. Evety one of his charges
is founded either in,gm«s error or partial
statement of facts, or on some forced and
absurd conclusion. I may Login with the
ver\ first tiiat he made, lie had the ms?ur
mce to assert, in '.he pretence of the &ena'e,
, - - -
! that I was the first to introduce the question, ;
who was the real author or cause of this j
i war ? Now, 1 appeal to every senator, and
: every other individual who was present on i
; the occasion, whether rhe senator from Ten
! neesce [ Mr. Turney] did not first charge me S
1 with being the authorof this war, and wheth- i
j er I did not limit myself to repelling Ins j
| charge, by showing that it originated in lhe
I order to General Taylor, to march from Cor- j
I pusCbristi, and take position on the KiO del j
! Norte ? Igo further, and ask, is there a sen
' at or here ignorant of the fact, that the ques- ,
| tion of who was the author or cause of the j
| wari Lad been long before elaborately dts
! cussed in this body—in the House of Repre
! sentatives, and throughout the whole country,
j f rom its declaration up lolhat time. Intlieface ;
j 0 t all this, tbe senator rises up in bis place, j
| a fier a long and laborious preparation, and I
i asserts, that it was 1 who originated the in
quiry, as to who was its author. I his is a
I fair sample of the accuracy of the senator, in ■
i his numerous allegations to show that I was
j the author of the war. I might go on and ;
1 take them up one by one, and show that every j
one of his positions and deductions is equal
ly unfounded in fact or false in conclusion.
Ido not deem it necessary. A large por
tion of his speech was hut the stale repeti
tion of what he said in I lie session of 1842 i
: —’43, when the treaty which I had conclud- .
| ed with Texas, was under discussion in this
| body. All the documents now brought for- j
| ward, were then before the Senate, and he j
J went over the same topics very elaborately, j
i and with much more power than on the pre- j
sent occasion, without making any irnp r es- ,
sion on the country. The country was j
against him then, and still remains against |
him, and it is in vain that he undertakes to :
to disturb its settled conviction. It will re- |
main ever unchanged, in spite of a: 1 that he ;
can do. Under this conviction, 1 will not I
weary the Senate, by repelling assaults then i
made and then repelled. The most promi- |
nent of the charges —the orders given by the ;
administration to place a fleet in the Gulf of
Mexico, and a portion of the hi my on the
frontier of Texas—was repelled by my then
colleague, (Mr. McDuffie,) of whom he
sneaks’ so highly on this occasion. In re- |
pel ling it, he said, that if the orders to which ;
the senator then and now objects, had not
been issued, the Executive would have been i
guilty of great dereliction of duty.
The Florida treaty, forming another sub
ject of attack, figured also on that occasion,
in connexion with annexation, and what lie
has said now is but a repetition of what be
said then. He then, as now, made me res
ponsible for that treaty, although I was but
one of six members of Mr. Monroe’s cabinet,
and tbe youngest of its members—responsible,
without advancing a particle of proof to show
that I even gave it my support or approbation.
He rests the charge on some disclaimer, as ;
it seems that the then Secretary of Slate
(Mr. Adams) has, at some time, made, that
he was not responsible for the treaty. The
senator may be right as to that; but how can
that, by any possibility, show that I was
responsible? But lam prepared to take my
full share of responsibility as a member of i
Mr. Monroe’s cabinet, without having any I
particular agency in forming the treaty, or |
influence in inducing the cabinet to adopt it.
I then thought, and still think, it a good treaty; ;
and so thought the Senate of the United
States for, if my memory does not deceive
me, it received nearly every vote of (lie Sen
ate. [A Senator. ‘-Yes, every vote.”] It j
then received the unanimous vote of the j
Senate, promptly given. Os course, if that ,
treaty was the cause of the war with Mexico, 1
as the senator seems to suppose, this body is
as much the author and cause of the war, as j
the individual on whom he is now so anxious
to fix it.
I have said It is a good treaty, not without
due reflection. We acquired much by it. It
gave us Florida—an acquisition not only
important in itself, but also in reference to
the whole southwestern frontier. There
was, at that time, four powerful tribes of In
dians two of whom, the Creeks and the j
Choctaw’s, w’ere contiguous to Florida, and |
the two others—the Chickasaws and Chero- j
kees —were adjoining. They were the most
numerous and powerful tribes in the United
States, and from their position, were exposed ;
to be acted on and excited against us from
Florida. It was important that this state of
things should terminate, which could be done
by obtaining the possession of Florida.
But there were other and powerful con
siderations for the acquisition. We had a
short time before extinguished the Indian title
to large tracts of country in Alabama, Mis
sissippi and Georgia, lying upon streams and
rivers which passed through Florida to the
Gulf—lands in a great measure valueless,
without the right of navigating them to their
mouths. The acquisition of Florida gave us
this right, and enabled us to bring into suc
cessful cultivation a great extent of fertile
lands, which have added much to the increas
ed production of our great staple— cotton.
Another important point was effected by the
acquisition. It terminated a very troublesome
dispute with Spain, growing out of the cap- |
j ture of St. Marks and Pensacola by General '
1 Jackson, in the Seminole war; and finally,
j it perfected our title to Oregon, by ceding to
| us whatever right Spain had to that Terri
i lory.
i Such is the treaty on which the senator
i has lavished so much of his abuse; but there
were other reasons for adopting the Sabine
I as the boundary, and of which 1 was ignorant j
j at the time the treaty was formed, and to the
knowledge of which I have come w ithin the
last lew years. Mr. Monroe, if I am correctly
informed, in adopting that line, acted under
circumstances which left him little option. I
am not at liberty to state them—the infor
! mation I received confidentially. It is suf
ficient to stale that he had ascertained that
the Senate would not ratify a treaty with a
boundary farther west. It was communicat- I
ed to him by senators of first respectability.
Their reason for refusing to ratify a treaty
which would extend the boundary beyond the
Sabine, I do not choose to go info, although
j it was communicated to me with the infor
! mafion to which I have alluded.
But if we take out of the speech of the
senator what he has staled in relation to an
nexation, and the Florida treaty, in which, as
I have stated, he has repeated old and stale
charges, tiiat made not the slighest impress
ion on the country at the lime, what is there
left of his present attack on me? Ilia sur
prising that a man of his experience and sa
gacity should suppose that the repetition of
these thread-bare charges, regarded as futile
when made, should make any impression
j now. Indeed, I may consider myselt obliged
'[ to him for repeating them, after such elabo
! rate preparation, as it affords the most enn
•; elusive proof how exempt my course has
been from amyjust censure during tbe long
period of time in which he has attempted to
truce it.
To nnke good his allegation that I am the
author of annexation, and that annexation
caused the war, fie asserts that I was in favor
of the annexation of Texas as far back as
1836, immediately after the battle of »San
Jacinto, and the capture of Santa Anna, to
prove which he read an extract from the
speech which I delivered on resolutions from
Mississippi, presented by her senator now
| Secretary of the Treasury, instructing the
; senators to obtain an immediate recognition
| of the independence of Texas.
It is true that 1 then advocated an early
i recognition of the independence of Texas, and
I its admission into this Union; but I was not
alone in that, nor did I take a leading part in
I the discussion: the two most prominent ad
vocates of her cause at that time were the
| senator from Mississippi, and my then col
i league, [Mr. Preston,] but they were seconded
; by a large portion of this body at the time.
The distinguished senator from Massachu
l setts bore a part, in the debate, and expressed
! his opinion in favor of recognition at an early
! period, and of the vast importance of the
future condition of Texas to our country. I
i have not had time to examine the discussion;
! but find that 1 was among those who advised
delav until further information could be ob
tained, and many were for prompt action; but
tlie senator from Missouri has thought proper,
| in the face oflhose facts, to hold me up as the
■ only individual disposed for a prompt and
I immediate action. He has done more. He
j has suppressed tlie fact, very important to be
i known, that before the close of that very
session tiie report of the Committee on For
i eign Relations—recommending the acknowl
' edgment of the independence of Texas as !
soon as satisfactory information could be ob- j
tained that it had successfully established a j
government —was adopted by l he unanimous j
vole of the Senate, i ncluding the senator |
himself; and that at the very next session her j
independence was recognised,
i Sir, I admit, even at that early period, I j
j saw that the incoporation of'Texas into tiiis j
Union would be indispensable both to her
safety and ours. I saw that it was impossi
ble that she could stand as an indepen
dent power between ns and Mexico, with- ,
out becoming the scene of intrigue of j
foreign powers alike destructive of the |
; peace and security of both Texas and i
I ourselves. I saw more, the bearing of the I
I slaveqneation at that early stage, and that
! it would become an instrument in the hands
i of a foreign power of striking a blow at ns,
| and that two conterminous slveholding com
| niunities, could not co-exist without one be
ing wielded to the destruction of the other. —
'The senator is right. Wiial I then said was
intended to shadow forth the future; that
future which actually came, when I was call
ed, by the unanimous voice of the country, so
take charge of the State Department, in re
ference to these very events. I saw, with
i General Jackson, that tfie golden opportuni- !
i tv had occurred when annexation must fake
place in order to avoid interminable difficul
ties and great disasters; and, seeing if. I did
not hesitate to undertake the duty which had
been assigned me, notwithstanding the dis- j
| {lenities, from the weakness of the adtniuis- j
I tration at that period. I succeeded, in des-j
i pite of them; and that, ton, without war; and j
! nil the elaborate efforts of the senator from!
! Missouri, nevercan deprive me of I lie credit,
; to wliic.h I am entitled, in reference to the
| i r reat question of annexation.
I ° Qn a review of the whole, my course, I
I rnav say, exhibits; not only some foresight in j
reference to if, but also some powers of avert- j
I ing the dangers, and securing the end which
• I desired.
i Every measure towards the accomplish- |
; rnent of annexation had been consummated
before the present administration came into
power. No war followed, although the act
of annexation had been completed more than
a year before the rupture between us and
Mexico took place; nor would war have fol
lowed at all had we acted with ordinary pru
dence. That Mexico was chafed, chagrined
that she threatened much and blustered much;
ta’ked about war, and even the existence;
of hostilities are all true. It was,
1 however, but talk. The strong should al
| wavs permit the weak and aggrieved to talk,
' to bluster ami scold, without taking offence;
j and, if we had so acted, and exercised pro
i pp r skill in flie management of our affairs—
j Mexico and ourselves would, by this time,
have quietly and peaceably settled all diffi
culties and been good friends. We have
chosen to pursue the opposite course, and
are in war.
Every senator knows that I was opposed
to the war, but none knows but myself the
depth of that opposition. With my concep
tions of its character and consequences, it
was impossible for me to vote for it. When,
accordingly. I was deserted by every friend
on this side of the house, including fny then
honorable colleague, among the rest, [Mr.
McDuffie.] I was not shaken in the least de
gree in reference to mv course. On the pas
sage of the act recognising the war, I said to
many of mv friends that a deed had been
done from which the country would not be
able to recover for a long time, if ever; it lias
| dropped a curtain between tlie present and
1 the future, which to me is impenetrable; and
for the first time since I have been in
public life, lam unable to see the future. I
also added that it iias closed the first volume
of our political history under the constitution,
and opened the second, and that no mortal
could tell what would be written it. These
deep impressions were made upon my mind,
because I saw’, from the circumstances un
der which the war was made, a total depar
ture from that course of policy which had
governed the country from the commence
ment of our government until lliatiime, and
that, too, under, circumstances to lead to
most disastsous consequences. Since then,
less than a year has elapsed, but in that short
period enough has already been developed to
! make what was then said look like prophe
cy. , . . _
But the senator charges, entertaining as 1
did these impressions, that I did not take a
stand* and arrest the march of Gen. Taylor
to the Rio del Norte. I have already stated
the reasons on another occasion why I did
not; and however unsatisfactory they may
be to lhe senator, they are satisfactory to
mvself, and I doubt not they will be to the
community at large. He also intimated that
I ought to have communicated my views to
the President. I was guilty of no neglect
in that respect; I did not fail so state in the
proper quarter explicit}’ what I thought would
result from the order given to Gen. Taylor,
but I found very different views from mine
entertained there.
Those in power were quite as confident
that the march of Gen. I aylor to the Del
| Norte would not in its consequences involve
i war, as they were that notice without com
promise in reference to the joint occupancy
of Oregon would not involve war with Eng
land.
In looking back upon the*e matters I have
the satisfaction to feel that I luPy performed
rny duties both here and elsewhere with re
ference to these important questions.
With my view of the character and conse
quences of the war, I have forbone much. I
have sufferend not a little in the estimation
of my friends both in and out of Congress
for refusing to vote for the bill recognising
the existence of a war made by the act ot
Mexico. I have been urged by them to ex
plain tiie reasons for my course on that oc-,
casion; but I persi.-ted in declining to do so
because I could not see that it would be of
any service to the country, while it might
weaken the hands of those who are charged
with the prosecution of Lite war. I adopted
the only course which, according to my opin
ion, I could with propriety —to take no ac
tive or leading part in reference to measures
intended for carrying on the war, but to give
a quiet and silent vote in favor of all which
did not seem to me decidedly objectionable;
but, in the mean time, to look out for the
first favorable opportunity of presenting my
views how the war should be conducted to
bring it most advantageously to a successful
termination. I accordingly embraced tiie
opportunity on the discussion of tiie three
million bill now before the Senate, to present
my views, not in the spirit of opposition, but
of kindness, to the administration, reseifing
to myself the expression of my opinion as to
the causes of the war for some suitable occa
sion. It seems, however, that tiie friends of
those in power were not satisfied with this
course on my part; it became an object of as
sault both in this chamber and without its
walls. 'Tiie senator from Tennessee imme
] diately on mv right [Mr. Turney] commen
| ced the attack here by directly charging me
with Ucing the author of the war, and itlias
since been followed by the senator from Mis
| sonri on . this occasion. 1 have thus been
: forced, in self-defence, to depart from tiie line
j which I had prescribed for myself,and to en
: ter into the question. Who is the author of
, cause of the War? The responsibility is not on
me. but on those who have compelled me to
makefile departure. Thus far I have limit- j
ed what I have said strictly so self-defence, |
as I shall also do on the present occasion.
[to be continued.]
I ATGUSTA. Clin..
1—
FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 12, 1847.
O” Pursuant to promise, we commence to
day, tiie publication of Mr. Calhoun’s speech,
in reply to Col. Benton. We have penned a
few comments upon if, but will defer them j
to our next piper.
James K. Polk for u ftevoud Term.
We lave recently received tiie following let
ter from one of our subscribers — an honest, j
sensible, plain planter—a politician in a very
quiet way, and wholly unambitious of noto
riety. His letter was evidently written only
for our eye, and not with a view to its publi
| cation. But we take tiie liberty of laying it
| before tiie public, because it is expressive of
the views of a respectable portion of tiie de
| mocracy, and makes a suggestion worthy of
consideration. It has already been much
discussed and will challenge in due lime still
further discussion. While we consider it,
I however, premature to discuss tiie question
1 as to who tiie next nominee of the democra
i cy shall be, it may not be too soon to decide
i upon tiie preliminary question, whether liio
; present incumbent could with propriety, un
der 3 iiy circumstances be again placed as a (
candidate before the American people.
We do not recede from the opinion former- |
lv expressed that the distinct manner in
which Mr. Folk announced to the country,
in his letter accepting the nomination, that
fie accepted it with the express understand- j
ing that he would not be a candidate for a se- |
cond term, precludes him from aspiring to j
the nomination. In saying this, we cannot |
forbear the expression of our profound regret !
that this obstacle, or that any obstacle should
interpose to prevent his nomination. He is
one of the very best Presidents tiie country ;
ever had. We make ho exception in favour j
of any one in tiie very distinguished list of ;
Statesmen who have occupied that exalted i
station. No man could have acted belter I
than Mr. Po!k lias done under all the frying |
circumstances of his administration. His
fidelity to the principles of that political creed j
of stern republicanism in which he was rear
ed—to which he lias through life been pletig
ed, and on tiie faith of which he was elected,
are worthy of ail commendation. With less
firmness, and less purity of character, he
might have wavered, or been swayed by sinis
ter influences. But fie has calmly ami philo
sophically pursued tiie even tenor of his
way, amidst tiie fierce collisions of party and
tiie unscrupulous strifes of sectional inter
ests. He lias kept tiie vessel of Slate steadi
ly on the republican tack. He lias been a
shield to protect the constitution from in
roads and violation. Many and dangerous
would have been tiie attempts to innovate
upon, and disregard its restrictions, but that
80 faithful a sentinel (armed with the Veto
power,) was watching over its safety. The
South especially, whose security is so much
dependent for a faithful regard to tiie princi
ples of strict construction, should feel grate
ful that the President has so nobly fulfilled
the expectations of his Slate Rights sup
porters.
We tiiercfore esteem it a misfortune that
Mr. Polk should by his acceptance have
placed himself in an attitude that forbids his
becoming a candidate again. We of the
south may never again get a President to
come up so fully to our wishes—one whose
political tenets are so fully coincident with
those of tiie south. We should feel great
er security for southern rights, and for
the perpetuity of tiie Union, if assured that
Mr. Polk could remain another term in the
Executive Chair.
The question proposed, as to the duly of
tiie President to obey in case lie were called
on by the voice of the country to serve a se
cond term, we consider we have already vir
tually answered. He ought not to allow his
name to be proposed or offered in any way—
nor ought any party to consider itselt at liber
ty to urge him. A pledge was made to the
country that he would not be again a candi
date. That reconciled conflicting preten
sions of candidates. It was perhaps the
means of influencing many votes in his fa
vour. We know of no circumstances strong
enough to justify a violation of that pledge.
We can suppose cases, which might be so
extreme as to justify it. But these would
not be in the range of probabilities. \V e
will say in conclusion that but for this obsta
cle we would rather see Mr. Polk President
for the next term than any other man in tiie
United States, and would support him with
all the zeal and energy of our n iture.
Dear Sir: I perceive you think that James
K. Polk, in accepting his nomination on the
one term principle, deprived the democracy
of the privilege of running him for the Presi
dency a second lime.
Now, 1 had not thought so, and yet think
it with the people, and if they call on him to
run again, tiiat it is for him to obey their
vo ce. So far in his administration I see no
reason to wish to change him. short of anoth
er four tears term. I think that fur any
thing that has yet appeared, he would be as
apt to be successful as any man the demo
crats could run. The triumph of the demo
cracy depends on running a man on whom
tiie party will unite. Therefore we need
never fear, if ice run the right man. But
if not, we may expect a defeat, as has
been and may again be the case. He
must be a thorough going, straight forward
Jackson democrat, to unite the party. I
think James K. Polk that man, and should
like to see democratic editors bring his claims
before the people, if on reflection they may
1 think as I do. I recollect the anxious sus
; pense I was in when the Baltimore Conven
tion was in session, for fear Mr. Van Bnren,
or some one on whom the party would not
unite, would receive the nomination; and I
; recoiicct ton, Sir, when I received intelli
gence of the result, how firmly I believed
that they had selected exactly the right man;
and the first words escaping my lips to a
whig who was present —‘‘Henry Clay is
beaten.” •
A Public Bulbing Hornet
Our city is in need of an establishment of
I this kind, got up in good style, and under the
1 charge of a person who will attend faithfully
to tiie business. We would suggest tiiat the
plan adopted in Savannah, as it has been in
other cities, would be well worthy of our
imitation. Let such an establishment be
built by subscription, each subscriber taking
the amount of the same in tickets at tiie re
gular valuation. This will secure the erec
tion of such an establishment, with all ne
cessary fixtures, and it can bo made the in- |
terest of a person who would he in every \
way suited to keep it up, to fake charge of
it for tiie profits. The subscribers could on
consultation arrange these details among
themselves.
We make this suggestion as one most
likely to secure so great a desideratum for
our city. Private enterprise has never ven
tured an amount sufficient to get up a bath
ing establishment, upon a scale commodious
and elegant enough to tempt our population
generally to patronize it. But we believe a
liberal expenditure in tiie first instance, will ,
accomplish this, and secure to our citizens a :
! great and permanent luxury. We deem it
; unnecessary to dilate upon the blessings such
i an establishment would confer. Our citizens
I generally should feel a strong personal inter
! esl in this matter on account of their own
i comfort and convenience. Every bus ness |
| man, and every owner of property here i
j should feel interested to promote an enter- j
I prize which would add to the attractions of j
tiie city, and would afford additional induce- !
ments to strangers visiting or passing thro’, |
! to prolong their stay.
Tiie spring is upon us—the summer will j
j soon be here, and it is discreditable to our i
i city tiiat it has no public establishment, ;
1 where tiie fatigued, heated and dusty travel- j
; ler can refresh himself by a bath, after wea
[ ry days and nights of travel.
Animal itlajgnctinm.
Dr. J. P. Webster, who proposes lecturing
in this city, brings testimonials of high
character as to his capacity in lecturing on
the above subject. His experiments in
Clairvoyance , Phreno-Magnetism, 4* c will
no doubt be highly entertaining and instruc
j live. We recommend persons who feel an
! interest in tin’s mysterious science, for we
I believe it aspires to tiie d gnity of a science,
i to attend his opening lecture on Monday eve
i ning next at tiie Masonic Hall.
I °
The Great Northern .Hail.
We learn from the Charleston Mercury, that by
contracts for the ensuing four years, the great
Northern Mail will not reach that city until 12 M.
and leave Charleston at 1 p. m. The Mercury
complains of this arrangement, as being very de
trimental to the interests of the merchants of that
city, and soil will be, for the letters will not come
to hand until after the close of business hours.
The present arrangement is not v%ry favorable to
our citizens, for they never get their Northern cor
respondence until 5 p. m., but by this new arrange
ment it will be worse, for they will not be able to
obtain their letters before next morning. The Mer
cury suggests tiiat the citizens of Charleston and
the Chamber of Commerce take this subject into
consideration, and we would respectfully sugge? |
the same course to the citizens of Augusta, for it
is a matter in which they are deeply interested.
jirDr. M. T. Mendenhall, has been elect
ed Ordinary for Charleston district. The
vote stood, Mendenhall, 935; llarleston, 438;
R. Eife, 265; R. Q. Pinckney, 255; E. C.
Peroneau, 233; H. Simons, 233; Cooper, 169;
Godfrey, 100; and Capers, 56.
o*The Northern mail failed last evening
from offices beyond Charleston. The Wes
tern mail due yesterday morning, also failed
from offices beyond Columbus, Ga.
Noa* Vcrrona.
The correspondent of the Boston Courier
(anti-war) says that Mr. Webster paid Mr.
Calhoun’s great speech in the Senate the
compliment of remarking that it would end
the war.—Oh, Daniel, thou art no prophet !
Recent rire iu Columbus.
The Times of the 9th inst. says—“ The
damage by the fire, which in our “extra," we
estimated at £>30,000, will very considerably
exceed that. It must be nearer 60,000 dol
lars.
“Most of the parties burnt out, whether in
buildings or merchandize, were insured in
whole or in part. There are, however,
several cases of severe loss to parlies who
could ill afford it."
CrThcre are 18 cotton factories in Geor
gia, with an aggregate capital of about sl,
600,000.
[D*The amount of Treasury notes outstan
ding on the Ist inst, was $7 730 97.
OTt is known to most of our readers that
not nine months since a very large part of
the town of Nantucket was destroyed by fire.
The loss was estimated at SBOO,OOO, yet the
people of that place have sent S2OOO to Bos
ton for the sufferers in Ireland.
Volligtur Regiment.
We notice the following correction in the
last Columbus Times, in regard to one of the
recent appointments to the Army, made by
1 he President :
John Jones, Esq., of Georgia, now in com
mand of the “Crawford Guards" in Mexico,
is appointed Captain of Volligeurs. Leonidas
Mclntosh, son of Col. Mclntosh, both of whom
distinguished themselves in the battles of the
Rio Grande, is appointed Ist Lieutenant, and
Robert C. Forsyth, (not the Editor of this
paper, as stated by the Savannah Republican,
but his younger brother) is 2d Lieut, of the
same company.
The Corps is to be armed with Rifles, and
Howitzer and Rocket Batteries, and to b«
mounted.
ITlurdcr.
Sawney Reid, a tree man of colour, wu
killed on Monday evening last by a slave
called Ambrose, belonging to the estate o.
W. W, Gordon. Tne parties had some diff
ficulty in the street, near the Eastern end of
the city, when Ambrose struck Reid with a
club and knocked him down, alter which
Ried took refuge in a* shop, kept by F. W.
Averfeld, when Ambrose pursued him with a
knife ami inflicted a blow upon the left sid«
of lie neck, which caused his death in a few
minutes. Ambrose was arrested and sent to
jail, and will he brought up before Mr. Justice
Bollineau for examination this morning. The
alleged cause of the murder was jealousy.—*
Savannah Republican, \ oih inst.
The Races.
In consequence of the late rains, we un
derstand that the track yesterday was quite
heavy. The weather, however, was fine and
the sport exciting;
First Race —Colt st;ik^—sloo entrance
(halt forfeit,) and SIOO by the Club; three
entries,miles heats:
H. K. Burroughs’ b. f. Mi-s Chase, 1 I
M. McAlpin’s br. f. Betsy Beil, 2 3
Mr. Lowndes paid forfeit.
Time-— 1 59—2 02.
Second Race—Mile hcatt—Purse SIOO.
11. K. Burroughs’ b. g. John Watson, 11
A. Wilson’s b g. D.m’l O’Connell, 2 2
Time —2 00—2 00.
The following are the entries for this
day’s Race—Pur.-e S2OO: —
Louis Lovell enters his b. f. out of Sally
| McGraw.hv Gano, 1 years old.
James H<rri>on enters his s. m. Henrietta,
! 4 years old. out of Miss Emily, by Boston.—•
Savannah Republican ICh'/i inst.
mrUiHciiolf Suicide.
Th° New-Vork 'Tribune ot 6ih inst. state*
that Ezra L. Miller, a resident of Brooklyn,
took a room at Stewart’s Hotel, in Newark,
N. J, on lhe evening of 'Thursday last.—
About noon the following day the report cf
r pistol was heard, but excited no suspicion
at the time. About an hour and a half after
ward a servant went in to attei d to llie cham
ber, and found sitting in a chair in one corner
with his head hanging, dead, and a discharg
ed pistol lying on the floor, he having shot
himself in the right side of the head. A let
ter was him,found on a hureua,addrefsed—“S.
P. Britain,Eq. Elizabethtown—to be sent.”
He entered his name on the register as Mil
lard or Miller, of New-York.
Mr. Miller was well known in this city,
and his melancholy fate will excite the sym
pathy of all who had the pleasure of his ac
quaintance. Mild and unassuming, tempe
rate and correct in his habits, and irreproach
able in character, he possessed an indomita
b e energy and perseverance that commanded
admiration and respect, and carried him
through many eventful changes of fortune.—
Charleston Courier, 11 th inst.
We are authorized to announce THOMAS
HOPKINS, as a candidate for Council, from
Ward No. 2. March 12
iO-BENJ. CONLEY will be supported for re
election, as a Member of Council in the Third
Ward, at the ensuing election. March 11
jKr Wb are authorized to announce Dr. L. D.
FORD, a* a candidate for re-election to the May
oralty of this city. [March 6 131
We are authorized to announce Dr. L. A.
DUGAS, as a candidate for re-election to Council
from the second Ward, at the election to he held
in April next. March 5
J£T" We are authorized to announce Dr. J. G.
McWHORTER as a candidate for Mayor of the
the City of Augusta, at the election on ihe second
Monday in April next. Feb. 16
£C Cr Mr. Editor —Please announce the follow
ing named gentlemen as candidates for Membera
of Council for Ward No. 1, at the coming election
in April next:—J AS. GODBY.A. P. SCHULTZ.
Feb. 13 *—
JCT Mr. Editor —Please announce Dr. I. P.
GARVIN as n candidate for Member of Council
for Ward No. 1, and oblige Many Voters.
Feb. 20 —* H 9
JC7" Mr. Editor —Please announce the name of
CIFARLES E. GRENVILLE, Esq., as a candi
date for Council in Ward No. 1, And oblige
Feb. 17 *— MANY VOTERS.
~KT DR. J. A. CLEVELAND, has returned
to this city, and may be consulted at the office of
Cleveland <fe Spear, over the store of Messrs. Al
drich & Green. Felt. 23
We are requested to announce H. D.
BELL, us a suitable candidate for Council in
Ward No. 2. 17