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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. ;
j/\ |VI E S GARDNER. JR.
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‘'IiKMAKKS Of' 31 It. CALHOUN.
I.V IIEI’LV TO 3111. BENTON.
]s Senate, February 24, IS 17.
( Concluded)
In lookinsftn Hie causes which led to the j
war, 1 oo one step further back than the |
senator from Maine, [Mr. Evans,! who dis
cussed the subject in this aspect with great
accuracy and ability, lie began with Mr.
Slidell’s mission and negotiation. I go a step
further back, to the management of the ne
gotiation prior to that period. When this
administration came info power there were
two great questions on band connected with
our foreign relations—the Oregon and the
Mexican. As different as they were in their
character, and as remote as the uVo powers
were from each other, there was an intimate
connexion between them which could riotbc
overlooked in conducting the negotiation,
without falling into a great and dangerous er
r<»r. Such at lest is my opinion. 1 wish to say j
nothing to wound the feelings ol the dis
tinguished individual who had charge of the
negotiation, but it seems to me that be fell
into a great error iu consequence of over- !
looking the connexion between the two sub
jects. To my mind it is one of tlie clearest
of pr »positions, that there con’d be no well ;
t muded hope of adjusiiugour difficulties with
Mexico unt.l the Oregon ques i m was
finally senled. Why so? 'J'ho reason is i
obvious. Mexico knew that we had heavy i
claims against her which she was little able |
to pay. Debtors without means are usually 1
shy of their creditors. S;;e could not bit see j
that there was a chance of escaping onr de
mands again.-t her, provided a conflict should
ensue between us and England in reference
loOregon. She could not but see more—i
that it might possibly afford her an oppor
tunity of recovering either a part or the 1
whole of Texas by an alliance with England, 1
and availing herself of the aid of British!
°• • i
strength and resources in waging a war
against ns. At all events, she would look
with confidence to her being protected as an
ally of England in (he treaty by which the
war should be terminated. Whatever ob
jection may be made to England, she never
deserts an ally in war. It seemed lo me,
under these circumstances, that it was a
great error to suppose that the differences
with Mexico could be adjusted while those
with England were pending. Our true policy,
then, according lo my opinion, was to sus
pend all attempts at opening negotiation, with
Mexico until that question was finally settled.
When that was effected, and Mexico could
no longer look lo the support of England in
her controversy with us, she would see the
folly of declining to adjust the difference be
tween us, and enter into conflict with a pow er
every way so vastly her susperior.
There would, then, be another advantage,
which would greatly favor a settlement of
our difficulties with Mexico. The eloquent
senator from Louisiana lias truly said that
Mexico at least so far as capital is concern
ed, was a British colony. Tue immense in
terest which England has in the country,
would have enlisted her on the side of peace,
and the whole of her vast influence would
have been exerted to induce Mexico to enter
into a satisfactory arrangement with ns. I
cannot doubt that, under the influence of
these powerful causes, with a little forbear
ance and prudence on our part, all the causes
of difference between the two countries
would, ere this, have been settled by a treaty
satisfactory to both.
An opposite course was, however, unfor
tunately taken; both negotiations were push
ed at the same time; and that with Mexico,
with at least as much zeal, and as strong a
pressure, as that with Englmd. The then
President of the republic of Mexico (Herrera)
was friendly to the United States, and anx
iously disposed, on that account, as well as
others, lo settle the differences with us.
Acting u uder these feelings, he acceded to
the proposition to receive a commissioner,
without duly reflecting, as the events proved,
on the great impediments in the minds of the
Mexicans against treating with us. The
result was as might have been anticipated,
Paredes took advantage of the error, and
hurled Herrera from power; and the effect of
this premature attempt at opening negotia
tion, was to overthrow a friend, and place an
enemy in power, deeply committed against
settling the differences between the two
countries, and thereby—as ought to have
been foroseen— greatly to increase the dif
ficulty of any future settlement of the ques
tions. W fiat followed from this unfortunate
step until it ended in war between the two
countries, has been so clearly traced by the
senator from Maine, as to supercede the
necessity of my touching upon it.
The overlooking of lire intimate connexion
of the.-c two questions, was nut only the first
link in that senes of causes which finally
terminated in this war, but it came near
preventing the settlement of the Oregon ques
tion. Had the action of Congress, which
finally led lo the settlement of the Oregon
question been delayed until it was known
that the skirmishes bad taken place between
our force and the Mexicans on the Rio Grand,
(but a short period,) there is every reason to
believe the Oregon question would not have
been closed. I speak upon high authority—
the escape was a narrow one. Fortunately,
the Brifish government promptly acted upon
the notice, and tendered a proposition to our
minister on which the settlement was finally
made, which lie received and forwarded lo
our government but a few days before news
was received in England ol the skirmishes
on the Rio Grande. But while they fortu
nately occurred 100 late to prevent a settle
ment of the Oregon question they unfortu
nately occurred 100 soon to preserve peace
with Mexico. But if the policy which the
administration first adopted after annexation,
had been pursued, to occupy the frontier of
Texas with onr military forces to the extent
of country which she held at the lime of an
nexation, and no further—there is every
reason to believe that on the settlement of
the Oregon question the peace of the two
countries would have been preserved.
It is true Mexico claimed the whole of
*1 exas, but it is equally true that she recog
nised the difference, and showed a disposition
to act upon it, between the country known as
J exas proper, and the country between it
---rr- ■» - -—■■— - -«■ - ■ ~ —. rr.-aTaug-raß—»
and the Del Norte, ll i.s also true that we P
and Texas recognised the same difference,
and that both regarded (lie boundary as un-
sen led—as the resolution of annexation, v
which provides that the boundary between ; l!
Texas and Mexico shall be determined by j r
the United States, clearly shows, it is worthy £
of remark in this connexion that this provi- c
sion in the joint resolution is understood to
have been inserted in consequence ol the *
ground taken at the preceding session by c
the senator from Missouri on the discussion t
of tlie treaty that ihe Nueces was the western '
boundary of Texas, and that to extend that \ t
boundary to the Rio del Norte would lake in ‘
p art of i’amaulipas, Coahuila, and New Mex- 1
co. What, then, ought to have been the *
course of the Executive after annexation nn- i (
tier this resolution? The very one which j ‘
they at first pursued—to restrict the position I 1
of onr troops to the country actually occupied
by I exas at the period of annexation. All i
beyond, so lar as the Executive was con- ; 1
cerned, ought to have been regarded as sub- '
jecl to provisions of the resolution which au
thorized the government to settle the boun
dary. There are but two modes of settling
a disputed boundary—one by the joint, con
sent of both parlies, that is by treaty,of which
the President and the Senate are the organs
—the other, by the determination of one of
the parlies lor itself after failing to obtain the
consent ot the other, and that, under onr gov
ernment, can only be done by Congress.—
Indeed, when we speak of our govern
ment, it is understood to mean Congress i
i and the Executive, acting jointly—the one 1
by passing an act or resolution, and the j
other by its approval. And in Congress, ta- i
S ken in this sense, all discretionary power un- |
| der our system of government is vested, it 1
is only by this power that a disputed boun- |
j dary can be determined by the government j
fur itself, and without the conset of the other j
party. The President had no more right to
j determine of his own will what the bmiuda
-1 ry was, than i lead, or unv other senator. —
; Much, indeed, appeared to be the conviction
:of ilie Preside it inms?lf. It is only on such
I a supposition that we can explain bis course
: in attempt ing lo open a negotiation with Mexi
| co, with a view of settling all differences be
i tween the two countries wiiicii the seitle
i ment of the boundary was considered a para
mount question. Why nego'iate, if it were
not an unset.:led question? Why negotiate,
I it the Rio del Norte—as it was afterwards
. assumed—was the clear and unquestionable
boundary? And if nut, upon what authority,
I after the attempt to open negotiation had failed,
i could he determine what was the boundary,
viewing it. as an open question? Was it, not |
his plait duty, on such an occurrance, to sub
mit the question to Congress, which was then
m session, and in whom the right of estab
lishing the boundary and declaring war was
clearly invested? Had that course been
adopted,! greatly mistake if the sense of this
body would not have been decidedly opposed
! to taking any step which would have mvol
j ved the two countries in war. Indeed, 1 feel
: a strong conviction that, if the Menate had
! been left free lo decide on the question, not
! one-third of the body would have been touud
in favor of war. As it was, a large mijorilv
i fell themselves compelled, as they believed,
i to vote for the bill recognising the existence
I of war, in order to rase the supplies of men
! and money necessary to rescue the army un
der General Taylor, on the Del None, from
I the dangers to which it was exposed.
But lo the matter home, the senator
himself is iu no small degree responsible for
he war. 1 intend no attack on him. I have
made none and will make none. The rela- I
lions between him and myself, personal and 1
political, have long been such, that self-res
pect and a sense of propriety forbid my allud
ing to him, except when unavoidable, and
then in a courteous manner;and 1 now allude ,
to his course only because it is necessary |
to explain mine, and the motives which gov
erned me on the occasion.
The Senate will remember that when the
President’s message was received recom
mending Congress lo recognCe that a war
existed between us and Mexico, and raise
the necessary means for its prosecution, the
senator from Mississippi, whose seat is im
mediately on my right, but who is now ab
sent, [Mr. Fpeight,] moved to print 20,000
copies of lie message and documents. The
scene was a solemn one, and what occurred
will long be remembered by the members
t f the body. I rose and objected; and said
we were on the eve of great events, and ex
press! my hope that we would proceed calm
ly and deliberately. I suggested that the
printing of so large a number of copies would
be construed into an endorsement of the mes
sage, adding that 1 was unwilling either to
endorse or condemn, until the message do
cuments were printed, and carefully perused
by me. A debate ensued, and the journals
of the Senate will show what took place.—
The senator from Missouri was the indivi
dual who made the discreet and appropriate
motion lo separate the recommendations of
the message into two parts, and refer that
which related to recognising the existence of
war (o the Committee on Foreign Relations,
and that which related lo the raising of men
and supplies to the Committee on Military
Affairs, of which Ire was chairman. The
latter, it was expected, would report imme
diate measures for the support of General
Taylor. I seconded the motion, and it was
carried by a large majority. I saw in it
that which gave me hope, and that I should
he able to effect the object I had in view,
and which 1 will hereafter explain.
The House of Representatives acted with
much more precipitancy; it passed a bill the
very day the message was received, recog
nising (he existence of the war, and provi
ding means lor its prosecution. It was late
in the evening when it passed the House,
and lam ot the impression that the Senate
I had adjourned ; and it was not leported to it
that day ; but, be that as it mav, the next
day the senator, as chairman of the Com
mittee on Military Affairs, reported the bill
to the senate as it came from the House,
with both provisions in it; directly contrary
to the order of the Senate, made on his own
motion to refer the part of the message re
lalmg to the recognition of the war lo the
Committee on Foreign Relations: To that,
and the fact that a caucus had been held of
the parly which agreed to sustain the re
port, may be traced the precipitate, (to use
no stronger word,) action of the Senate, and
the recognalion of the war. It emphatically
made Hie war. Had the order of the Senate
been respected—had the senator from Mis
souri, iu conformity with it, and as lie was j
in duty bound to do, moved lo strike out all j
that related to the recognition of the war,
and referred it to the Committee on Foreign i
Relations, and confined it is report to raising !
the necessary means of rescuing General 1
Taylor and his army from the pressing dan- j
gers which surrounded them, the possibility [
is tUat ihe war might have been averted, and i
the two countries at this day have been at
peace. Sir, I say possibility, because, even : s
Llien, after the skirmishes between our forces t
had oe.cnred, 1 did uot despair of escaping I s
war, if sufficient firmness and prudence were I V
used on tiie pirt of this body. I had deeply
reflected cm the subject in advance, and j I
great as were the difficulties, I still savva | c
gleam of hope. - j 1
'l'he intelligence of the skirmishes on the s
Rio Grande was received on Saturday: lat t
once saw the d inger, and turned my mind to : .
toe subject, i anticipaaied that a message \ j
would be received on Monday from the Ex
ecutive, and formed not an incorrect opinion 1
as to what would be its character. Casting (
my eyes over the whole, with a view of
avoiding war, J came to the conclusion in my I
own mind, what course was best to effect flint ■,
object. Next morning I communicated the i ,
conclusions to which i had come, to two of ; \
my colleagues, who were boarding with me. i
I said to them, that there was but one way |
of escaping war, but 1 am not certain that it
wi Ibe successful. It will, however, place
us in the chapter of accidents, and thereby j •
afftrd a posob'ily of escape. 1 was asked
what it was and replied that it depended on
seperatiug the question of war from that ;
which relates to the rescuing of General
Taylor and his forces. Lei the means ne
cessary tor the latter be immediatly granted,
hut let time be taken lor due and deliberate
consideration of the former. Had that been
done, it was my intention to throw my whole
weight against the immediate declaration or
recognation of war; treating what had oc- ;
cuned as mere hostilities between the two ;
armies without tlie authority ol the Congress |
—ilie war making power of either Govern
ment.
We had not a particle of evidence then, or 1
even n )\v, that the Republic of Mexico had made
war against li»e United Estates. Indi ed, we are
in the anomalous condition of the two countries
being at war during, the almost, an entire year,
without cither having declared it, although the
Constitutions ot both expressly provide that Con
gress shall declare war.
Instead, then, ot recognizing the war, 1 would
have taken tile very opposite ground—that what
had occurred was mere hostilities, and not war,
as the Congress of Mexico had not authorized it. j
i'oprovide for the contingency ofthe Congrtss j
of Mexico approving of what had occurred, and
refusing to treat for tue settlement ot ourdlfficul- i
ties, 1 would have advised the raising of ample j
provisional force, to be collected at some conve
nient and healthy point, where they could be
trained during the interval, and be fully prepared
to meet such decision; but tven in case such de
cision should be made, instead of advising a for
mal declaration of war, 1 would have adus d, as
Gen. Jackson recommended, giving au hority to
the Executive to make reprisals for seizing and
holding such portion ofthe Mexi an territory as
| vvouldafford ample indemnity, to be retained until
| the differences between t lie two countries were set
! lied: but, in the meantime, would have taken
measures to repel the attacks made upon our army
by the Mexican forces, and to drive them far be
yond the hints of our borders.
Had this course been pursued, we should have
hid a 1 the glory and reputation of the two bril
li m victories at Pulto Alto and Resaco de la
Palma, without being involved in the preset.t in
definite and expensive war waged against Mexi- j
co. We would also have had the advantage of
the chapter of accidents—of Mexico disavowing '
hostilities and indemnifying our ci izens —either '
from a sense ot weakness, or of returning justice
on her part, or from t lie influence of other pow
ers, which have an interest in preserving peace
—iro n their coin nercial or other relations w ith
her, and thereby save a resort to arms on our
part. Hut, at ail events, failing in that, we
would have avoided, by rrsortmg to reprisals, the
enormous expenses,the sacrifice ofmen and mu- j
ney, and the disasters 10 which the war has ex- ;
posed us. I have now met, and, 1 trust,success- 1
, tally repelled, all the chargt s made by the JSena
' tor from Missouri, except those relating to the ;
I M issuurio Compromise.and the Abolition question ‘
at the period, for which 1 am in no way responsi
ble. 1 was not then in Congress, i filled the ;
office of Seen I ary of War at tiie time, and had no
agency of control over it His charges are light
las air— dd and stale, without even plausibility, j
and 1 have not the slighest tear of their having
; any weight,either here or in the community.
[Prom sh-i Cola nth us Times.]
Mr. Colquitt’s Speech—.llc. itcri-irn** l*o
licy.
Senator Colquitt’s able and patriotic
speech, will be lound on our first page.
It is worthy of the man, and worthy of his
position ol Democratic Senator from the
State of Georgia.
How different is the manly, straight- j
forw’ard and hearty support which he I
offers to the Government of the country
in the prosecution of the war, from the
backing and filling, secret slabbing and
mock enthusiasm with which Mr. Berrien
comes forward, with a side glance at
country and both orbs strained to bursting
upon the interests of party. With a mouth
full of professions of patriotism, and a
ready willingness to vole money and men,
Air. Berrien comes forward with his pro
position to C ingress to declare to .Mexico
and the world, that in no event, will we
as the result of war, dismember Mexico j
or lake a fool of her territory to indemnify
us for the costs and losses by war and
I injuries and wrongs for which the war
was forced upon us. In the same moment
1 he votes 30 mi.lions of dollars and 50,000
men for a ‘‘vigorous prosecution of the !
war,” and tells Mexico, “don’t he uneasy, ;
we shall not harm you—if we take your j
territory, it is only to give it back to i
you”! Did statesman ever propose such
policy before? What is it but “aid and
comfort” to Mexico, and embarrassment
and discomfort—nay, cruelly to our own
troops, to send them forth to fight fruitless
battles and conquer territory, which when I
the battle is ended is to he given back to |
the enemy, yet wet with the American
blood that conquered it?
But if the policy of Mr. Berrien as a
statesman is bad, what shall we say ot j
the motive which induces it? It is cow. j
ardly—it is shrinking from a question
which must he met, and which cannot
long he put off—the slave question. Mr.
Berrien would not extend the boundaries
of the confederacy for fear that the dis
cussion of this question will rent the
Union? Is that American statesmanship?
Is that trust in the wisdom, and moderation
and patriotism of the American people
which so far, have always proved strong
to save us from all such dangers? And
if these reliances fail us, what is the Union
but a house of cards liable to he scattered
by every breath of passion? Is it worth
preserving if it has to be preserved by |
blinking important questions of a domestic
nature? We agree with the intelligent 1
correspondent of the Baltimore Sun in the
words of wisdom which lie utters, that ]
“Nothing is more conclusively demon-
strative of the w eakness of a people, than |
the necessity of abstaining from I lie con- s
sideration of vital questions, in w hich its
future welfare is involved. When a
people are so prejudiced—so weak mind
ed—so cowardly, as not to venture to
talk with freedom of their moral and | .
social evils, and the means of remedying j I
them, then n is to be feared they are i
already incurable. One can say every- (
thing to a great nation, or to a great and
o 7 c 1
magnanimous people, without dread of
offending it, or rousing its passion.” i
And surely if it is necessary, in order
to avoid such questions, to send our troops |
abroad to a useless sacrifice, and lode- I ;
grade the National character and tarnish i
the National honor, as Mr. Berrien pro- I
{loses, w e have arrived at a point, w here j
it is necessary for all honest men to pause !
and enquire into the means of remedying '
so great au evil. But we reject with scorn i
the whole of this dastardly policy. We i
lelieve in boldness and featlessness in |
both domestic and foreign affairs. Lei
us look both dangers in the face, and
trust to American prudence and wisdon
to counteract the one at home, and to
American valor to meet and conquer the
other abroad. We cannot believe that
this great country to fall a victim to a
miserable fanaticism; or that the lust of
political power, will outweigh the pro
digious advantages which the free States
derive from their union with the slave
labor of tie South. As for slavery
itself, Providence a'one can eventually
terminate it. In the meantime, the
American trust should he first in Pro
vidence and next in the Constitution. Let
us stick to that—mutilated, violated,
trampled upon as it has been, it is still a
glorious instrument—a medicine for all
our internal heartburnings—a talisman
of our future grandeur as a nation. But, |
let us not, by adopting Mr. Berrien’s
timid policy, confss to the wold our
weakness and folly, acknowledge that t.he
experiment of free Govei nment has failed,
and that so far from being able to main
tain our rights and honor abroad, we have
been compelled in order to patch up a
domestic feud, to trail the stars and stripes
in the dust of Mexico. In short, let us whip
Mexico into justice, like men, and then
like bro'hers settle our domestic quarrels.
Mr. Bcrr.en proposes in limine to ac
knowledge, that we are not able to do |
ei her. We say, with a high trust in our
Na ional destiny, and a full faith in the i
good sense of the American people, that
vve can no both. At all events, lei us trv, j
and not as Mr. Berrien desires, yield
honor abroad, and peace at home, without
one manly struggle to redeem the one ;
and secure the oilier. God deliver this
high hearted people from such counsellors
as Judge Berrien.
o"The following sketch of a distinguish- i
ed citizen of Massachusetts, who has recert
ly acquired new claims upon the admiration |
of his countrymen, will be read with general j
interest. W e are indebted for it to the South 1
; Carolinian, which has condensed it from the i
recent sketches of Mr. Cushing with which
the papers are teeming:
Caleb C’u«*ii:ig.
Who fills so much of the public eye as
Colonel of the Massachusetts volunteers is 1
now in his 48th year. He was born in New
bury port in Jan. 1800, graduated at Harvard j
j University in 1817, in the class with Ban
i croft and Rufus Choate, in 1819 was ap
pointed tutor of Mathematics and Natural
Philosophy in that institution—commenced
the practice of law in 1822—married Miss
Wilde in 1823, who died in 1832—elected (o
the State Senate in 1827—travelled in Eu
j rope in 1830-31—elected to Congress in
I 1834—was re-elected for three successive
! teims, and declining a re-election was nomi
nated for Secretary of the Treasury three
limes, on the 3J March 1843, but voted down
as often by the bank vvhigs, who refused to
confirm his nomination on account of his po
litical creed —sailed as first minister from tiie j
U. Slates to China in July 1843,in the steam
frigate Missouri, which was destroyed by fire
at Gibraltar in August—proceeded to China
byway ol Egypt, and in six months negotiat
ed a treaty and established diplomatic rela
tions between that jealous people and the U.
►States—returned in 1844 through Mexico,
having made a complete circle of the globe
within a belt of 40 degrees in less than one
year—in 1845 started on a tour to the north
west territories, explored the region of the
great lake-, and alter enduring the privations
of a savage life returned to Nevvburvport in
the fall ot 1846 to be elected by the votes of
both political parties to represent iiis native
place in the legislature by a rn ijority far ex
ceeding that given for any of his colleagues.
“The above outline denotes a life of var.eJ
action not often to be with. From a
graduate at the early age of 17, we trace
Inm to Ihe tutor, the lawyer, traveller diplo
matist, and explorer, and in each successive
sphere of employment, vve find the same per
severance, irrepressible activity, indomitable
energy, and capacity to meet the require
ments of any branch of the public service.
“Without taking into the account his lec- (
tures on China and Oregon, and others belore
numerous literary and scientific institutions,
bis literary, historical, and political produc
tions have been almost without number. Be
sides his work on the Revolutions in Europe, 1
in two volumes; his Reminiscences of a year
in Spain, in two volumes; aud a translation
of Bulkier on Maritime Contracts, he has <
been a most prolific contributor to the North i
American Review, the United States Litera- ]
ry Gazette, the Southern Review, the Arne- i
rican Review, the Democratic Review, the ,
Annual Register, the Knickerbocker, and ,
other periodicals. He also furnished all the ]
articles in the Encyclopedia Americana, on (
the geography, history, and institution* ol
Spanish America, in relation to which no }
writer in either hemisphere has displayed (
more accurate or comprehensive knowledge.” ,
Such is the gallant commander of the Mas- (
rachusetts Volunteers, and those who know (
him predict as brilliant a career lor him in .
tl;e field of strife, as lias been awarded to
him in the peaceful fields of literature and
science.
Cotton shipped from the Kingston de
pot, upon the W. & A. 11. Road since the
Ist of October last to Ist of March inst.. ,
principally from the Coosa bottoms,
stands thus:
To Augusta & Charleston, 3,258 bales.
Savannah, 374 “
Total 3,633.
Add to this amount, the cotton still to he
brought forward by the Steamer Coosa,
which has been ascertained will reach 2,- |
000 bales, will foot up 5,674 bales from i
where it was said that five hundred bags |
would not be shipped by this route to
market, when the Memphis Branch
Rail Road was first brought before the
people of this comunity, and thatch the
sea-boartl of our own S ate, goes to show
they «ire greatly mistaken, while it has
proven the friends of the grand enterprise
to be men of sound judgment.
And the amount of Gram, Flour, To
bacco, Arc., we are informed by Geo. S.
Black, Esq., the agent at this depot, has
been double that of the corresponding j
months last season.
The receipts on up freight has also in
creased greatly a! tin’s depot during the
last quarter.— Rome (Ga ) Journal.
WfiTTi-B irnnn rm —i in— ■■ nriw mi MM n ■■ ■ ■ ■i - hm
AUGUSTA! (JEU..“
SATURDAY 310RMNG, .MARCH 13, 1847.
{Frln accordance with our promise, we lay
before our readers, 3lr. Calhoun’s speech in reply
to Mr. Renton. We do this that tire reason* may
go before them, among whom .Mr. Calhoun has
many warm friends, why he is found in opposition
to the vie w» and policy of ttie democratic party
on the Mexican war. Believing him to be a man
of sincerity.of probity ami of patriotism, we do not
impugn fora moment his statement of the motives
ami opinions influencing his course. We have
been, however, and are astonished at the opinions
themselves, and consider them wholly unsustain- !
ed by the facts upon which they are based. llis
position that war was the result of ihe advance of
General Taylor from Corpus Christi to tlie Rio
Grande, and not of prior events which had made
Mexico obstinately resolved upon that issue, we
consider as based upon a moil flimsy foundation.
Whether the war be popular or not, it had become,
tong previous to that movement, inevitable. Jf
Mexican folly, and stupid obstinacy be not, as we
contend wholly responsible for the war, —a war
which she might and ought to have avoided—if it
could in any just way be chargeable as the fault
of our government, the responsibility goes hack
beyond Mr. Polk’s administration. It can be laid
much more plausibly at the door of Mr. Calhoun ;
himself, the great champion of Annexation, and j
the Secretary of State of Mr. Tyler.
The alleged notification from Gen. Arista to !
General Taylor, that if he would remain at Cor- |
pus Chri ti, the Mexican forces would not cross |
the Rio Del Norte, proves to have been the mere
tattle of a certain Isaac I). Murks —a private citi
zen, and would-be-employee of our govermenl—as
to what Gen. Arista hail said in conversation. It
was nothing that General Taylor could for a mo
ment regard. Il might perhaps have been a ruse
of the enemy to lull into false security. Vet upon
; this, Mr. Calhoun founded a grave conclusion,
1 that tiie disregard of this intimation caused the war.
Such a conclusion we conceive unworthy the es
j tablished sagacity of so great a Statesman-
The speculations of the Senator as to the means by
which the war might have been avoided and Mex
ico induced to negotiate terms of settlement of all
| existing difficulties, we look upon as visionary.
. They are unsupported by the facts ami the history
' of the whole rase—refuted by the acts and ilecla
’ rations of Mexico. These, coupled with the known
obstinacy and unreasonable temper of that people,
I showed that it would have been a vain hope to
expect from her a peace, “cither from a sense of
weakness, or of returning justice on her pan.’’
j We regret that Mr. Calhoun saw fit to seperate
himself from the democratic party on this war
question. We do not doubt that he did so consci
entiously. But his best friends ino.-t regret that
he was not able to give mure plausible reasons for
his course.
The fancied connection between the Oregon
and Mexican question is another specimen of that
proneness of which 3lr. Calhoun is so distinguish
ed to propound a novel theory, and of that inge
nuity with which his fertile genius will sustain it
by argument. It is a theory, however, that must
be put down by a few plain facts.
Mr. Calhoun says “our true policy was to sus
pend all attempts at opening negotiations with
Mexico until that (the Oregon) question was final
ly settled.” A very peaceful policy indeed ' —and
marvellously conducive to amicable relations!!
Mr. Calhoun should have remembered that soon
after Mr. Polk came into office —namely on the
1 dth day of July, ISIS, he offered to settle the Ore
gon controversy on the parallel of 4J degrees, and
that the proposition was promptly, and we may
add, almost contemptuously rejected by Mr. Pack
enham—rejected without the previous courtesy of
even submitting it to the British Cabinet. There
seemed to be, after that no very blight prospect of a
ee t'ement—certainly none of an early settlement.
Yet, Mr. Calhoun would have recommended that
until that should be accomplished, no further nego
tiations with Mexico should be held. But the
President took a different view. So did Mr. Buch
anan. They thought it their duty to their country
—to humanity, and to the peace of the world, t 0
lose no honorable opportunity to prevent a war.
They made in September, 1815, an overture f<> r
negotiations through our Consul, 3lr. Black, as
soon as they had reason to believe that .Mexico
would listen to pacific terms. They were anxious
to preserve peace. They did not heed the bluster
ing and loud defiance breathed by Almonte in the
Spring of that year, on his leaving Washington.
General llerera being President, lent a favorable
ear to peace, and 3lr. Slidell was accordingly des
patched on Ids errand of peace.
Every one is familiar with the history of that
mission, and of the overthrow of Herera by Par
edes, an lof the causes of that overthrow. Ilia
not necessary to descant on tiie fierce exasperation
of the 3lexicans, and their infatuated obstinacy in
rejecting our overtures—in denouncing us in pub
lic proclamations—in making inflammatory appeals
to the national spirit against us—in declaring ven
geance against us and a determination to recon
quer Texas, and finally in assembling an army at
Matamoros for the purpose of invasion. Yet Mr.
Calhoun would have recommended again his fa
vorite policy of “masterly inactivity.” He would
advocate “masterly inactivity” on the Oregon
question, and then would recommend, on the top of
that, “to suspend all attempts at opening negotia
tions with 3lexico until that question was finally
settled.” Suchdelay, by the very terms of the
advice, to be interminable, would have ill-suited
the already chafed spirit of the American people.
It could not have held in check the eager spirit of
Mexico, armed and prepared to precipitate hir
troops into the heart of Texas. Delay could have
gained nothing for peace. We could not honora
ble have made another overture for it, after the
scornful rejection of Mr. Slidell. To have r»
tainedour troops at Corpus Christi could not hav«
.acted as a propitiation. They had already been
there from August, 1845 to April, 18-16, when they
were moved forward opposite to Matamoros, the
threatened point of invasion. Yet 3lexico had
made no overture for peace.
We do not believe in this fanciful connection
between the Oregon and Mexican questions. Ihe
settlement of the funner resulted from a policy op
posed bitterly by 3lr. Calhoun—the recommenda
tion of the President to give the notice for termi
nating the joint occupancy. England had to»
much to lose, and too little to gain by a war with
us. As to Mexico, we had already conceded 100
much, stiiven too hard to conciliate her and to
obtain justice from her, in Vain. It would have
degraded onreountry any longer to have doubted
the fixed resolve of that nation to appeal to tho
arbitrament of arms.
The UlniU.
We received two mails last evening, bringing
dates of the Bib inst. from New York, ami the ‘Jth
from Baltimore and ashington. 3\ c should
have received dates one day later.
We have had no New Orleans or 3lobile papers
by the two last Southern mails.
o”The Resumption Bill long p ending be
fore the Maryland Legi. lature, lias finally
become a law. That Estate may now take
her position among her sister Slates, free
from the suspicion even, of favoring repudia
tion.
(LTTne Libel Case in the U. S, Circuit
Court at Washington vs. Gov. Thomas, has
finally been disposed of by the counsel of de
fendant slating that their unfortunate client
has been laboring under monomania on the
subject of his domestic relations. The re
sult is a most triumphant vindication of his
much injured lady.
15y Telegraph.
IT"The New Voik correspondent of the
; Baltimore Patriot, dated March Bth, 8 P. M
6 tys —The Colton market is without change
in prices pince the If-4 advance quoted.
There is however some inquiry at previous
rales.
There are some surmises here, though not
much credited, that a steamer left England
on or about the 19 h uk. Il so, her new*
may he expected in a few days. We may
have news by one of the regular packets,
some days in advance of Ihe Hibernia’* arri
val. She left on the 4th inst., and will be
due about the 20ih or 23J inst.
llijgb Hirer.
Our river had risen yesterday to the stage*
; of the wharves,and was still rising when our
j paper went to press.
B’altn 110 Urglinriil.
We find in the Columbia South Carolinian,
the following, which gives some interesting item*
concerning the Island of Lubas, a temporary
rendezvous for our troops. 'I bis island con
j tains about five bundled acres, and is nearly
cq ii distant by water from Tampico and Vera
Cruz, being about 100 miles from each place.
Extract from a letter from the
Island of 1.0b0.5. Coast of Mexico. )
Eebru ,rv 14, 1847. S
W r arc now here, all safe and s mud, rspecixl
l ly the officers and men oi the Richland Compa
ny s wh > are in fine health. We have had tho
hardest kind of work in clearing up this island.
We were at sea 17 days, 16 days sailing. There
are now near 3000 soldiers hero, and it is said
that Ui.OOU wni rendezvous at tins place. Gen.
Scott is expected here daily, and will probably
arrive in ail the next lour or live days, when all
believe we will not be. long in marching against
I Vera Cruz. We havejnst hemd from Tampico
of the sat-l ■ of Col. D. Hussy an I the Louisi
ana Volunteers. Speaking of clearing the pa
rade ground —1 have often heard of rank growth,
but never saw it before. Jt is equal to lhe tiiick
els of Fiond i, Ihe Banyan trees grow about
five led high; the branch* s then turn down, anil
‘ i iter.ock each ot.ierdqve tailed fas ii ion, and then
grow into the ground again and take root We
see any number of lemon trees. This Island is
said to have been one of the retreats of Lafitte.
After cutting away tho bushes and vines, we dial
the names of persons from different counlrie*
cut on the trees, and look as if done verves since.
; One tree has the American flag cut on it and
above it is the English; ours appeals the oldest.
Our Regiment, the glorious Palmetto, is the only
one winch is full, of those on the Island; there
arc seven companies of the Pennsylvania, G of
the Louisiana, G of the Mississippi, 450 regulars,
and some at sea not landed y et. There are more
rats, hzzards. land crabs, sea ticks anil other in
sects on this little spot than ran be found on any
uputofthe same size elsewhere.
February 15. 1847.
Phe Colonel of the Pennsylvania Regiment
took three Mexicans prisoners, who came hero
yesterday in a boat loaded with oranges, straw
hats, and Mexican blankets to sell to the soldiers.
They are fine looking and intelligent men, but
were poorly clad. They are now confined un
der a strong guard, as thev arc suspected of I ic
ing sjiies. Before they were arrested they could
speak broken English very well, but as soon a
their arrest they were not able to speak English
at all. 1 hev said they had permission to tradii
with the troops from an officer at Tampico, but
could not produce it. The thermometer stands
from 86 to‘‘o to-day. Some six or seven ves
sels have arrived since yesterday, and our num
bers have been swelled to some 60u0 troops.
A passage in Mr. fcj jule’sgreat speech
in the Senate on the Mexican war. redu
ced the metaphysics of Messrs. Webster
and Berrien to a local absurdity in a
very brief space, and with very clear
terms. B >th these gentlemen declare
the war to be unjust—got up for wicked
purposes—and yet declare their willin'*,
ness to vote supplies to carry it on
“For what object then,” inquired Mr.
Soule s. “ 1 hey' want no conquest—no
additional territory—no dismemberment
of Mexico ; they merely carry it on then
fur carnage and slaughter .” his a math
ematical deduction from the position of
these gentlemen and of all those who
declare the war unjust, who will not take
territory as indemnity, and yet vote lor
supplies ; and the clear condenced ex
pression of the thought, struck the Sen
ate with great force. —[Mobile Reg.
AX ORDINANCE
To alter nod amend the thirty fifth Section of the
General Ordinance-
Tic \t ordained hi/ the City Council of A uguvta ,
Taaiilie thirty-filth section of the General Ordi
nance be so amended that the taxon negroes living
apart from their owners or hirers be as follows: on
each slave between ten and sixty years of age, ten
dollars per annum, when the owner lives in the
city, and twenty dollras per annum when tho
owner lives out of the city.
[Done in Council, this sixth day of March,
eighteen hundred and forty-seven.]
LEWIS D. FORD, Mayor.
Attest—W. 3lilo Oun, (Jerk of Council.
March 9 3 133