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THE tOASTi'TUTJOMLIST. “ JAivltS GAHD NEK. JR. TEEMS. ally , per annum gg 00 J’ri-W eekJy, j>er annum .5 00 Jl paid in advance qq Weekly, per annum .........3 00 It paid in advance 2 50 To Clubs, remitting $lO in advance. FIVE COPIES arc sent. This will put our Weekly pa per in the reach ol” new subscriber* at TWO DOLLARS A VEAR. Hr Subscribers who will pa}' up arrearages, and send four new subscribers, with the money, can get the paper at $2 00 fEr’All new subscriptions must be paid in ad vance. O"Postage must be paid on all communications and letters of business. PRESI DENT’S MESSAGE. FeUow-citizcms of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: T he annual meeting of Congress is always an interesting event. The representatives of the States and of the people come fresh from their constituents to take counsel for the com mon good. After an existence of near three lou: ths of a century as a free and independent republ c the problem no longer remains to be to ved, whether man is capable of self-govern ment. The success of our admirable system is a conclusive refutation of the theories of those in other countries who maintain that ‘la favored few’” are born to rule, and that the mass of mankind must be governed by f >rcc. Subject to no arbitrary or hereditary authoii ty, the people are the only sovereigns recog nised by our constitution. Numerous emi grants of every lineage and language, attract ed by the civil and religious freedom we en joy, and by our happy condition, annually crowd to our shores, and transfer their heart, not less than th air allegiance, to the country whose dominion belongs alone to the people No country has been so much favored, or should acknowledge with deeper reverence the manifestations of the Divine protection. An all-wise Creator directed and guarded us in our infant struggle fur freedom, and has con stantly watched over our surprising progress, •until we have become one of the great nations of the earth. It is in a country thus favored, and under - government in which the executive and legis lative branches hold their authority for limit ed periods, alike from the people, and where ail are responsible to their respective consti tuencies, that it is again ray duty to commua Bicate with Congress upon the state of the Union, and the present condition of public af fairs. During the past year the most gratifying proofs are presente I that our country has been blessed with a wide-spread and universal pros perity. There has been no period since the government was founded, when all the indus trial pursuits of our people have been more successful, or when labor in all branches of business has received a better or fairer reward- From our abundance we have been enabled to perform the pleasing duty of furnishing food for the starving millions of less favored coun tries. In the enjoyment of the bounties of Provi dence at home, such as have rarely fallen to the lot of any people, it is cause of congratu lation, that our intercourse with all the Pow ers of the earth, except Mexico, continues to be of an amicable character. It has ever been our cherished policy to cul tivate peace and good will with all nations ; and this policy has been steadily pursued by me. No change has taken place in our relations with Mexico since the adjournment of the last Congress. The war in which the United States were forced to engage with the govern ment of that country still continues. I deem it unnecessary, after the full exposi tion of them contained in ray message of the 11th of May, 1816, and in ray annual message aft the commencement of the session of Con gress in December last, to reiterate the serious causes of complaint which we had against Mexico before she commenced hostilities. It is sufficient on the present occasion to say, that the wanton violation of the rights of person and property of our citizens committed by Mexico, her repeated acts of bad faith, through a long series ol years, and her disre gard of solemn treaties, stipulating for indem nity to our injured citizens, not only constitu ted ample cause of war on our part, but were of such an aggravated character as would have justified us before the whole world in resort ing to this extreme remedy. With an anx ious desire to avoid a rupture between the two Countries, we forbore for years to ass© t our clear rights by force, and continued to seek redress fbr the wrongs we had suffered by am icable negotiation, in the hope that Mexico might yield to pacific councils and the de mands of justice. In this hope we were dis appointed. Our minister of peace sent to Mexico was insultingly rejected. The Mexi can government refused even to hear the terms of adjustment which he was authorized to propose; and finally, under wholly unjustifia ble pretexts, involved the two countries in war, by invading the territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the blood of our citizens on our own soil. Though the United States were the aggriev ed nation, Mexico commenced the war, and Wc were compelled, in self-defence, to repel the invader, and to vindicate the national ho nor and interests by prosecuting it with vigor until we could obtain a just and honorable peace. On learning that hostilities had been com menced by Mexico, I promptly communicated that fact, accompanied with a succinct state ment of our other causes of complaint against Mexico, to Congress ; and that body, by the act of the 13th of May, 1816, declared" that “•by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States” —this act declaring “ the war to exist by the act of the republic of Mex ico,” and making provision for its prosecution “ to a speedy and successful termination,” was passed with great unanimity by Congress, there being but two negative votes in the Se nate, and but fourteen in the House of Repre sentatives. The existence of the war having thus been declared by Congress, it became my duty, un der the constitution and the laws, to conduct and prosecute it. This duty has been perform ed.; and though, at every stage of its progress, I have manifested a willingness to terminate it by a just peace, Mexico has refused to accede to any terms which could be accepted by the United States,, consistently with the national honor and interest. The rapid and billiant successes of our arms, and the vast extent of the enemy’s territory which had been overrun and conquered, before the close of the last session of Congress, were fully known to that body. Since that time, the war has been prosecuted -with increased energy, and I am gratified to state with a success which, commands universal admiration. History presents no parallel of so many glorious vic tories achieved by any nation within so short a period. Our army, regulars and volunteers, have covered themselves with imperishable honors. Whenever and wherever our forces hare encountered the enemy, though he was n vastly superior numbers, and often cutrench- I ed in fortified positions of his own selection, i and of great strength, he lias been defeated. ■ Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon our officers and men, regulars and volunteers, for their gallantry, discipline, indomitable courage and perseverance, all seeking the post of danger, and vicing with each other in deeds of noble daring. While every patriot’s heart must exult, and a just national pride animates every bosom, in beholding the high praise of courage, consum mate military skill, steady discipline, and humanity to the vanquished enemy, exhibited by our gallant army, the nation is called to mourn over the loss of many brave officers and soldiers who have fallen in defence of their country’s honor an I interests. The brave dead met their melancholy fate on a foreign land, nobly discharging their duty, and with their country’s flag waving triumphantly in the face of the foe. Their patriotic deeds arc justly appreciated, and will long be remembered by their grateful countrymen. The parental care of the government they loved and served shou .d be extended to their surviving families. Shortly after the adjournment of the last session of Cong ess, the gratifying intelligence was received of the signal victory of Buena Vista and of the fall ol the city of era Cruz, and with it the strong castle of San Jnan de Ulh a, by which it was defended. Bel e r ing that after these and others successes, so honor able to our arms and so disastous to Mexico, the period was propitious to afford her anoth er opportunity, if she thought proper to em brace it. to enter into negotiations for peace, a commissioner was appointed to proceed to the headquarters of our army, with full powers to enter upon negotiations, and to conclude a just and honorable treaty of peace. lie was not directed to make any new overtures of peace, but was the bearer of a despatch from the Secretary of State of the U. S. to the Min ister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, in reply to one received from the latter of the twenty second of February,lß4 7, in which the Mexican government was informed of bis appointment, and of his presence at the headquarters of our army, and that he was invested with full pow ers to conclude a definitive treaty of peace, whenver the Mexican government night signify a desire to do so. While I was unwilling to subject the Unsted States to another indignant refusal, 1 was yet resolved that the evils or the war should not bo protracted a £ay longer than might be rendered absolutely necessary by the Mexican government. Care was taken to give no instructions to the commissioner which could in any way inter fere with our military operations, or relax our energies in the prosecution of the war. lie possessed no authority in anymanner to control these operations. He was authorized to ex hibit his instructions to the General in com mand of the army; and in the event of a treaty being concluded and ratified on the part of Mexico, he was directed to give him notice of that fact. On the happening of such contin gency, and on receiving rotice thereof, the General in command was instructed by the Secretary of War to suspend further active military oj ©rations until further orders. These instructions were given with a view to inter mit hostilities, until the treaty thus ratified by Mexico could be transmited to Washington, and receive the action of the government oftho U. S. The commissioner was also directed, on reaching the army, to deliver to the General in command the despatch which he bore from the Secretary of State to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, and, on receiving it, the General was instructed by the Secretary of War to cause it to be transmitted to the commander of the Mexican forces, with a re quest that it might be communicated to his government. The commissioner did not reach the hcad qua.’ters of the army until after another bril liant victory had crowned our arms at Cerro Go-do. The despatch which he bore from the Sec retary of War to the General in command of the army was received by that officer, then at Jalapa. on the seventh day of May, 1847, to gether with the despatch from the Secretary of State to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, having been transmitted to him from Vera Cruz. The commissioner arrived at the headquarters of the army a few days afterwards. His presence with the army and his diplomatic character were made known to the Mexican government, from Puebla, on the twelfth of June, 1847, by the transmission of the despatch from the Secretary of State to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico. Many wet ks elapsed after its receipt, and no overtures were ma le, nor was any de sire expressed by the Mexican government to enter into negotiations for peace. Our army pursued its march upon the capi tal, and, as it appro ached it, was met by for midable resistance. Our forces first encoun tered the enemy, and achieved signal victories in_the severely contested battles of Contreras and Churubusco. It was not until after these actions had resulted in decisive victories, and the capital of the enemy was within our pow er, that the Mexican government manifested any disposition to enter into negotiations for peace; and even then, as 'events have proved, j there is too much reason to believe they were I insincere, and that in agreeing to go through the forms of negotiation, the object was to gain time to strengthen the defences of their capital and to prepare for fresh resistance. 'lhe General in command of the army deemed it expedient to suspend hostilities temporarily, by cut iring into an armistice with a view to the opening of negotiations. Commissioners w ere appointed on the part of Mexico to meet the commissioners on the part of the United States. The result of the con ferences which took place between these fui » tionaries of the two governments was a failure to conclude a treaty of peace. The commissioner of the United States took with him the project of a traty already pre pared, by the terms of which the indemnity required by the United States was a cession of territory. It is well known that the only indemnity which it is in the power of Mexico to make in satisfaction of the just and long deferred j claims of our citizens against her, and the only means by which she can reimburse the United States for the expenses of the war, is a cession to the United States of a portion of her terri tory. Mexico has no money to pay, and no other means of making the required indemni ty. If we refv a 1 this, we can obtain no thing else. To reject indemnity, by refusing to accept a cession of territory, would be to abandon all our just demands, and to wage the I war, bearing all its expenses, without a pur pose of definite object. A state of war abrogates treaties previously existing between the belligerents, and a treaty 1 of peace puts an end to all claims for indemni ty —for- tortious acts committed, under the au -1 thority of one government against the citizens or subjects of another, unless they are provid ed for in its stipulations. A treaty of peace which would terminate the existing Avar, without providing for indemnity, would en able Mexico—the acknowledged debtor, and herself the aggressor in the war —to relieve herself from her just liabilities. By such a | treaty, our citizens, who hold- just demands | against her, would have no remedy either against Mexico or their own government. Our duty to these citizens must forever pre vent such a peace, and no treaty -which does not provide ample means of discharging these demands can receive my sanction. A treaty of peace should settle all existing differences between the two countries. If an adequate cession of territory should be made by su#h »• treaty, the United States should re- | lease Mexico from all her liabilities, and as- ! lume their pavmeut to our own citizens. It, i instead of this,- the United States were to i consent to a treaty by which Mexico should engage to pay the heavy amount of indebted ness which a just indemnity to olir govern ment and our citizens would impose on her, it is notorious that she doe's not possess the means to meet such an undertaking. Irom such a treaty no result could be anticipated, but the same irritating disappointments which have heretofore attended the violations ot similar treaty stipulations on the part of Mex icoi Such a treaty would be but a temporary cessation of hostilities, without the restora tion of the friendship and good understanding which should characterize the future inter course between the two countries. Th it Co vgresic mt. mplated the acquisition of territorial indemnity when that body made provision for the prosecution of the war, is obvious. Congress could not have meant — when, in May, IS I‘3, lha/ appropriate I ten millions ot dollars, and authorized the Presi dent to employ the militia and naval and mili tary forces of the United States, and to ac cept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, to enable him to prosecute the war; and when at their last session, and after our army had invaded Mexico, they made additional appro priations and authorized the r using of addi tional troops for the same purpose—that no indemnity was to be obtained from Mexico at the conclusion of the war: and yet it was cer tairf that, if no Mexican territory was acquired, no indemnity could be obtained. It is fu. thir manifest that CongrcM contemp lated territorial indemnity, from the fact that, at their last session, an act was passed, upon the Executive recommendation, appropriating three millions of dollars with the express ob ject. This appropriation was made, “to ena- IV e the President to conclude a treaty of peace, limits, and boundaries with the republic of Mexico, to boused by him in the event that said treaty, when signed by the authorized agents of the two governments, and duly ra tified by Mexico, shall call for the expendi ture of the same, or any part thereof.” The object of asking this appropriation was dis tinctly stated in the several messages on the subject which I communicated to Congress.— Similar appropriations made in 1803 and 180 G, which were referred to, were intended to be applied in part consideration for the cession of Louisiana and the Florida*. In like manner it was anticipated that, in settling the terms of a treaty of “limits and boundaries” with Mexi co, a cession of territory estimated to be of greater value than the tin mnt of our demands against her might be obtained; and that the prompt payment of this sum —in part consi deration for the territory ceded —on the con clusion of a treaty, and its ratification on her part, might be an inducement with her to make such a cession of territory as would bo satisfactory to the United States. And although the failure to conclude such a treaty has ren dered it unnecessary to use any part of the three millions of dollars appropriated by that act and the entire sum remains in the treasury, it is still applicable to that object, should the contingency occur making such application proper. The doctrine of no territory is the doctrine of no indemnity, and, if sanctioned, would be a public acknowledgment that our country was wrong, and that the war declared by Con gress with extraordinary unanimity, was un just, and should be abandoned; an admission unfounded in fact, and degrading to the na tional character. The terms of the treaty proposed by the United States were not only just to Mexico, but, considering the character and amount of our claims, the unjustifiable and unprovoked commencement of hostilities by her, the ex penses of the war to which we have been sub jected and the success which had attended our arms, wore deemed to be of a most liberal character. The commissioner of th®United States was authorized to agree to the establishment of the Ivio Grande as the boundary, ftom its en trance into the Gulf to its intersection with the southern boundary of New Mexico,in north latitude about thirty-two degrees, and to ob tain a cession to the United States of the pro vinces of New Mexico and the Californias, and the privilege of the right of way aci*oss the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The boundary of the liio Grande, and the cession, to the United States of New Mexico and Upper California, constituted an ultimatum which our commis sioner was, under no circumstances, to yield. That it might be manifest not only to Mexi co, hut to all other nations, that the United States were not disposed to take advantage o a feeble power, by iuiisting upon wresting f;om her all the other provinces, including many of her principal towns, and cities, which we had conquered and held in our military occupation, but were willing to conclude a treaty in a spirit of liberality, our commis sioner was authorized to stipulate for the res toration to Mexico of all our other conquests. As the territory to be acquired by the boun dary proposed might be estimated to be of greater value than a fair equivalent for our j ust demands, our commissioner was authorized to stipulate for the payment of such addition al pecuniary consideration as was deemed reasonable. The terms of a treaty proposed by tire Mexi can commissioners were wholly inadmissible. They negotiated as if Mexico were the victo rious, and not the vanquished party. They must have known that their ultimatum could never be accepted. It required the United States to dismember Texas, by surrendering to Mexico that part of the territory of that State lying between the Nueces and thellio Grande, including within her limits by her laws when she was an independent republic, and when she Avas annexed to the United States and ad mitted by Congress as one of the States of our Union. It contained no provision for the payment by M#:ic >of the ju-d claims of our citizens. It required indemity to Mexican citizens for injuries they may have sustained by our troops iivthc prosecution of the Avar. — It demanded the right for Mexico to levy and j collect the Mexican tariff of duties on goods , imported into her ports Avhile in our military j occupation during the Avar, and the OAvners of Avhich had paid to officers of the United States the military contributions which had been le vied upon them; and it offered to cede to the United States for a pecuniary consideration, that part of Upper California lying north of la titude thirty-seven degrees. Such Averc the unreasonable terms proposed by the Mexican Cominis uoners. The cession to the United States by Mexi co, of the provinces of New Mexico and the Californias, as proposed by the commissioner of the United States, it Avas bclieved,Avould be more in accordance Avith the convenience and interests of both nations, than any other ces sion of territory which it avos probable Mexico could be induced to make. It is manifest to all Avho haA’e observed the actual condition of the Mexican government, for some years past, and at present, that if theseprovences should be retained by her, she could not longer continue to hold and govern them. Mexico is too feeble a poAvcr to govern these povinces, lying as they do at a distance of more than a thousand miles from her capi tal, and, if attempted to be retained by her, they Avould constitute but for a short time, even nominally, a part of her dominions. This would be especially the case with Up per California. The sagacity of powerful Eu ropean nations has long since directed their attention to the commercial importance of that 1 province, and there can belittle doubt that th® f moment the United States snail ramqmsn | j their present occupation of it, and their claim | ’ to it as indemnity, an effort would be made by some foreign PoAver to possess it, either by conquest or purchase. If no foreign govern ment should acquire it in cither of these modes, an independent revolutionary govern ment Avould probably be established by the inhabitants, and such foreigners as may* remain in or remove to the country, as soon us it shall be known that the United States have aban doned it. Such a government would be too feeble long to maintain its separate independ ent existence, and would finally become an nexed to, or be a dependent colony of, some more powerful State. Should arty foreign government attempt to possess it as a colony, or otherwise to incorpo rate it with itself, the principle avowed by President Monroe in 1824, and reaffirmed in my first annual message, that no foreign Power shall, with our consent, be permitted to plant or establish any new colony or dominion on any part ot the North American continent, must be maintained. In maintaining this prin ciple, and in resisting its invasion bv anv foreign Power, avc might be involved in other Avars more expensive and more difficult than that in Avhich avc arc uoav engaged. The provinces of Nervy Mexico and the Cali fornias arc contiguous to the territories of the United States, and if brought under the gov ernment of our laws, their resources—mineral, agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial — Avould soon be developed. Upper California is bounded on the north by our Oregon possessions ; and if held by the United States, Avould bo settled by a hardy, enterprising, and intelligent portion of our population. The bay of San Francisco, and other harbors along the Californian coast, would afford shelter for our navy, for our nu merous whale ships, and other merchant Ares sels employed in the Pacific ocean, and Avould in a short period become the marts of an ex tensive and profitable commerce Avith China, and other countries of the East. These advantages in Avhich the Avhole com mercial Avorld Avould participate, Avould at once be secured to the United States by the cession of this territory; Avhile it is certain that as long as it remains a part of the Mexican do minions, they can be enjoyed neither by Mex ico herself nor by any other nation. New Mexico is a frontier province, and has never been of any considerable A r alue to Mex ico. From its locality, it is naturally connected Avith our western settlements. The territorial imits of the State of Texas, too, as defined by her laAA’s, before her admission into our Union, embrace all that portion of Noav Mexico lying east of the llio Grande, Avhile Mexico still claims to hold this territory as a part of her dominions. The adjustment of this question of boundry is important. There is another consideration which in duced the .belief that the Mcnican government might even desire to place this province under the protection of the government of the Uni ted States. Numerous bands of fierce and warlike savages Avander over it, and upon its borders. Mexico has been, and must continue to be, too feeble to restrain them from com- i mitting depredations, robberies, and murders, 1 not only upon the inhabitants of New Mexico itself, but upon those of the other northern States of Mexico. It Avould be a blessing to j all these northern States to ha\’e their citizens | protected against them by the power of the j United States. At this moment, many Mexi cans, principally females and children, are in captivity among them. If New Mexico Avere held and gOA’erned by the United States, avo •raid effectually pr went those tribes from com mitting such outrages, and compel them to re lease these. captrves, and restore them to their families and friends. In proposing to acquire Xcav Mexico and the j Californias, it was known that but an incon- ; sidei’able pert on of the Mexican people Avould j be transferred with them, the country embrac ed within these provinces being chiefly an uninhabited region. These Avere the leading considerations which i induced me to' authorize the terms of peace which were proposed to Mexico. They were j rejected; and, negotiations being at an end, hostilities were renewed. An ft sault Avas made by our gallant army upon the strongly fortified places near the gates of the city of Mexico, and upon the city itself; and after several days of severe conflict, the Mexican ; forces, vastly superior*in number to our oavu, were driven from the city, and it Avas occupied by our troops. Immediately after information was received of the unfavorable result of the negotiations, believing that his continued presence Avith the army could be productive of no good, I de termined to recall our commissioner. A des patch to this effect Avas transmitted to him on the sixth of October last. The Mexican gov- j eminent Avill be informed of his recall; and that, in the existing state of things, I shall | not deem it proper to make any further OAmr- j tures of peace, but shall be at all times ready to receive and consider any proposition Avhich , may be made by Mexico Since the liberal proposition of the United j States Avas authorized to be made in April last, large expenditures have been incurred, and the precious blood of many of our patriotic felloAV- : citizens has been shed in the prosecution of the Avar. This consideration, and the obsti nate perseverance of Mexico in protracting the war, must influence the terms of peace, Avhich it may be deemed proper hereafter to accept. Our arms having been everywhere Aricto rious, having subjected to our military occu pation a large portion of the enemy’s country, including his capital, and negotiations for peace haA r lng failed, the important questions arise, In what manner the war ought to be prosecuted? and Avhat should he our future policy ? I cannot doubt that avg should secure and render available the conquests which avo have alreadv made ; and that, Avith this view, we should hold and occupy, by our naval and miliary forces, all the ports, towns, cities, and provinces uoav in our occupation, or Avhich may hereafter fall into our possession; that avc should press forward our military operations . and levy such military contributions on the enemy as may, as far as practicable, defray the future expenses of the Avar- Had the government of Mexico acceded to tho equitable and liberal terms proposed, that mode of adjustment Avould have been prefer red. Mexico having declined to do this, and failed to offer any other terras Avhich could be accepted by the United States, the national honor, no less than the public interest, re quires that the war should be prosecuted Avith increased energy and power until a just and satisfactory peace can be obtained. In the meantime, as Mexico refuses all indemnity, we should' adopt measures to indemnify our selves, by appropriating permanently a portion of her territory. Early after the commence ment of the Avar, New Mexico and the Califor nias Avere taken possession of by our forces. Our military and naval commanders Avere or dered to conquer and hold them, subject to be disposed of by a treaty of peace. These provinces are uoav in our undisputed occupation, and have been so for many months, all resistance on the part of Mexico having ceased 1 - within their limits. lam satisfied that they should never be surrendered to Mexico. Should Congress concur with me in this opin ion, and that they should be retained by the United States as indemnity, I can percei\*e no good reason why the civil jurisdiction and laAvs of the United States should not at once be extended over them. To wait for a treaty of peace, tuch as we are willing, to make, by which our relations towards them would not i De cnangea, cannot be good policy; whilst om i own interest, and that of the people inhabit itiog them, require that; a stable, responsible and free government tinder our authority should, as soon as possible, be established over them. Should Congress, therefore, determine to hold these provinces permanently, and that they shall hereafter be considered as constitu ent parts of our country, the early establish ment of territorial governments over them will bo important for the more perfect protec tion of persons and property; and I recom mend that such territorial governments be es tablished. It will promote peace and tranquil lity among the inhabitants, by allaying all ap prehension that they may still entertain of be ing again subjected to the jurisdiction of Mex ico. I invite the early and favorable consider ation of Congress to this important subject. Besides New Mexico and the Californios, there are other Mexican provinces which have : been reduced to our posses non by conquest. — Ihesc other Mexican provinces are now gov erned by our military and naval commanders, under the general authority which is confer red upon a conqueror by the laws of war. — They should continue to be held ; a a means of co?rcing Mexico to accede to just terms of peace. Civil as well as military officers are required to conduct such a government. Ad equate conpensatlons to be drawn by contribu tions levied on the enemy should be fixed by law for such officers as may be thus employed. What further provision may become necessary, and what final disposition it may be proper to make of them, must depend on the future progress of the war, and the course which Mexico may think proper hereafter to pursue, j With the views I entertain, I cannot favor the policy which has been suggested, either to withdraw our army altogether, or to retire to a designated line, and simply hold and defend it. To withdraw our array altogether from the conquest they have made by deeds of I unparalelled bravery, and at the expense of so much blood and treasure, in a just war on our part, and one which, by the act of the en emy, we could not honorably have avoided, would be to degrade the nation iu its own es timation and in that of the world. To retire to a line, and simply hold and de fend it, would not terminate the war. On. the contrary it would encourage Mexico to perse- j fore, and tend to protract it indefinitely. It is not to be expected that Mexico, after refusing to establish such a line as a permanent bound ary, When our victorious army are in posses- I sion of her capital, and in the heart of her ; country, would permit us to hold it without resistance. That she would continue the war, and in the most harrassing and annoying forms, there can be no doubt. A border warfare of the most savage character, extending over a long line, would be unceasingly waged. It would require a large army to be kept con stantly in the field, stationed at posts and gar risons along such a line, to protect and defend it. The enemy, relieved from the pres sure of onr arms on his coasts and in the pop ulous parts of the interior, would direct his attention to this line, and, selecting an isola- . ted post for attack would concentrate ids forces upon it. This would be a condition of affairs which the Mexicans, pursuing their fa vorite system of guerrilla warfare, would pro bably prefer to any other. Were xve to a?su ne a defensive attitude on such a 1 ne, all the advantages of such a state of war would be on the side of the enemy. We could levy no contributions upon him, or in any other way make him feel the pressure of the war, but i must remain inactive and await his approach, bring in constant uncertainty at what point ou the 1 ue, or at what time, he might make an assault. Ue may assemble and organize an overwhelming force in the interior, on his twu side of the line, a id, concealing his pur pose, make a sudden assault upon some one of j oui- posts so distant final any other as to pre vent the possibility-of timely succor or rein s .teem nits; and in this way our gallant army would be exposed to the danger of being cut olfin detail, or if, by their unequalled bravery an 1 prowess everywhere exhibite 1 during t us war, they should repulse the enemy, their ; numbers, stationed at any one point, may be too small to pursue Ivim. If the enemy be re pulsed in one attack, he would have nothing to do but to retreat to his own side of the line, and, being in no' fear of a pursuing army, may rrinforce himself at leisure, for another attack ou the same or some other post. He may, too. cross t’ae line b .tween our posts, make rapid incursions into the country which we hold, murder the inhabitans,commit depredations on them and then retreat to the interior before a sufficient force can be concentrated to pur sue him. Such would probably be the har rassing character of a mere defensive war on our part. If our forces, when attacked, or threatened with attack, be permitted to cross the line, drive back the enemy, and conquer him, this would be again to invade the enemy’s | country, after having lost all the advantage 3 of the conquests we have already made, by having voluntarily abandoned them. To hold such a line successfully and in security, it is far from being certain that it would not re quire as large an army as would be necessary to hold all the conquests we have already made, and to continue the prosecution of the war in the heart of the enemy’s country. It is also far from being certain that the expenses of the war would be diminished by such a policy. I am persuaded that the best means of vin dicating the national honor and interest, and of bringing the war to an honorable close, will be to prosecute it with increased energy and power in the vital parts of the enemy’s coun try. In my annual message to Congress of De cember last, I declared that “the war has not been waged with a view to conquest; but having been commenced by Mexico, it has been carried into the enemy’s country, and will be vigorously prosecuted there, with a view to obtain an honorable peace, and there by secure ample indemnity for the expenses of the war, as well as to our much-injured j citizens, who hold large pecuniary demands against Mexico.” Such, in my judgment, I continues to be our true policy—indeed, the only policy which will probably secure a per- | manent peace. It has never been contemplated by me, as an object of the war, to make a permanent conquest of the republic of Mexico, or to an- | nihiJate her separate existence as an indepen dent nation. On the contrary, it has ever been my desire that she should maintain her nationality, [and, under a good government, adapted to her condition, be a free, indepen dent, and prosperous republic. The United States were the first among the nations to re cognize her independence, and have always desired to be on terms of amity and good neighborhood With her. This she would not suffer. By her own conduct we have been compelled to engage in the present war. In its prosecution, we seek not her overthrow as a nation; but, in vindicating our national honor, we seek to obtain redress for the ■wrongs she has done us, and indemnity for our just demands against her. he demand an honorable peace; and that peace must bring with it indemnity for the past, and security for the future. Hitherto Mexico has refused all accommodation by which such a peace could be obtained. Whilst our armies have advanced from vic tory to victory, from the commencement of the war, it has always been with, the olive branch of peace in their hands; and it has been in the power of Mexico, at every step, to arrest hostilities by accepting it. One great obstacle to the attainment of peace has, undoubtedly, arisen from the fact, that Mexico has been so long held: in ’ B £bjeclion by one faction or military • after another, and such has been the condiUon ! of insecurity m which their successive gov ernments have been placed, that each has boon aeterred from making peace, lest, f or this very cause, a rival faction might expel it , , from power. Such was the fate of President | Herrera s administration in 1815, for bein disposed even to listen to the overtures of the L nitcd fct ties to prevent the war, as is fully confirmed by an official correspondence which took place in the month of August last, be tween him and his government, a copy 0 f which is herewith communicated- “For this cause alone, the revolution which displaced him from power was set on foot” by General Pa ales. Such may be the cond tlon of fi , security of the present government. There can be no doubt that the peaceable and well-disposed inhabitants of Mexico are convinced that it Is the tru i interest of their country' to conclude an honorable peace with the United States; but the apprehension of becoming the victims of some military faeticu or usurper may have prevented them from manifesting their feelings by any public act ; The removal of any such apprehension would | probably cause them to speak their senti j ments freely, anl to adopt the measures ac cessary for the restoration of peace. With a People distracted and divided by contending f ictions, and a government subject to constant changes, by successive revolutions, the con j tinned sncies ei of onr arms may fail to secure a satisfactory peace. In such event, it may become prop r for our commanding generals , * n the field to give encouragement and assu- I lances of protection to the triends of peace in Mexico in the establishment and maintenance of a f ee republican government of th -ir ova choice, able and willing to conclude a peace vhirii would be just to them, and secure to t s the indemnity we demand. This may become | the only inode of obtaining such "a peace. Should such be the result, the war which Mexico has forced upon us would thus be con verted into an enduring blessing to herself. After finding her teorn and distracted by fac tions, and ruled by military usurpers, we should then leave her with a republican gov ernment, in the enjoyment of real indepen dence, and domestic peace and prosperity, performing all her relative duties in the great family of nations, and promoting her own happiness by wise laws and their faithful exe cution. I If, after affording this encouragement and protection, and after all the persevering and •incere efforts we have made, from the mo ment Mexico commenced the war, and prior to that time, adjust our differences with her, we shall Ultimately fail, then we shall have exhausted all honorable means in pursuit of peace, and must continue to occupy her coun try with our troops, taking the full measure of indemnity into our own hands, and must enforce the terms which our honor demands. To act otherwise, in the existing state of th ugs in Mexico, and to withdraw our army without a peace, would not only leave all the wrongs of which we complain unredressed, but would be the signal for new and fierce civil dissensions and new revolutions—all alike hostile to peaceful relations with the U. S. Besides, the eis danger, if our troops were withdrawn before a peace was concluded, that the Mexican people, wearied with succesive revolutions, and deprived of protection for i heir persons and property, might at length he inclined to yield to foreign influences, and to cast themselves into the arms of same Euro pean monarch for protection from the anarchy and sufferings which would ensue. This, for our own safety, and in purer; am e of our estab lished policy, we should be com elled to resist. We could never consent that Mexico shf tt’d be thus converted into a monarchy governed bya foreign, prince. Mexico is our near neighbor, an 1 lier boun (’« ies ax ; coterminus with our own, through the whole extent across the North American continent, from ocean to ocean. Both politi cally and commercially, we have the deepest interest in her regcncia ion and prosperity. Indeed, it is impossible that, with any just regard to our own safety, we can ever be come indifferent to her fate. It may be that the Mexican government and people have misconstrued or misunderstood our forbearance, and our objeits, in desiring to conclude an amicable adjustment of he exist ing d fferemes between the two c inntiie . They may have supposed that we would sub mit to terms degrading to the nation; or they may have drawn false inferences from the sup posed divisou of opinion in the United States on the subject of the war, and may have calculated to gain much by protracting it; and, indeed, that we might ultimately abandon it altogeher, without insisting ou any iu lem nity, territorial or otherwise. Whatever may bo the false impressions under which they have acted, the adoption and o ccution of the energetic policy proposed must soon unde ceive them. In. the futute prisecution of the war, the enemy must be made to feel its pressure more than they have heretofore done. At its com mon e.ncnt, it was deemed proper to conduct it *it a spirit of forbearance and liberality. With ; this end in view, early mearures were adopted to conciliate, as far as a state of war would permit, the mass of the Mexican population; to convince them that the war was waged not againtt the peaceful inhabitants of Mexico, but against their faithless government, which had commenced hostilities; to remove from their minds the false impressions which their de vsigning and interested rulers had artfully at tempted to make, that the war on our part was one of concmest; that it was a war against their religion and their churches, which were to be desecrated and overthrown; and that their rights of person and private property would be violated. To remove these la 8 : irapicisions our commanders in the field were direi tod scrupulously to respect their religion, their churches, and their church property, which were in no manner to be violated; they were { directed also to respect the rights of persons | and property of all who should not take up ! arms against us. Assurances of this effect were given to the j Mexican people by Major General Taylor, in a proclamation issued in pursuance of instruc tions from the Secretary of War, in the month ; of June, 1816, and again by Major General Scott, who acted upon his own convictions of the propriet y of issuing it in a proclamation of the eleventh of May, 1847. In this spirit of liberality and conciliatior, and with a view to prevent the body of the Mexican population from taking up arms against us, was the war conducted on our part. Provisions and other supplies furnished to our army by Mexican citizens were paid for at fair and liberal prices agreed upon by the parties. After the lapse of a few months, it became ap~ parent that these assurances, and this mild treatment, had failed to produce the desired effect upon the Mexican population. While the war had been conducted on our part ac cording to the most humane and liberal princi ples observed by civilized nations, it was wa ged in a far different spirit on the part of Mexi co. Not appreciating our forbearance, the Mexican peonle generally became hostiL' t 3 tl e United States, and availed themselves of every opportunity to commit the most savage ex cesses upon our troops. Large numbers of the population took up aims, and, engaging i o-uerilla warfare, robbed and murdered ra tn ® most cn»el manner individu; 1 soldiers, or sma parties, whom accident or other causes nu separated from the main body of our arm , bands of guerrilleros and robbers mfestei roads, harassed, our trains, and whenever is was in their power, cut oil our supplies.