Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

qpj— i 1 'i ■'«!«! Till: CO WlTf ILIST. sr nyj%'CE. I 37“ TERMS —For the reuii-weckly pupcr, published * every Tue“d.iy and Friday mominp, $5 per atmum and tor the weekly $53, all payable in advance, rr ADVERTISEMENTS arc nwrted weekly for C 2 1-2 rents per square ; semi-weekly fi2 1.2 cents for the firs!, ami 43 3 1 cct - f<.r each subsequent insertion, and monthly fbr Si 1, O') j* r square for each insertion. For yearly advertisement* private arrangements arc to he made. A deduction is made on the advcrti»c ments of puLhc (officers. 1 Postage must be paid on letters of business. Red Oak Camp, July 26. John G. Bowman, K q. Dkau Sir —Bv last mail I received from you the following letter: Cnr.R \\v, July 23. “ Dear Sir —Vour letter of the Kith inst. ad dressed to tint ‘ Editor of the Che raw Republi can,’ has been received. As one of your c<*n stituents, I claim the right to interrogate you. My manm r of treating your communication will depend on the replies you make lO| the fol lowing questions ; 1. Di«l you vote dor the Bill of Mr. Adams A Co. n.s containing a modification satisfactory to the South, and how long 1 If so, please explain your vote in connexion \ with what was said by Mr. Clay in the Senate,i on the final passage of said hill, and which you will find in the paper I smid you. j ‘2. Do you deem the recent modification of the Tariff to l>e of such a nature as to .supersede the necessity of a “ Southern Convention,” which 1 believe you first projected, and it so, why ? [Signed] JOHN G. BOWMAN.” Some of my friends who have seen your let ter, aliove quoted, consider your interrogatories quite impertinent, and say 1 ought not to an swer them. Although lam unwilling to regard your queries in that light myself, I have no doubt they arc principally designed to draw from me something on which to make unfriendly criti eisms, and that may he turned to my prejudice. Yet, so highly do I respect the right, even of' a hostile constituent , to exact political information from a Representative, 1 am disposed to respond to vour interrogatories as well as I can ; and I am more willing to do so ;:s the application has been made by one who has the power, an 1 I hope the disposition, to lay the whole correspon dence bes >re the public. Vow first interrogatory is too enigmatical, in all its branches, to be replied to intelligibly. J know not what you mean when you speak of “ the Bill of Mr. Adams and Co. as containing a modification satisfactory to the South, and how long ?” Nor can I tell how you would wish me to explain my vote in connexion with what was said by Mr. Clay “ nn snid Bill," or on any other bill. And 1 have not received the paper you speak of. If you allude to the tariff hill re ported by the committee of manufactures, of which Mr. Adams was chairman, 1 answer that I voted for the final passage of that Bill, not as a satisfactory modification of the Tariff, but as a mitigation of the existing law: I voted lor the bill not as a quietus of our complaints, or as a measure that should abate the zeal or the ef forts of Southern men against the “ protecting policy" —but I voted for it as a reduction of du lies —tiu? principle of choosing the feast of two evils —and as affording some amelioration of the oppressive Tariff of 1829. The Bill recently passed, however, cannot lie "regarded us “ the Bill of Adams and. Co." Be cause Mr. Adan\s did his utmost, by off.'ring and supposing obnoxious amendments, to ren tier the Bill absolutely intolerable and offensive to the South.—Lie commenced his career in Congress last winter by holding forth the idea .hat he was disposed to concede liberally to Iho ■South, and quiet all excitement in relation to the Farin’. And so well did ho succeed in impress ing a holiet of that kind on till parties , that the! Farid men of Massachusetts, as I am credihlvj informed, “ burnt him in effigy while some ofj the ami-tariff party hailed him as their deliverer' Jrom colonial bondage—and when he asked to bo excused Iroin serving on the Committee of Manufactures in order to investigate the affairs of flic Bank at Philadelphia, one member from New-\orkand another from Virginia, depreca ted it as one of the most dangerous steps Con gress could fake, and more than insinuated that the salvation of the Union depended, on Mr. Adams' continuation at the head of the Commit tee on Manufactures. How sadly he disap pointed those golden anticipations 1 need not say : and surely the disappointment and mortification j of liis deluded eulogists will not suffer them to forget. I will not add that his vacillating con-( duct on this occasion was of a piece with that i by which he practised a memorable fraud on | Jefferson and the Republican Party in former! times. Mr. Clay pretended to felicitate hinself and the friends of tli.e “ American System” that the; “ protective policy” had been sanctioned by all those Southern men who voted for the Bill in question—and 1 presume you allude to the idle slang he used on that point, when you ask me to “ explain my vote in connexion with what he said on the final passage of said hill." If the dullest intellect can really need explanation! on this subject, it will be found in my former lot-j tor to you—and if still more is required, it will | bp found in the remarks I made on the proposi-j lion to disagree to the amendment of the Senate by which they raised the duty on woollens from 50 to o7 per cent, which remarks will soon ap- ! pear in the National Intelligencer and the cl lobe. I was called upon to choose between the bill under consideration and the existing ta- i riff law of 1828. Both embraced the principle , of protection —there was no choice between them, I was in favor ot the bill just passed, as; it excluded the odious principle of miniinums. Phis bill effected a considerable reduction of the revenue—say from six to ten millions of dollars —and considering its provisions, in the gregate, as an amelioration of the tariff of 1828 —1 felt it my bounded duty to vote for it. Had no one’s interest been injuriously affected bv my voting against this recem modification but mi own. I might have indulged my caprice in re jecting it ; but regarding the Bill as extending some relief (however small it might be) to a»> oppressed aifd suffering community, I could not" conceive myself warranted in rejecting it. It would have been criminal in me to exercise a wild discretion at the expense of fifty thousand freemen. It was my duty to accept of anv thine that I could regard as a mi ligation of the op. prossive system, anil leave my constituents to! judge of the measure of that relief, and the ex tent to which it should satisfy them. It is per fectly idle to pretend that any man who voted for this bill is pledged to the support of “ the system of protection.” The recent modifica tion of tne Tarifi has been made since I wrote to the people of Sumter District, recommend ing “ a Southern Convention,”—and that modi fication has been more favorable to Southern 1 interest than I, at that time, anticipated. It is ; for my constituents and the people of South-1 Carolina, tQ determine how far it should besat-j |idtactory, and •'* u-hether a should supersede necessity of a Southern Convention." ;.n , I have already said, that the recent modmea-LI ! tion of the Tariff, although I regard it as an am- hr ■ clioration, is not such as the South had a right a jto expect. It is not such, as should abate theljf zeal or the efforts of Southern men against the hi system. And mV own opinion is, that measures s should be taken to bring about a Southern Con. f vention as soon as practicable. Such measures, t 1 believe, “ the Union an 1 Slate Rights Party’’ . \ jare carrying into operation,—and I hope they i u ill be persevered in until the desired object is 1 attained. That object is not disunion, as has < {been ungenerously and nnjusfty attributed to me. g No man deprecates disunion more than I do, « unless ho is prepared for slavery ; but my object, ] would be the redress of Southern wrongs by a ] |concert and unity of action amongst the whole Southern people. 1 would not say to Congress, ; bv wav of threat or menace, “abolish your i 'protecting svstem or we will abolish the Union ” n —but 1 would represent the oppressive opera- p tions and intolerable character of the Tariff, and i i!submit to that body the option of reducing the ji ; duties to a just and legitimate revenue standard, ■ ! or of running the hazard of driving us to a redress, < ,|of our wrongs, and the protection of our rights, i bv moans exclusively our own. Ido not think i this mode of proceeding would be attended with 'much danger. Such an appeal, from the whole i, united South, would not be contemned by Con-1 arcss. Under such circumstances the Amcri-U can people would compel their representatives in I Congress to recede from their unjust legislation, jo m rather than risk a dismemberment of tlie con-; ' ■ fcdcracv. Or if there he hazard in the scheme, j ; there is no measure hy which we could redress jour wrongs (other than the legislation of Con jlgress) which would not be hazardous. And! jsuroly the scheme of a Southern Convention '! j would be less dangerous, more intelligible and 1 ,j plain, and more likely to be effectual than 1 • Nullifica'ion.” It is well understood that, in. the event of Nullification by the S ate of So. | iCarolina, her ports would be blockaded by do- 1 jtachmcnts of the Federal Navy. South Caroli-: ;na would neither have a naval force, or the 1 'moans of creating such force, to remove the; I blockade. She could not induce any foreign; Ipewcr to do that service forlier; because, I take I jit for granted, no foreign power would feel itself! ! authorized by “ the law of Nations” to interfere! pin what might be regarded as “a family quarrel.” f (While South Carolina professed to be a member! ■of the confederacy, and refused obedience to |federal laws, every foreign power would re-|j j cognise the right of the Federal Government to _ j coerce her.—Principle, therefore, would prohibit 1 all foreign interference. And, surely, no for-1 cign government would be so blind to its own in terest as to forfeit the friendship and commerce 0f23 States for the sake of securing such ad ■ vantages from one only. The result then would be, that when mfcrchant vessels attempted to ‘ enter our ports with foreign merchandize, they j would be told by the officers of the blockading j squadron “ you must not enter here; the go vernment of South Carolina will not, peaceably, permit the duties to he assessed and secured upon your goods ; we are unwilling to hazard war <Sc bloodshed by meeting you at the custom house j upon her soil, you must therefore steer for some! port in another State, where the duties can he ’ secured to the Federal Government.” These > instructions would be obeyed, and no warfare at 1 sea would ensue. Our nullifying friends per haps, would say “ this blockade is equivalent to a declaration of war by the Federal Government against South Carolina.” She might so pro nounce it; but the Federal Government would disregard it—and what would it amount to? It: would seem then that South Carolina could not | bring about a war with the Federal Government! jhy sea, —and any-attempt to organize a land! army to march through the interior of the coun-i try against the Federal authorities would be as■ foolish and vain as the attack of Don Quixote 1 upon the wind mill. Nullificaltion, therefore, f j would end in a disgraceful abortion, —or, if it [ i produced war of any kind, it would boa domestic j war between the opposing parties within the' i State. The most distressing and disgraceful of. ; all wars. Before the passage of the present tariff bill, I ; consulted most of the Southern members of both | Houses of Congress, with regard to the proprle- : 'ty of “a Southern Convention.” They almost! unanimously concurred in its fitness and expedi-| ency; and would, no doubt, have joined me in! recommending it to the Southern people, had it! : not been for the modification which was made | at the close of the session. That induced many | of them to pause; and to express a disposition, i to postpone such a step until they had further | consultation with their constituents, and saw the f effects the recent modification of the duties would | j produce. Beside, as soon as tli'e Tariff bill was | finally acted upon, many of the southern mem. bers, having become impatient and exhausted by so long a session, and alarmed by the approach of 1 ‘•the Cholera,” left Washington too hastily to en i ter into any arrangement of the kind I contempla- , ted. But that the Senators and Representatives, l from the adjacent States, who were most violent j against this tariff, did concur in giving to “ a! Southern Convention” a decided preference over! , ; “nullification.” I appeal to themselves. Indeed! the most able and distinguished Nullirier in the! j South Carolina delegation, expressed entire v ii ' liugness to try a “Southern Convention” as “a j preliminary measure”—reserving to himself the j right to resort to nullification if the Convention ' { I proved abortive. Most of his colleagues were I for blending the two measures together; but I I | “ Nullification” being a measure on which “the; j Union and State Rights Party” cannot unite! ( with the friends of that doctrine, without asacri-' j lice of principle and consistency, no union be-! t twoc» the two parries can take place on that! ] ; ground. The Nullifiers, however, can unite! with the Union Party for “a Southern Convert- 1 ; tion” without any sacrifice of this kind. And I ! ■ should entertain hopes of their doing so, evontu- 1 ally, if each party (and especially the Editors of \ either side) could learn to sp->ak of each other with less bitterness and asperity, and give each other credit for a little mrrro patriotism and hon-i r icsty of purpose. If South Carolina must run a' ' (tilt with the Federal Government for the redress r j i| of Southern wrongs, she should have the adja cent States committed with herself so far, at * least, as principle is concerned. Alabama and ( Georgia have each, by their Legislatures, con- i c denmed and repudiated the doctrine of “nullifica- t tion.” North Carolina has expressed a similar 1 d disapprobation ot the Doctrine bv passing a rcso. e lotion in the popular branch of her Legislature. I It, then. South Carolina should get into serious c difficulties with the Federal Government, bv; means of nullification, it requires no prophet to <1 toretel that those States would excuse them- o selves from interposing in our behalf by refer-1 o ring to their resolutions denouncing “mdlifica-i t< tion.” In addition to this, when I have asked: ( the “Hot Spurs” of those State's what aid they! n \\ ould afiord South Carolina, in case the Federal c Government should attempt to coerce her bv t! military force, the utmost they propose, is to act* li on the generous principle of , non-intervention, v They say, with great emphasis, “that not a mus- j< ket should be rai#d by them to subdue South I a if 6 * Carolina.” And they seem to t'nink they would, net a gallant part, and serve us quite effectually,!, by preserving a rigid neutrality. Indeed I have. no doubt the utmost we could hope trom them in any emergency, would be a refusal to fight a gainst us. Thev certainly would not fight for us, against the Federal Government. Now it strikes mo this is but poor encouragement for South Carolina to commence a crusade against the Federal Government for the redress of wrongs common to all the Southern States. And it shews most clearlv the absolute necessity of having these States'equally committed with our own, in any measure that may he attempted a gainst the National Govemm nit for the redress of Southern (Grievances. I, for one, am not dis-, posed to let my native Stale be made ** a Cat’s j paw of.” A celebrated man has said that « the right of a simile State to secede from the Union, is the right of an inhabitant of a populous city to burn up his house.” We know that the Federal Gov ernment is bound hv the Constitution to guaran tee t > each State a Republican form of Govern ment. Suppose tiie Federal Government cun sen's to a separation of a State from the Union, can she answer lor the form of Government that State may adopt I The State so separat ing would he, comparatively, weak, both in num ber and resources —and must of consequence have a Government of the most energetic kind. A Dictatorship, or a Despotism of some sort. The example might bo contagious. From eve ry consideration, therefore, it would seem that ithc Federal Government in accordance with its Constirational obligation, would be compelled to restrain a refractory State from secession, in order to guarantee To that State a Republican form a Government. This the Federal Gov ernment might regard as an imperative consti |tutional duty under anv circumstances —but it would be regarded as s’ill more incumbent if a respectable portion of the seceding State should solicit the interposition of the Federal Govern- i j ment. The same difficulties and objections ' would not apply to a similar movement of arcs ! pec table number of powerful States, acting in concert. —Sn far from amplify ingon these topics, 1 can barely hint at them, and must leave you, and whoever else may read them, to fill up the chasms. In conclusion, permit me to say, that a breach lias been made upon “ the protecting system,” and my opinion ever has been that when a system begins to retrograde, it will pursue its downward march until it arrives at tiiat point where it shall remain stationary for revenue pur poses. Reductions must inevitably take place; ve j ry little more can be effected on non-protectcd ar ticles, and the duties must soon be reduced so low on many of the protected articles that those who manufacture them will cease to have interest in the system. Interest after interest will thus ho detached from the support of the policy, until “ the monster” is overthrown. Its strength has been attained by a low and gradual accummula jtion of separate and detached interests —and if j those who have done most to build up and per fect the abominable system would hut allow half the time to destroy it that they took to create it, the object might he effected witlwut hazard to the confederacy'. The strongest ground on which I rest this opinion is the determination which I think cxis’s with tlte Administration to curtail expenditures: This will compel a redaction of taxes ; not only because there would he no need for the Revenue, hut because it would destroy the motive which the friends of ** Internal Im provement” have had in supporting a high Ta riff. In a word, re-elect Presidedt Jackson, and justice, quietness and concord will soon he re stored to the Laud—Reject him, and the pros pect before us, to say the least of it, is porten tous, dark and undefined. Very respectfully, Your obedient, humble servant, JAMES BLAIR. From the Richmond Enquirer. SOUTII-CA ROLINA STATISTICS. The late Tariff act is bad enough. It is cal culated to raise more money, than is sufficient to defray the necessary' and constitutional wants of the Government—and in the 2nd place, it raises the money, by a disproportionate duty' on the protected articles. To reduce this amount, and to abolish the protective principle, therefore, should he the incessant exertion of every friend of the Constitution. For one, we shall think our selves bound constantly' to keep this object in view—and, if we take this tariff act for the pre sent, it is under a solemn protest against its be ing Considered as the settled policy of the conn try'. On the contrary, we pledge ourselves to spare no proper and active effort to cut down the expenses of the government —to cut down the revenue to the expenses—and so to cut down the Tariff, as to equalize as far as possible the burthens and blessings of the Constitution among all the sections of the Union. We cannot, however, join the Nullifying Par ty' of South-Carolina in the remedy'to which they'are hurrying. Wo are opposed to Nullifi cation —and we object to the manner in which the citizens of that State are to be prccipita into the measure. If the people are to rush in to Nullification, let them do it with their eyes open. Let them not deceive themselves upon the true character of the contemplated Tariff. Bad as it is, let it not ho painted worse than it really is. That the most extraordinary errors do prevail about the effects of the act of July last, is not to ho doubted. Those errors have emanated from the highest authority in South- Carolina. They'have been circulated with the greatest avidity, and in themost imposing forms. We come prepared on this day'to expose one of these mistake® —and it is of so glaring a descrip tion, that the wonder is how any man could have entertained it—But, that it should have escaped so powerful a mind as McDuffie’s—that it should have been directly countenanced in a solemn address to the people ofSouth-Carolina by such men as Ilayae and Nuckolls—and that not a nullifying editor in all Carolina has been found candid enough to confess the mistake, is only another melancholy instance of the extremes, to which impassioned politicians are prompted to go, when their eyes are engrossed by some fa vorite object. __ J'g t:ic editor ot the Hancock. Advertiser. Sir, The crisis has arrived I M hat anxiety, what gloom, must fill the mind every patriot, when upon opening the hook I of fate, these ominous words are, for the first ! time, seen inscribed on the page of American I destiny ! We say then, that a crisis has arriv- ! ed, the most alarming that this country has ever 1 been called upon to Witness.—But to come at once to the subject. . Nullification, not content with the recent mo dification the lanll, by which eight millions of taxes were removed from off the shoulders ! Oi Lie people, at a single stroke, and unwiHing ■o wait un, il further concession can he had, 'which Congress cannot, will not refuse,) is j marching with giant strides, over the country —j calling upon us to quit the pursuits of industry ' the enjoyments of the domestic hearth, throw '; ibcr.y •• like a worthless weed away”—in a! vord. to abandon every thing in despair, and join South-Carolina, in an unholy crusade a jamst the Government f—This monster, whose I dark v'sogc is lit up with fiend-likc fury, siir-j ; voys the surrounding gloom with pleasure, andi contemplates with delight the destruction of c-f very thing that is beautiful in the theory, or va-( luable in the practice of our Government. The! qucs'ion now presented for the consideration of, the South (for to us it is exclusively addressed); is whether this Republic—the last, the only re fuge of liberty upon earth—shall perish in the; Told-: of this monstrous Serpent / We have neither time nor inclination to go into an examination of this question. — All ad mit that it is one of deep and awful interest, and hv tar the larger portion of the Southern pco-« pie, it is believed, concur in the opinion, that it j ' should ho promptly and fearlessly met. Jay am |,unqualified Negative. Ihe tact that Soiitn-j^ ,Carolina is willing to sacrifice the I nion, for nojj other, or higher purpose, than that of ad vane- J ing the pecuniary interest of her citizens alone,-, is conclusive proot, that the Nullificrs arc ci-j jtlier wanting in patriotism, or are shamefully j i ignorant, not only ot the character ot oitr go-| tvernment, but ot those for whose benefit it Mas j established. The American people, includin g that portion who, like ourselves, believe the Ta riff to he injurious in its operation upon south ern interests, will not. permit the Government of their choice —a government which confers up on them, rights and privileges unknown to an} ; other people on earth, to be sacrificed to the in-1 snrrcctionarv spirit, which a few political gam-; biers are attempting to excite among the brave ami chivalrous sons of Carolina and Georgia. This is the time, when the people should speak I out —when every patriot should raise his voice] in favour of Liberty and Union, in opposition to Anarchy—Civil M ar—and Colonial bond age ! These will be the inevitable results ofaiij attempt to array into operation the doctrine of; j nullification. Bhrenzied may he lno brain, and; j palsied the arm, of him who first draws a sword j in so unrighteous a cause ! ANTI-TARIFF. I From the Southern Banner. The late movement at Lexington. —We have l»een waiting with considerable solicitude fori something ollicial with regard to the proceed-! bigs of the late meeting at Lexington. Nothing,! however, having come to hand in that shape,' we arc compelled to hazard a few observations | on the subject, founded on common rumor. We understand, then, that resolutions were passed, [ much in the character and spirit of those adopt-j --cd at the meeting in this place last week ; and! in addition, that General Jackson’s Administra-j ition was approved of, and his re-election re-corn-; mended—that Messrs. Forsyth and Wayne’s j vote on the late reduction of Taxes by Con-i gress was disapproved of “ more in sorrow than in anger,” and, strange to add, resolutions were passed pledging (in the event their services were required) the meeting to support John C. Calhoun in his mad project of Nullification. We • did hope that prudence, if no oilier consideration, would have dictated to the distinguished gcntle • men who headed this meeting, a different course, at least so far as Nullification w r as concerned ; j for it cannot he disguised that this doctrine, as professed by John C. Calhoun, of South-Caroli na, can never prevail to any extent in Geor gia—neither the eloquence of a Berrien, nor the • popularity of a Clayton, will he adequate to the task of revolutionising public sentiment on the 'subject. Georgia claims the right to act, as she has hitherto done, independent of, and un-i trammelled by, the dictum of any set of men he-i longing to any other State, however closely al- j lied by common suffering, or connected by rnu-i tual interest. —Believing, with the great bod}- j of the people of Georgia, in the uuconstitution- i ality of the Tariff system, we are disposed, first j to advocate all peaceable measures in any way! calculated to effect the great object we are all contending for, viz : its reduction to constitu tional objects ; and secondly when all those ef forts shall have failed, (which may God avert) we will not be found backward in adopting and ; advocating the last alternative. Georgia, as an; independent State, believing in the unconstitu-f tionality of the Tariff laws, owes it to her hon or, her dignity, and her wrongs, to express her self decidedly in convention—and there to lay down for herself a future course of action, peaceable or otherwise. On these grounds we advocate the policy of culling a convention of the people, and whatever course they in their wisdom may decide upon, “ will bo right,” and to which we will cheerfully respond Amen-bo lieving at the same time that no convention of the people of Georgia will ever consent to adopt the peaceable and constitutional remedy of Nulli fication, as professed, hut not practised in South- Carolina. Wo have neither time nor room at present to pursue this subject further. One word however to our readers on the subject of i the late attempt at Lexington and other places, to injure the standing and popularity of Messrs. Forsyth and Wayne—read the speech of Mr. F. in our paper of to-day, in explanation of his vote, and judge for yourselves. MEETING AT FORSYTH? At a large and respectable Meeting of the citizens of Monroe county, held at Forsyth on the 7th instant. On Motion, Thomas Battle was called to the chair, and John T. Ogilby appointed Secretary. The meeting was then addressed by Gen. Eli as Beall, in a few appropriate remarks upon the subject of Reduction, at the close of which he offered the following Preamble and Resolutions, which were adopted. Whereas, The preliminary Convention held! in Milledgevillc, on the first'Monday in May I last, recommending to the citizens of tho various! counties of this state to hold elections for Dele-1 gates equal in number to the Representatives in j the popular branch of the Legislature, on the! first Monday in November next, to represent the several counties of the state in Convention, t<t he held in the Town of Milledgevillc on the first Monday in February thereafter, to alter and change that part of the Constitution of the Suite, apportioning the Members of the General Assembly of the State so as to reduce and ap portion the present number of the legislature of the State of Georgia— Be it therefore Resolved, That this meeting I I approve of the recommendation of the Prelimina ry Convention held in Milledgevillc, on the first Monday in May last, and recommend to the citi zens of Monroe county to elect four Delegates |on the first Monday in November next, to repre sent the County in the Convention to be held in Milledgevillc on the first Monday ha Februarv .thereafter, for the purpose of reducing the pres ent number of the General Assembly of the state. Resolved, That this meeting recommend to ( the citizens of the county, Williams F. Jack son, Esq. Geo. 11. Gordon, Esq. John Pinch-' , ard. Esq. and Dr. James Thiccatt, as suitable! i persons to be elected as delegates on the first {< Monday in November next, to represent the i county in the Convention aforesaid—and that . the Justices of the Peace presiding at the differ- j ent election precincts of the county, send up a \ statement of the polls to the Superintendants of i the Elec ion at forsyth, that the Election be j | certified in due form. , Ihe following Resolution was then submit- « ted by Gen. E. Beall, and adopted unanimously. |- * 11 Resolved , That this meeting most cordially approve of the course pursued by the President of the United States in the rejection of the late bill passed by Congress for the renewal of the | Bank Charter of the U. States, and will use all ‘ honorable means wit li their fellow-citizcns of the j United States in his re-election. j It was then resolved that the proceedings of, this meeting be signed by the Chairman and Se- i cretary, and a copy forwarded to the different i Newspapers in Macon for publication. THOMAS BATTLE, Chairman. John T. Ogilbv, Sec’ry. {| !! I'HIOAY . AUOUST I 1 ?, 1838- p FOR PRESIDENT. AAmz E W JA i' KSO A.— VICE-PRESIDENT, UIAKTIA VA \ KIKE A. in’ The proceedings of the meetings m Macon and Monticello, were received too late yesterday evening > for this day’s paper : they shall appear in our next. Jj' A celebrated political writer says, that “ Parties in a state, like pirates, hang out false colours: their prc-i | text is the public good ; their real object is to gel ail they | can.” I O’Pythagoras said that it was necessary to make war upon five things—“ the maladies of the body, the ignorance of the mind, the passion of the heart, public I *o j sedition, and private discord .” COTTON• The New-York Courier and Enquirer of the Bth in ; slant, informs us that “ olfie'iat notice has been given by ] : the French Government, (hat all difference in the duties j on Sea Island and Upland Cotton, is abolished, and that 1 hereafter the same duty only will be exacted in France 1 on the former, as on the latter.” CHOLERA. This dreadful disease is extending its ravages. In ■ New-York it is decreasing, but in Philadelphia on the increase. 1 In New-York, from 3.1 to 4th August, 88 new cases 1 I and 30 deaths; trom 4th to sth, 9G new cases and 29 i deaths; from sth to Cth, 101 new cases and 37 deaths; | from 6th to 7th, 89 new cases and 33 deaths ; from 7rh ! to Bth, 62 nctv cases and 22 deaths; from Sih to 9th, 73 I new cases and 28 deaths, i In Philadelphia, August Cth, noon, 17-G cases and 71 deaths; 7th, 13G cases and 73 deaths; Bth, 114 cases and 46 deaths; 9th, 154 cases and 58 deaths. _ Several cases in Baltimore. Several new eases have ; I occurred in Noriolk. We have not been informed ot the disease having made its appearance south of Suffolk, Va. ST. DOMIXUO. | A fire was experienced in Port au Prince on die Bth, of July last, which destroyed upwards of 500 buildings. The conduct of several American seamen in the port ; at the time, excited so much admiration, that a contri bution was tendered to them through the American Con-) sul, but refused ; and they begged that the -sum might be appropriated to the unfortunate sufferers by the fire. MAILS The Post Master General has advertised proposals for carrying the U. States mails on the following post routes in Georgia, for two years from January 1, 1833, all once | a week. 1. From Sparta to Hartford. 2. Macon to Hawkinsviile. 3. Warrenton to White Oak. 4. Rivertown to Carollton. t 5. Gitrolhon to the head of Coosa River. G. Marion to Perry. 7. Fort Gaines to Bainbridge. 8. Hillsboro’ to Forsyth. 9. Forsyth to Creeneville. 10. Wrightsboro’ to Greenesboro’ 11. Augusta to Louisville. 12. Columbus to Franklin. 13. McDonough to Lawrcnceville. 14. Bainbridge to Duncansville. 15. Thomasville, Ga. to Monticello, Fla. IG. W aynesboro’ to Robinson’s store. 17. Knoxville to Talbotton. 18. Monticello to Carollton. 19. Monticello to Zcbnlon. r 20. White Oak to Conk’s Law Office. i - , . 1 21 La Grange to Franklin. • ‘ 22. Perry to King’s Bluff. 23. Decatur to Ncwnan. 24. Lawrcnceville to Echofa. 25. Blakely to Bainbridge, THE EVIL HOUR TO HE I‘OSTI’OXEO. { It is with pleasure that we sec, in the letters of seve- ; ral citizens who could not attend the Lexington Dinner, the 4th of March next suggested as the “remotest pe riod to which the protecting system should be allowed to remain a canker upon the honour, the interest, and the liberty of the southern people.” This suggestion is from Mr. Howard, of Baldwin. Judge Warren also suggests the 4th of March, as “the furtherest day given to .Con gress to relieve us from the entire protective system.” This will be so much gained, if the suggestion is follow-' ed by the friends of nullification in this state : and it is to be regretted, that it did not occur sooner, it would; have prevented much ill will and private animosity from springing up and pervading the public mind, especially the minds of citizens belonging to the same party, who believe the tariff unconstitutional and highly oppressive, but who differ as to the time when resistance should be resorted to in order to relieve the south from the ruinous! effects of the restrictive system. Much can be done in' the mean time to allay the public excitement, and to bring all parties to concur in the adoption of a policy cal culated to meet the crisis. We have all along contend- i ed fur more time ; for it is our firm belief that with time, 1 the doctrine of free trade must become the prevailing policy of the federal government. We therefore earnest-' ly call on Mr. Howard and Judge Warren, as they ap- : pear to have the welfare of their own state at heart, to urge the necessity of postponing open resistance, even only to the 4th of March next, but without any provision to join South Carolina, in case that state should think: proper to act before that time. All we ask is more timr for reflection and deliberation, before we adopt a course which is surrounded with precipices, and from which we could extricate ourselves but with the loss of tiie liber ties we now enjoy: the Union, the welfare of our corn-, mon country, the peace and harmony of society, certain, ly demand some concession from ns, which it is our du ty at all times to make, but more especially at the pro sent juncture of our political affairs. “ THE CONTEMPLATED MEETING.” Under this head, in the last Chronicle, au unjust and unjustifiable attack is made upon the “ northern men :” this is in unison with the principles and the policy of the nullification party. That party, the more it meets oppo-! sition, the more it becomes reckless of the consequen ces which disunion and civil discord cannot fail to pro-i dace, when sectional jealousies and interests come in contact. This attack is indeed surprising and ones-1 pectcd, when it is recollected that most of those “ north-' em men” always acted with the party of which the Chro-! niclc was the organ in this city. And because these ’ men are generally opposed to the doctrine of nullifica tion, they must be abused, and branded as enemies of Georgia! We never looked upon those northern men with a good eye; the majority of them were always opposed to the party to which we arc attached, and [ tney are now, we believe, opposed to the re-election of Gen. Jackson; but whatever differences may have ex isted, and may still exist, between them and us. as rcJ gards the general policy of the country, we shall heir just towards them, and defend them when wrongfully J traduced; tor the Chronicle should have recollected, that numbers of these “ northern men" have become: attached to the soil, by becoming landed proprietors,' ' and by marriage, and that many of them are as much ' i opposed to the restrictive system a? the rankest nullifi-; i ers can bo. But why this attack at this time, and on the i < eve of a public meeting ? Why throw those who have called this meeting, and upon thosel will attend it ? Is it not a libel on the community of ! f ßichmond county, of which the Chronicle is guilty,,, f 1 9a y that the citizens of the city have no Georgian f.p ; ing in them ? Fortunately the Chronicle published |the same paper, the notice to which is appended! 'names of citizens of the county and city callingt’,.- ' meeting. Our fellow-citizens of other counties \ V| jndge for themselves, whether the attack of that p a?c . | is justifiable or not. The gentlemen who have sign-,; |the notice are almost all Southern men; and amonstf, | four northern men only, whose names are among ti. I signers, one has been a resident of this city Upwards, ; !40 years; another represented Clark county in the K 'gislaturc of this state in 1854 and in the extra aes?;,* ! of 1825; and the oilicrs have been resident of state twenty years and upwards. All the signers sr- I m on extensively known, whose patriotism and iU-vou-, to the best interests of Georgia have never been qu c , ; . tioned : men too who have every thing at stake, prop.-:, j' t y , wives, daughters and sons, in the present crisis 0 f I’our political affairs. And it is on such men, that i;; } |'endeavoured to throw suspicion! It is on our iner. I ■lchants, natives perhaps of the north, that suspicion , 3 I attempted to be cast, on men who have every thing to lose by civil discord and disunion, and who woul 1 he a ? i much bene fitted by freedom of trade, as the planters of .the soutli ! Besides this unjust attack upon our i;,r- Ijcm merchants, why attempt to add to the excitement. a ready extended to an alarming degree, between f. I,people of the south and the people of the north ’ V, widen the breach, instead ol closing it, ii p-j?si;;I- ; The industry and honesty of the merchants of Augur.. ■ arc well known throughout the country; they arc a us,. ful class of the community, and remarkable for their in. litelligcnce and obedience to tiie laws of tlie land. V,' : hope, therefore, that the citizens of the counties which - trade with the city, will, with their accustomed gn] ' sense and liberality, ascribe to the proper cause, the ur. ; justifiable atttick of the Chronicle. The editor of the Chronicle is absent from this city. It is probable that, had he been here, such an object; able article would not ha\ e appeared. A T il . E ijisTOli V. The following we have copied from the Columbia,.?. C.) Times of the 10th instant; it shows the manner correct information is conveyed from Georgia to South Carolina. From the Columbia Times. Extract of a letter to a gentleman of this place. “ We have just heard from Georgia—Glorious tiding, —a meeting at Oglethorpe was held some days since, where South-Carolina was Sustained and where even nullification was declared to be the rightful remedy. 1; is reported that at the close of Clayton’s speech, whci he uttered “ I am for nullification, S. Carolina nnlhfi.-. ti o n”—Wm. 11. Crawford beat applause with a hie .un stick, to the no small injury of the table and chairs. A; Athens a very large meeting was hold a few days after, wards, at which a preamble and resolutions were adopt od, condemning a Southern Convention and advocatin'? the doctrine of State Rights. A convention of the state is recommended to meet in November. It is reported that (llaseock introduced a resolution, that the resoliu tions adopted were not intended to sanction South-Caro lina nullification, for which he was hissed, and upon tin vote being taken, he was in a pitiful minority.” ro;n in >ls nio Istms. I would respectfully suggest to those g -nilc. men, who have called a meeting of the citizens on Saturday next, the propriety of extending :m invitation to our distinguished statesman, the Hon. John Macpitkkson Bkrkikx. 1 believe it is the general wish of the citizens, that he would attend, and have no doubt lie would willing ly accede to their wishes, were ho to receive \an invitation from the proper persons. I und,-r --stand he is at present at the Richmond 1 laths, in this county. A CITIZEN. THE EVILS OK M LLIHCA'IIOy. Messrs. Editors. —Being apprehensive that our state may become involved in the absurd and disastrous political opinions and excitement of South-Carolina, I must solicit the favour of your permitting me to introduce into your pa per a few communications, designed to she.wtha ruinous effects of nullification on our govern ment, if it were possible for it to operate pea -1 ceahly ; and to prove that the effects of the ta riff' is not sufficiently injurious, oppressive, nor unjust, to justify us even in indulging a desire for resorting to such a remedy. As your cor o * . respondent “ Oglethorpe” has already satisfac torily argued the of nullifi cation, and the consequent impossibility of its operating peaceably, I shall not make the vain attempt to throw any additional light on that branch of this subject ; and shall pass i - , by simply referring your readers to a rc-pcrusal of that article. For the purpose of my argument, I shall consider it granted, that nullification is a constitutional and peaceable remedy, for the evil effects of the impolitic tariff'; that it is on ly necessary for the aggrieved state by her le gislature, convention, or otherwise, to pronounce a law of Congress unconstitutional, unwise and oppressive, to make it obligatory upon Congress, to repeal or modify such law to the perfect sat isfaction of the state aggrieved ; and until such alteration he made, that state shall he relieved from the force of the law. This, I presume, wifi he acknowledged to bo as correct a state ment of the doctrine of nullification as can be made from the conflicting opinions of the pro pa gators of it. With this supposition cf power possessed by each state of the Union, as a check upon the federal power ; I shall proceed to an exposition of the effects of this power, if exer cised, which undoubtedly would always be the case, for no individual nor state, possessing a. power would withhold the exercise of it, when ever, a belief was entertained that it would be productive of good ; and thus prove the exces sive ignorance of the framers of our Federal Constitution. And : 1. If this right to nullify be exorcised, it would often be inconsistent with a spirit of no. hleness, liberality and justice. The feelings, which would bo necessary in a stale, to permit it to remain in the enjoyment of the blessings of the general government, without sustaining an equal portion of the burdens of it; and o; sending legislators to enact laws to govern states more submissive, while she refuses obedience to the laws enacted by the legislators of tnre states, arc incompatible with a noble spiff' And such is the tendency of nullification ; F render this truth more obvious, apply that reme dy of South-Carolina, to the tariff, and observe the consequence. If South-Carolina nullifies that act of Congress, and demands a repeal that law on such a modification of it as will meet her views of propriety, before she will conscn* to submit to its requirements ; ns it is not at ah probable that the tariff' states, which are the ma jority by far, will be disposed to make such con cessions, as will in the least satisfy Carolina; that law will always remain in her judgment nul lified. By which means, she will become ex empt from paying all taxes; paying nothing into the national treasury ; receiving foreign produce without the incumbrances of duty, for her own consumption and transportation to other parts of the Union ; partaking of none of the evils and inconveniences of the federal govern ment ; and yet continue equal with the ether states, in the enjoyment of its immunities and advantages; protected by its army and its na vy ; facilitated in her foreign intercourse, bj* its ambassadors and other agents ; secured front internal molestation, by its officers and its pow er—Carolina would thus be participating of ail