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•tMMMwa '•■ ai.nn or of W,r it th« fritiwl HWrfw ma«* »« stickier* tor the ««h»* <rf til* pwpla prated ohov a ia* ul the ■ jj loved co» gl » which archil **&•’ i A 1 : llpoi fedcS**. r- •j'iir- ■ the with* of* eh# MO- **• <* ' ' Ite aiOWU*.. and ;.* ; V ' . j: 'X\ „ apJ rt,j to the making ol it. and ; . .“the Inclines and ~ * t o themanuiacturcrs and less accoptu’-.1, t 0 V Si* ipijrpatcjy W tu^r- -n!: Miail sttch an individual. see- tu v■ | L * c ,* ea . ucncc s. It may be: rccily e.ppo. o‘ j n t } ie unpariial judgment o. P , stales. Bat il is untrue at the same tin*. ■ 7 —■——t —-—* " . iag all this pass og tia-’y before his eyes, though hidden bound hunse.t to abide ■ ‘ . . , ie .mio-aidm the --- k u * confirm the decisions already .;t.»c s*>. '.i.;. «.,» relieved to the extent of her co I fiil>AV *VIM SF 24> n .*,* TBF Ei>;Tt>iu»* ccukkutosornk. from his ielio**-citiz<.«s by the arts :um dceiccs oi tte rc it. Ln stitun on tsi -powers—'. after a ? .he im asures with which yem have |th at l - ie , n ' “ 3 ma( i c either duty free, or on = •==- ■'=- =- . . comm n enemy. remain -!-n% and. if not ui»coucerrarf, ff n°. « Is by hts ceunljr, the Rank., totema! mi-. I sompnon o* effected!^ IUR PRt.MDE-Vl .* Ex'r.tct of niettf r from * u: I,MKn U: * lin - most cr.*hu.!'y reekk-.-s of and from shall Ibe Vmnd to o. •-> ■ .‘ . ou jj not* be .! associated Ins ’*l ' f 'manufactures.) and with Ijwincu me re* - ..^ Y -i<>-unlv maintained that the son’ & VlkpEU' || ■< T »mated for List! nts, as for tis political firmr-ss i.r.-i, fear of forh-arto do his datjf to himself, to his No: aud lor the --' • - , state go- tVrmeuients, f bf P lO ~ ;,i cn -l{K*d will be has been mo>. e\ ‘o‘ _ * ■ VMIUfcU .lA . W**K. ?m ... pri.j- ; »-«, dated Milled-* -.il.. . 3 v P and MdU proeburn- bouad bj -th*. that ( _ “I'roiu !*omc of your remarks it seems that you en- ■ - R 8 •* n.- ict. » and tuft if possil.V, a nation’s ‘is null and void, ab ~n*#w.i|as - \II 1..1 KL>!DI,o I, in tlc opinion, that many of the {K-opl *in Georgia ,a >‘' >bad the m-mamy march unresisted up to tac o. u> - , {ure ot the | fh«* V palpable, that it is to hair splitfm- meb^vsien* >■ %KTI.\ VA\ arc a-lv'S’uting null:<i«:ati.*n, \vhi h you lament, and >o very c.udcd of American lihe-rty, with the torch glcarung* Ifc.s brmgs *:'*£*££'*' aa. AVc*havc 4 'indiudual a for the state fipb* ws3 Lyl as to deny that ttvmyS —- t it! eWerfaiuiiti iimt^peM.ui, hut 1 ashore you m ther.rr*a -•. uviao parr r oan i .-r v *V. . r,. .. f rc cp ect i V e states, ha»’o di-hwondcrci a, t (Intrsia, should give his * ! i'Xtmorr than thirteen? It is a singular 1 N - : ■ 1 pz.-- .i*l!i^r*aia3Sle{36 .*i» uaiii* r ik ;u - 'hi® is a rub' of this off'’* - . j -j --i In out ■■■ • •.’ ftt ot t.< p« • lin sos tb : - - u , hold in this lav. Saturday, we menfionrff that" Vfr. Kiw.ud R. Campbell, had b. « appointed by the Chairman as one ot in •- i otnnutt | *t; charged v. nit it.* , retribution of ih*- print* -.! cr»pi* 3 of the preamble and oiutfon* adopted a; tent me- ting. Mr. < 'ampbell had j “•♦■••a .ilip.J.lili .1, ■ l Cqa<-»t-.-a to hi cXI U.-' d flOUi t.l<- . luty, which Wii« complied with. -J| v i ,■ I t a Idler tr in Cal. Nuckolls, mender of Con- 1 , r m fr<-m South-1 ’.iroiina. in reply to an invitation to at. ~.. ;,d a public mi’, fin? at Yorkvdie, wty®, that “He ad- d hsia.-i U a Union man, Si di tin< tly the tr do.-tii.ir rs noiiifl‘athii, a. 1 adv icatia? a .Sent hern Con- || V. •!- .-I. ..r !*•.)«*• f-.-h r*<*. !■• of r iff.-mg and unit mg > opinion ifi tV 'evnral Vat s similarly situated." This I t'er shall ippeir i.i onrn *x». || r ‘ . —- , , j*' :[ ; ■ if j, with infirm.' regret v> • have to announce tue | .. a*h of C.d. Thomas W. Murray, of I.incoln County.; k 11. died at th' Madison Spring* al' »* days ago. 1 his uform.'fon has l o.ii r- o iv. 1 !»y » g.-ntit iu in 01 ‘.<is. •if - , in a b-ttcr from I.iueolaton. j u dIOLERA. Vs tins disease is r-tyi lly decreasing in numb, r ol cMi.-', and especially in number ot deaths, both in Phi-) o .j l. Intua an i V w-Y'.rk, a id in other places, when it ! I 1 « • ; -d made it at re ■’Tine -, w« ■ ontimte our statement, - j lAHlff OK *11312. Tie < ;|.,h ■ of the 13th instant, contains an official j a st rtetnent, shewing the amount of duties according to 1 liac f I*tin ' rates, and a-, mudifii dby the act of July, £ lc-32. We shall wry shortlf publish this statement; in. a the mean time, we copy from the Globe, an abstract ot it : I • . • , , 1 i "There were some 1 rrors in the comparative table) , dm whig tlm affect of the tariff of 1832, recently pub-1 * 1 ah; dinth - ; paper, which was furnished us by the Re-1 , * :• 1r of the Tre ;®ury. We repul dish the whole state- : ( merit as now' corrected in the Register’s office, ami have no doubt that it may be considered perfi ctly accu-li rate." j jjl'h.c yououui ol duties, according to the existing rut. a eocuhtied on the importations of the year ending 30th j t September,! 830, IB ' $21,711,770 1 The amount according to the existing rat. a, as modifi. dby the act of July, 1832, 1 .">,120,9,70 j (1,587,811 1 Add reduction under the acts of May, 1839, 4,665,750 | Total reduction mince IS2<J 11,353,561 ( 1 he revenue iron, customs under the new hdl ttr estimated nt 13,101.167 1 I IIF. CttltilM. The 1. tt. rs of our correspondents gave us infinite |f .pleasure, and corroborated the information which we had . received from other pat's ol the slate, respecting tin , public feeling upon the sar-iofli ot the protective system. 1 Thatyherc exists a decided spirit of opposition to tire tariff, cannot he doubted ; hut that the modi- of relieving the South from its injurious effects hy nullification, has . many advocates, is not the fact. We are warranted in 1 this assertion by‘.he information w e have received, and j continue to receive, from various sections of the slate.| It appears, however, th.i* the calling of a convention, to , t ike into consideration the subject ot the tariff, and to jit . . . »V« »tiv I C >-V> '*» »!•? , - I meets more 'he approbation of the people, than any o thor plan which could he proposed in the present eg-! eitement of tire public mind, because it is believed, that) . the influence of its proceedings will preclude the r.cocssi- j ; tv of resorting to measures which might endanger the : peace and harmony of the Union. With regard to the i expediency of calh'-g a convention, \vc shall offer a few remarks. j : We are not opposed to a convention, if the proceed-1 mgs of it are to be limited to the particular object lor 1 > which it is called, aud it* the plan they should pitch tip on, to relieve the South from the injurious effects of the tariff, arc to be submitted to the people for their ratifica tion or rejection. IVe believe that it would he highly dangerous to clothe with unlimited powers—with pow. r tp carry into effect whatever the convention may 1 jiave determine I upon—men who will meet with feelings highly excited, and give to tii,<v deliberations that spirit, of hostility to ih federal s ivcmment, which the injuries i . of die Sou.h have produced. Dispassionate delibora- ( nous ’rtiaot be expect.-1 under such circumstances, and j ; ino'di less a ptttdeut and moderate course, so much need, •1 in the cr.ucal situation in which the country is now 1 placed. Unless limite I ii their powers, the proceed- j 1 ings of the convention might ptovo most disastrous to I > the well ire of this state and to the whole country. But ; 1 limited, as to the carrying into effect the pi an of redress jt may adopt, the people, when called upon to ratify or j , reject the plan proposed, would no doubt act prudently, •. wisely, and «s becoming the people of a free and sovc- i 1 r ign st .to. And certainly the most violent opponent ofj f l ic tariff cannot object to su.li a limitation of the pow- ( era of this convention; for the people can judge hc'ter , lor themselves than a few interested leaders, whether) s the plan proposed to them, agrees or not with there feel. 1 j mg# and opinions, and would nut produce greater evils 1 than those which it is intended to remedy. : . The principal ground of opposition to a convention for revising and amending the constitution of the state, as ‘ assumed by the opponents of reduction in the number of 1 members - »f the legislature, lias been that a convention' Would have too much power, and that instead of revising . a particular feature of that instrument, it might be led to t change all its features. Such an argument has beenfre-j T iplehtlv refuted, by establishing the fact, that the changes' * made in the constitution by the convention, could he in- , eorporated in that irts f rnm?n f , nnd been me a .fart f if the 1 ", vv of the land, only alter having been ratified by f a majority of the peojde, because that convention would. ' assemble with a limitation in its powers, to deliberate j aad change the const, tntioti only as directed and under- i stood by the people when timy vote d for delegates. Con- j ( ' fined then by the will of the people 1 1 one particular fea-jj J •.ureot the const.tit;ton. the convention could not travel | e out Ot la - spiicru pomtodout for us deliberations, with-1 0 out vuiat.og ti.e confidence pi iced in them. And very d .•w, it any. of the delegates, would fee willing to meet. he marlunl displcasur# of tin ir c-onstifoents, audio lose* •. heir popularity, and their political reputation, by acting .. 'outf.ry to their pledged fa ta. But if the people did not d i-niif tht powers of flic convention. & should, clothe them I. with the anth arity to carry into effect any pi an it might! 0 ad'p , !r follows that any uni all the changes they might: „ fiuhkproper to make in the present constitution, would) 0 be butdmg e..j the people, if tho people did not retain the | d have reign power of ratification or rejection. In the case " n pt a rawen.ion to take into consideration the Tariff, the. , a ii rcusonuigs just stated arc applicable. Give uuUmtl?dd a powers ; > such a caavom.ou, and It may proclaim a sep-| u a rati on from the Union, or adopt some violent measures .'.p.uist tiic federal cwrnmmt. Bn* limit thic eonven-i P Kvh U iAS CSisiiamctiding of moatu for a redress of our e grievances, and tor counteracting the injurious effects of H the-Tariff, wuili the provision that thoso means are to be k employed oidy afur having been sanctioned by a majority 0 «| the people. nod.m;:cr can bo apprehended of a hasw ' adoption of vi dent measures, without ths full consent of the popple, and iff;or nu:uru dolißcraiion, and weighing, s; Cjilculauog and comparing the cousequeoecs which the t* measure adopted would produce. Considering tho whole j o: *ubj(,ct\mder ofview, \rc are opposed : > aeon-l . vetiijpfiwuh unkm-Icd powers, bat in favour ofor.o which- p] wpdm sub ;uil the result ofth-jir proceedings to thoreatifi- a: -• i.re i- a subject upon which ‘he people rcfterfmnrh. : P he most iiitt-iligeni of our citizens, with whom 1 have 1 ,r r.f- - d upon this subj-.-ct, consider that it. is worse ti ;t: :ui foiiy to attach utir-> Ives u> t>,r car of any party in { lother stater and that it is at kast becoming in uS not to ]■'. urrt! with them, as they profuse to arrive at the same 1 ,-nl-* that we do, though by meat’s we disapprove. “froi»! your remarks 'vqioii the letters of Judge H.ar-’ :l ... t Mr. Howard in your last, I inf. r that you en-J * rtained the opinion that there are many who are for;/ 1 •1 ion wen unto resistance very soon, and before the 4ih j| u [arch next. 1 can state witlt great certainty th ft ihe tJ l! unions of a large majority of those with wb«m I haveh « l! 1 converse upon this subject, have pointed to a period jjfi .• n beyond the liii M irch a? the if ultimatum; and I > belt- vc tint no combination of spirit® can put Georgia c v > the finale in tins drama ev.n by that .lay; for thejj f ' ae- ion is one of great moment, mid requires long and h c I'/t deliberation he fire final judgment is pronoun red, I( v ucli at' ’he influencing counsels oi fht people. 1 h*-y, ill tli d;. they will reflect, tiny will pause before they jj'; ,-t; hut when prepared to act you know well what is I 1 icir spirit :ml temper. ' s 'ou»c might construe this into !' ,-Ji g the thoughtless denominate subitiissivti, but y'ou 1 iiovvtii writer has no siteti feed mgs or incTmation. .My eh be rat’ opinion is, that a great majority of the people j 1 f me state (and I am among the number,) have resuly- <f d within their own min is tho' the Protective System I- I 1 novnsiitutional, o.liuus and oppressive ; and that tne me rs not far distant when they will so prohounce it in c it- liigh* -t official form known to a sovereign slat. ; and t which time they will tlx a period beyond which its 1 pirjimn- upon Georgia will be no more. Induing the- |! led confident that they will allow win* the world will ! av, is a full and sufficient time for the authors ol this nomination to relax and abandon such a system; it not, i ,01 n within that time, let the copartnership stand dis- 1 (jived. This may be done peaceably and quietly. Sir, these are but the views ot a private citizen ; but | 1 hose of one who has taken some pains to learn public j 1 pinion. If there be any peaceable and quiet mode 1 auctioned by our sovereign right to n lieve ourselves rout such exactions, it seems to me that (In* people arc ■ 11 the proper pursuit; and that our reserved rights do fiord the im ans the statesmen and patriots of Georgia ! u.diitain. If the people in primary assemblies deter-d nine upon a ('onvi■ mion ; will not tire resolve ot that 'onvention be right as t<» Georgia ?” ' Extract of another letter from a distinguished politi-d c ■ c ■ia;i of Georgia, whose means ot information are ex. / ensive, and whose popularity with lire people stands ve. j y high, dated Decatur, DoKalb County, August, 13th, ji ,832. ||' “In relation to a State Convention, as recommended, j' ' am clearly of opinion it should not be opposed, lor 1 j -ledge •myself to you, fifteen nuHitiers, or advocates of the 1 1 rereolina doctrines, cannot, by any possibility, be elect, n d as delegates, and it seems to be so just and unexcop- ■ ionable a plan, that it cannot be resisted. Bath parties j 1 ire uniting in most of the counties on their delegates, j vnli a fixed determination to put down every man who jj ulvocat. s Calhoun ami his doctrines, and to elect only j inch men as will oppose them, and at the same time act ( \ith moderation and firmness. Believe me, we have ‘ totiiing to fear from a convention, for it will be compos-1 >d of our best and most talented men from all parts ofj I he state, and such you maybe assured, as will not act 1 ! vuh rashness or precipitancy. ‘•Tim Athens resolutions will be generally a.low e rj, jl unking out the words “ we will not logger Submit,” atidii mbstitiiting therefor, we, consid-V the protective systemi| is arbitrary, unequal, Tms was done at Monticello, j 1 vhere Col. Alfred U’uthuprt made a great display; youp vouhl have btreV delighted to .have heard him; he cx-l; loscd N'- l'/iii ,-tion in all its forms, and stated to his j <ivdy-,nC 1 how it originated, and the purposes intended ji 0 ho effected by Calhoun tho father of it, -and in a most i etliy.rr an d truly eloquent manner enuti -nod them to be- j ne to give vou a full detail of Vsf he 'ihlti, ■ ul influence which his addvess boro upon the meeting, j is lam now about leaving here. He has consented to ) =erve as a delegate, and will get an almost unanimous j ,'otc.” . Par the Georgia Constitutionalist. “ Tire situation of this country is alarming enough to •on/.- the attention of every man who pretends to a con- I igrn for the public welfare. “ Appearances justify suspicion; and when the safety j jf a nation is at stake, suspicion is a just ground of enquiry. | “ Let us enter into it with candour and decency.” Jones. j •The people of the United States, accustomed from ; lieir infancy to look upon their country and its institu-lj ions as peculiarly favoured by an overruling Providence,; raised and sustained by sonic of the purest and wisest |; itatesmen and warriors the annals of lustory rcccrd, aud , ipproved by the brave, the philanthropic aud the good 1 hroughout the world ; are unwilling and slow to believe • -at its days arc about to be numbered—its fair proper- j ions razed to its foundation—and its glories and its j xistence, only to grace, the pages of future history in j lie sad declaration, that such a Republic once existed. I’iioy review its history and find ftt different periods ot jj ts existence, that groat excitements have prevailed oyer extensive districts of the Union —and that the good I j sense and patriotism ot the people in some instances; 1 ) md the well-timed and efficient action of a wise, provi-ji lout and just government in others, have been equal to i j ill emergencies; coot rdUcd the elements of discontentj ; re disaffection, and restored the nation to tranquillity and ji security. They will not admit the suspicion that in this) is in all the Republics that have preceded it, there are j ibundanl materials for aspiring and ambitious men toll vork upon; silently and plausibly at first, but with aset-jj led and inflexible purpose throughout, which before the fi mblie suspicion is awakened to the dangers which sur- j 1 ound i f , bursts upon it with all its accumulated force—|j' laps the very foundation of social order—sets loose the jig rcsscl of state from its moorings—and plunges a nation li 1 nto anarchy, with all its appalling train of consequences!*' —among which, bloody conflicts between the various | ! potions are sure to be included. i 1 In such a disposition of the public mind, should, ocoa- jl tonally, an individual lamenting the apathy of his fol-ij 1 ow.citizcns, and deprecating ihc consequences, rise up!, md warn them of the precipice on which they stand, there j M vill not be wanting those, who either from design, orll l ■riminal indifference to consequences, will pr.-nounct? : i he alarm ill-timed or false; and the author either de-ii* nented, over-timid, or criininaHy ignorant of the ingre-ji l lients of danger. That sanguine temperaments may, and iftt-n ilo, overleap the degree of danger to which the ij 1 ommon tranquillity may be exposed, there can be no , J loubt; but it should be always borne in mind, that allj ; he danger lies on the side of indifference and apathy;! 1 iidle safety consists in nercr-sltmibering vigilance, andt 1 cautious, yet liberal reliance upon the virtue of the; t rominent individuals, or bodies ot men. ; ' It is not the purpose of this paper to sound the alarm j } f danger to the rights ot liberty of the people of (he; J hiifed States or of this state; that sound has been al-i ? cadv reneated, under so many forms, in the people’s* 5 ars, that it is to be apprehended its frequency has cans- ( J it to pall, and its existence to bo cither doubted or < isrcgarden ; either of which, is among the unfavorable i 1 vmptoms of the healthy stale of the political elements j T t our country. If a citizen, walking the streets of a| r opulous city at flic hour of midnight, when its inhabi- j 1 uus were reposing in siicni’c and security; and slionldj 1 iscover an incendiary, or incendiaries, with matches in j 1 icir hands, running in every direction, scattering the r lenients of destruction, which must soon envelope the < ity in flames, would he not be branded as accessary 1 1 the crime; absolutely recreant to all the sympathies ' X our common nature; a monster in human form ; and c eserving the execration of all mankind, should he sea! = is lips, and not raise the alarm, rouse the citizens and * pprisfc them of tlieir situalion ’ Should the timely a- ’ inn save the city from general conflagration, would he I at, ou the other hand, be looked upon by his fellow cit- L with gratitude and love, and richly deserve their 1 anfideuee and remembrance ? Is the danger less im- 1 iinent and momentous, and the duty of a citizen less im- - treaiive, who, being enabled from superior education, r xperieuec m the usual course of human affairs, and f atohfuhiess and obsen'ation, or Irom otiier causes, 1 Kikiiig beyond the present moment, scanning the course 1 f public racnsur--s and public men, taking an expansive V iew of causes and effects, tracing the hidden masses of 0 iphistry, raid designs upon the national integrity and a ifoty, wall which the enemies of free government and P jociai order seldom fail to enshroud themselves, sees u ig enure people of a whole nation standing unconaci. d isly ujion the verge of a bloody revolution; its cons*;. t: ttion about to be trampled under foot; its laws and in- t-. .tutions made the prey of tho dy operate, and the un •incipled, or the unholy ambition of political Quixotes c: td gladiators, who stalk abroad jn open day, under the !° oeeeos irom me saunaesi nea«p, purest nearts. « oft devoted patriot'. It may be true ;it man be tea'.. . \ id, it si, wnat calamities may he instore sot onr couii-qz y ! wli : bi k> ly pag< s, may the impartial pea ofnisto-jliu • he compelled to indite |! P To avert these Impending dangers should >e the un-ijp moving endeavor of every lover of his country and I I is species. He it my bumble province, iti the presentj i =<ay. to lay open, rrith all the perspicuity ;iaJ eompro- n e’isivi n. ss of which the subject may be susceptible,l I ruler tlie ger-innee of my ieeble pen, t!ie nature ol) i lose d ingers ; the pr* xhnate and ostensible, and remote | t id real cause of the excitement which has produced! c tern. The source or sources from whence they sprang.! r i which it may become necessary to use great freedom! c .ih the nam< s of individuals, aaaore or less distkigtdsh- j c 1 in the politic:;! world, eitifer for oliicial honors in the t viler military departments of the state and federal go-( i .rnnicnts, or, for a traßScient celebrity acquired by mil r xcts.-ivt zeal in a particular cause, as connected with! > if. subject under consideration, (individuals placing! 1 leniseivi s upon the house tops must expect to be sur-j a eyed by the passing crowd U-low.) Tite nature ol the j t smedies proposed, fur tue oppressions of which «ve| * omplaiii at the hands of the lederul government, andj i rcir respective conduciveness, or otherwise M accouF-ijl lish the end in vs w. Finally to glance rt the attitude | * i which our own Georgia stands as related to the pr.e- j < ent exciting questions before the community. The 1 oursc of Some of her distinguished citizens in reier-j t nee to those questions, and the course which “ her < ights, her interests and her honor,” point our, ns pro- 1 i r for hi rto pursue in the present, and under any pro- i aide fu no state of the political aliairs of this country. 1 To occupy the whole ground, of the nature of the dan- t <rs to which our institutions arc exposed, would be ui- ' , rly incompatible with the characti r and object ol tin 1 resent essay ; it would he to shew the impatience oft ' oniroul; the nature of political power, to be the rival of j ' ny department of a simihii character ; the abuse ol thej ' rue principles of freedom, which we imbibe, from eou-j idoring free government as contrasted with those which'; re less so, or despotic; uiishackh >\ fy laws which imist\ i • obeyed, and sanctions which must h enforced ; in short, I . shut just far enough removed from a state of nature! « distinguish the civilized from savage life ; and finally' I <> explore causes which are inseparable front the nature i ■ >i organized government, and perhaps incorporated tovj lie w isest purposes, indelibly in the human mmd. If j vill suffice to observe In re, that from the peculiar or-! ranizntioa of our system of government, rite poly,• cal!i bunders of it, acting, as they believed, in aocor lance with the spirit of the people, throughout ir.-j entire ■traetnre, placed great reliance upon tire a*turn on which he whole superstructure was basso, U; wit : The cajta uty of the people for self gtr eminent. It is not to he vondered at then, th:g, the tendency of the whole frame ind order ol thq .--ystem. should have been, to leave the leoplo as untrammelled as was consistent with tlie pub ic liberty; and to the fullest extent their own govern >rs, unless in those points where conflicting interests vould he nine to require the umpirage of a government i if laws. Time run only determine the wisdom of the I tremises. and the justness of the conclusion as applied o die people of the United States. Patriotism and phi anthropy would never cease to lament the circumstance •hould the decision be against them. These Unifid! 'taros, before the declaration of independence in 17 iti, j British Ceioejcs, achieved their independence after tt ■•" veil years war w i r hthe mother country ; that hnlcpen lenee, respectively to the old thirteen states, was ac enowlcdged by (heat Hriiain, leaving them, of course, to remain disunited ns that recognition had placed them, ?r to unite together under one common/or all purposes, jr to unite fur some enumerated purposes, and remain independent of each other, for all otlu r purposes, as night best accord with the interest of the parts, and whole. Previously to the year 1783, however, these ?tatos, then colonies, being actuated by a common principle, driven to resistance and rebellion by the same unjust exactions of a common Government —and seeing o'n. aiumessful termination of the cou tost to con&iJil ui united action m council, auu untie ueiu, with, seemingly, very little intercommunication, became a united nt'Cp-Ic, and in this capacity the revolution was successful, and laid the foundation of the freest govern ment of w hich history lias transmitted an account. It serins never to have been contemplated by our political fathers, that these states could long remain without some common government to pervade the whole—accordingly the first desideratum with them after the struggle was over, appeared to he the organization of an authority commensurate w ith the gi neral concerns of the states — the confederation was the result of the first efforts, to secure an object which b}’ common consent appeared necessary to render permanent the independence and prosperity of the states—“ articles of confederation and [it-rpetual union,” were accordingly adopted —<Sc the coun try marched on with frequent interruptions, until it was perceived by all that the main ingredients of good gov. ‘■rmnent were wanting in the powers of the confedera tion ; the states had united Mito a compact to be sure, md conferred powers to the central authority adequate i to the ends for which it was made—but the solecism! stared the whole nation in the face of a national authori-j ty without the means of enforcing it—a nation without sanctions to its laws—and a people, nominally governed, iVi'hout that which deserved the name of a Government. Sucii it stab- of things coiflf! not long be tolerated, nor | ivasnct: The defects of the confederation tc answer the j ■mis of Government was ably and frohl ft variety C-f* sources exposed—the people felt the force of the reason-! ng adduced against it; the statesmen and heroes who tad conducted the Revolution to a favorable termination I. iddressed them, find none w ith more zeal, ability and es-l oct than Gen. Washington. The final result of all their | abours, together with amendments subsequently made j jursuant to its authority, nows forms the magna charta! >f American Liberty, Under the style and title of “ the| Constitution of lire United States,” which as its pream-j )le declares, was designed by its framers, patriots in eve •y just sense of the term, to form a more perfect union ;! ■stahiish justice, insure domestic tranquility, “toprovide! or the common defence,” &c. As it would be idle andi uperfluous to quote the provisions of this constitution, to! ihew that these desiderata which are mentioned in the! ire amble w T ere the main end and object of the constitu-! ion, and as it is not the design of this paper to enter atj urge into disqmsitiunsupou the powers conferred on tite' u neral Government by it—enough wili be shewn for its ■urpo'ser, simply to stale generally, the acknowledged! lowers which were intended to be conferred —and w!uch\ ill agree mere conferred —except, indeed, a few indivi- i - luals, whose judgments appear to have fled to British 'easts —and have either lost their reason, orplace it to a! cry bad account: •' The constitution then, was intended! o, & did remedy the prominent defects oi the confedera. ion. In met:: t place, whatever powers were conferred n it, the government have the right and the means of enfor. nig; not only oy the reason of the thing, but bv express , gantia the i -tn.ment itself—T.uc action of the present unstitmion, tin'll that of the co-moderation, reaches the ' •Ci sons oj inu . rais, addresses Useli to Iliar hopes and cars —calls tb- i to its bar— nd in short is as much a lovcmmcnt with. r.' d , in its of power, as a> tato govt rmnent is wr. .m tis pecul ar sphere —The pow rsofgovenmient are divided by the people of die stales f this union—or, if you please, by the states of this nion, between two sets of agents —Those pow ers which; he general government has had confided io Uskeepino-f. re as legitimately derived from the people of the states,; ' espcctively, as the powers of the state governments are * o the keeping of the stales —and may o f ritsht be as •lenanly exercise J. Each government derives its au-' iiority from the fountain head : the people, in their hi hJj st sovereign capacity. The people of the state of Geor-'i in for example, have given a delegated portion ot theirij ovcreign power to agents residing at Milledgeville, atul |, rd ! ed the Executive, Legislative & Judicial powers of; : tate government. T..e same people of the ca ns state, i uve given or delcgab d, another portion to agents resid-- . igat Washington—and called by the same names, viz: executive, L g:siati\c, & judicial —both these portions' .> not constitute the whole of the sovereign power cf '\ ■ his same people as Georgia —there are powers which!’ ns same people have not delegated, nor ever will Jele-i I are if they are true to the .".sen es —The inevitable co’ - t Itrsion from the premises is, and num be, that each gov-! i rnni> tit, the fedt r ; i.is! ii’s, wrtbwri its prescribed iim.' ; ® 15 a delegation ot cct!>oruy, out of the common fbun tia or source—and th it die manner of executing those' ■ oirers, are possessed as legitimately Lr one "as th e ! ’ t.ier, and by both alike though differihg in dt-er- < 1( i so it is of c- h of the other srav-s. Thr-•• • : asitions will not bo controverted we imagine, nloss i: is “lor the sake of argument.”' = An in.lil vidua! of a state therefore, is as much •? toTj e making of a law of the Ui.i'<'! sta ;s • U ’ that of a state—in both he is repra. ■; ' 1 the mode {re scribed in his compact a ~ h ■m ■ 1 1 tizens of his own state in the latter—and < .osc of it .. ‘ states in ihe former case. lie is as much, bound toll t ideal i.. n «a«e has given his obligation » his felJow-citi- ||J •is oft ; - «»wtv state, tun I those oi Ins ..ouow -citizens at • th- i-setcs to conform—that oath government has as , 11 lenarv a right to the menus of erceviAing its respective !’ tacts as the other—and derived from the same source. each government is composed oi execKtive, legis- Hive and judiciary departments—and that both govern ,onts do not include in their powers, all, that the peo-jj| le in their respective stat. s j.rssoss. Wc have also ad- : lilted, that no citizen is bound to obey an unconstitu- ;<P onai law. citlit rof the federal or -state government, and j* ontend that he is jast as much bound in one case, as |c ic o'lur ; bemuse bound by neither, lint, because the P is not bound by a law violating the constitution oes it follow that he is to be the judge oi its cons tiro- | 0 , malitv ’ is the plainest dictate of natural justice to bo | « avert oil tliut “ no man shall be a judge in ins own cause”/ j c nd have our wise and patriotic lathers neglected to! ” onstliute a tribunal to decide upon the constitutionality j 1 r uiicons .tmionnliry of laws—and left every man as in , .-late of naturt —where the Into of Ike strongest is j 1: | )C aj-'diei } Certainly the main reason for tricing a go- c eminent at all, has not been overlooked—certainty it has | 11 or; v, i- hare just shewn, tiiat for both governments, which j * add all the delegated powers of the people —a judiciu- j * V ilt i’tii d merit lias been established, and it is from this ] ‘‘ 'ip.rtru ft wo are to derive decisions of the coastiiu-j 1 ionalitv ci unconstitutionality ol acts of Congress with-j !> its r.res.jubed powers —and from the state judiciary, j f ■ f acts of the legislature within their prescribed limits.! r loth di partmer.ts are administered by men—therefore I c mperfeel and liable to err —and it is very questionable,' a vhether if angels adsrmistefvd them, all parties would 1 ic at all tunes satisfied with their decisions. The paw- 1 ■rs of l\\o judiciary departments of the respective go- ‘ a rnmcnti: tire perhaps loss liable to abuse than those ol 1 idier o! liic other departments—and should abuses oc- ' Usionailvoccur —shall we,therefore, abolish (he judici- T try ? Iluve the people not placed centinels -on the 1 vateh-tower to detect abuses and punish them ? Hare 1 ve not all the checks and balances m cur system which s s compatible with the existence of government in any \ r h/7/i / It is replied here, that we have not, so far us ; egard- the Supreme Court; for, the judges hold their' •laces “ daring good behaviour," which ;1 is said is e-| 1 inivalent to a life estate in the •Office. Well, if with j ' he power oi the House ol lioprosentatives to impeach; l he Senate to try - r.u punish—and public opinion in eon- * t--t Opcr«';on upon them, they can keep their offices \tiring life —then, I answer they cannot be very unwor- ! <hy servants, if they pass this ordeal unscathed ; pro- 1 t ided they happen to lire long. How much greater 1 ilumour against tlie Supreme Court would probably be ‘ ie:ird, if with each change of the President of the U. : Static, the entire judiciary should be also changed, by ' he nomination of the Presided, and concurrence of the 1 -eu jte ? Would it not then be echoed throughout the ‘ L’n'nn ?—'Plie constitution intended each department to ' rprrate as a check upon the other ; yet we see each 1 President appointing his political favourites to the judi- 1 ■ia 1 office of the United States who have become andi ire mere puppets in his hands, for libbing the laws ol j Uonsiress to suit his ambitious purposes. And would i, this not be the probable result of the change ? Let eve- j ry man’s candour answer the question. It is not denied, that the Supreme Judiciary, from its first organization under the constitution, has uniformly leaned to the federal construction of the constitution— that in cases of doubt, they have presumed much on the side of the powers of the federal government. This is not very hard to be accounted for by tiiose who look at home. —What is the bent of our state judiciary ? in ca ses of doubt they lean to the state authority and give power to the state; so far then, the check may seem to operate beneficially for the people in each instance—for if it is necessary to confer power it is necessary to use it—and by the guarded provisions of our federal and, state constitutions creating the judiciary departments, j there will be comparatively, few cases of real doubt. Let us resume the subject of the dangers, which con stitute the first division of our present enquiries. ▼ T 1 (lw» I ' ~ J 1 I'*** V *•* uvutllVin states, composed of some of the most talented individu als ; holding offices in the federal and state governments I of the highest grade, abounding in wealth— numerically, by no means insignificant—characters in private life' distinguished for literary attainments—individuals in all classes of society, of every occupation and profession known in our country—even conductors of the pre ’s “ the palladium of our liberties,” has arisen; claiming the very extravagant right, (under the constitution of the United States,) ot a elate, or the people of the state, to abrogate, or repeal, or in their verbiage nullify arts of Congress which the state may consider unconstitu tional. So that whereas, we have all along supposed the judiciary was the department appointed l»y the con stitution to decide upon the constitutionality of acts of Congress, and generally expound the laws; as in most oilier governments, that department is wont Jo do. The' aforesaid party, very significantly yclept the “ Nullifi. I cation party,” contend, that a state has that power, and! may of right exercise it, whenever it pleases her so-1 vereign will and pleasure to do so, and that under the constitution. I forget myself, when a momentary vein ■ of humour, lias drawn me out of the inquiry of the «=e- i rious and momentous consequences, which this fatal and! unaccountable heresy, is so well calculated to produce. ! We have said “a party in the southern states, &c.”— perhaps it would be more fair to give this party “ its io-; ' eai habitation” at once, without mincing the matter. South-Carolina then, may justly bo considered the a biding place of the doctrine of nullification, and the I birth-place of its most distinguished advocates; among whom, and at the head of the list, wc find John C. Cal hour*, the present Vice-President of the United States,! who it is very generally conceded is entitled to the dis- . unction ol having discovered at the late period of his ■ pontical life, tlie constitutionality, the necessity, and the wisdom of the doctrine. la it not greatly to"be re- : gretted, that while this tdstinguished personage was ini [ he Congress of 1816, advocating warmly, and with all' bis acknowledged powers of intellect, the Tarifflav/! and tlie odious principle of “ protection” to our dorJcs tic manufactures, for the extension of which principle i be would now jeopard the Union itself; to oppose that’ he had not, then, discovered the fatal bone of contention' which ho was forging for his country, and phased in his i mad career, when he declared that our manufactures ‘ should not only be adequately protected l.ut “ placed be : y-ond the reach of contingency,” that ijr did not occur to him, that all the injustice which t’.m southern states : might suffer at the hands of the federal government on i account of the Tariff, would be justly ascribed to him i =elf, so far as an individual of groat talents and influ 1 dice could bring about that result ; it would have been I still more fortunate lor h’.mself and his country if h© ’ bad foreseen the new light which has of late years! r*pn.ng up iii uis own /'iind ns to the best veinedy to be applied tor the mischiefs, w hich he has contributed more l ?*scnt>ally to bnn© upon his counny than perhaps any : .t ier individual mu. W hatever may be the course of ulmr bouth-Uarolma politicians on the subject of the ! anlF; common decency would seem to dictate to Vice President Cc-hotm the propriety of carving his own pro J :n,y as - 'idisn fit tor the Gods” not “as a carcass fit; .or.hounds. —1 hat he should exhibit such peculiar sen- ' /Irenes* as to the acts of the federal government, whe;,! he has known ol it, and felt it, only by its bene. .c in ,i msetj boJi pecuniarily; and ministering to ms political ambition since his first entry into public ;te, is most strange. The questions must present them, a ires to every mind on the least reflection, and there is iur one answer to them. In what respects are the Vic© ■ President’s politics identified with southern feelings and j nterests, with the single exception, if it be one (which , lam much inclined to doubt) of his advocacy of the loefr, ue of nullification ? Who was in favour of a pro ective tariff? John C. Calhoun. Who was in favour u internal improvements by the general government ? ! lo.in (. C aihoua. Who was in favijlir of an extensive system of expensive fortifications ? John C. Calhoun. ! hose voice was raised in favour of Georgia when =hc ; us contending with Gov. Troup at her helm, against , u usurpations ot the genera! government administered, • v John Quincy Adams ? Not John C. Calhoun—for . ncug'; a. t.iat tune \ ice-President of the United States, i , io w i- either Hlently consenting, and abetting the ad- i mm-tra.-ion esainst the state, or at least did noth n-; to ©pb '© l tnc true doctrine of state rights. And j Mi,:e Secretary of the War Department, when it , in h:> fj.jwer to have rendered essential servi- , -.u tne »n ; e on the subject of Indian relations, and , ;iercb' 'j r outed to remove the difficulties with which m *tat3 his had to contend; what did John C. Calhoun, ! J x ” n ‘ sto be a thorn in her side; and has this . • r -on,; g iCtraeted, (and • xplained to the people of the , , , • at )3 the cause ' any ot the doctrines advoca. , IJ / ‘ 1:1 fi-nner tinm-s as some of his compeers . - ”!■- the candour and raagqanbiity to do ?No such ( - on or explanation has met mv observation. Then , is fair and to conclude, hq still holds the samep,o- , -odcn. aoctrme of j, Mlificatiou-a doctrine j," T ‘^nl "c''d ;1 %£?£SZ -re tehLb~ J j j lousand sources repeated, any one oi v phKl ’ out °‘\ V nzou, would be Sufficient to shew us absmdm . £[| - fvt p " . K X e ‘ ,o n,Stand The Finest chain of argument, 1 incr would be wasted on him. i The doctrine, in a few words, amounts to this: lt ;jS t"lints h-r a state the fight to veped at pleasure, a law ( = f'thc United States, ami this theory is about to he re-; i need to practice in South-Carolma. * ' n-i other leading characters assure us. Ltlit\ni o ti at, ds will he done, and that it will involve a resort to the | rust delicate power with which the ; entrusted hv the constitution, to wit: The paura , eventing the laws by force in the last resort. Ido not, esitate to pronounce this the danger to which our; m titutions arc exposed. The I’resulent of the Tubed w rates lias taken a solemn oath to execute the laws, and , a* virtually told Somh-lMrolinn-n*lhfy at your pent.. , wiII execute the laws of the Union at all hazads. Ihe , Union must bo preserved.” In the application ot this j j uwer by the President (and he has put the question at,, L .«t, asto whether he will exercise itornot ; should the . , arise during his administration, and should his pro- j; ent opponent succeed, the dangers iron Id be increased) ■ is not to be denied, that the consequences may. ! rob ably will be disastrous to the union of these states., louth-Carolina has waded into the difficulty so lur, and ommittod herself to that extent, that it may be set down a certain, she trill proceed with or without the concur-} once of u«v of her neighbors, for “ returning were as , '■dious as ae o’er.” The Rubicon may be sum to have , een long since passed ; the last. Congress would not, nccornb to her to that extent which she demanded, ana hey declare all hope lost of driving the nation into obc-; licncc to her liat. , , . . i The ostensible cause of tbe excitement v.mc.i pre- , ■ails to a very alarming extent in SonthX arolma, aim vhich hats produced the dangers to which allusion has.j ieen so repeatedly made, is the unjust, unconstitutional, Uti oppressive tarili laws ot the United Stales, in tae r , j (earing upon southern interests. Itiat I may no, b» | nisunderstood or misapprehended in the remarks " i f ~-occde, and those which follow, I unhesitatingly admit, I hat so far sc» duties liave been imposed upon impoits I B ;th the sole view of protecting domestic manufactures, md not as an incidental protection* i- e - su fur us , rress have imposed duties upon imports, apart trom tne ; lower of raising revenues for the support of the govern- , nent, and especially designed as a bounty tn ntannfnc urers: so far, thev are a violation oj the spir.fot the institution. That umk r the tariff laws, from tbe hrst ntroduction of the protect ire system, they have had, and | continue to have, an unjust and unequal oppressive no:: r ng upon the southern states, las readily admit. Inat; [ would, with all the powers with which I am endowed j >y my creator oppose a system which has produced, and j s producing, such blighting ellects upon the interests ot he southern states, I solemnly declare. But, lam com-, ■'plied to remember, that although “ every wrong nas ii- remedy,” under every well organised government, yet; such a government would be deficient in the main ingre-, bent of good polity, should the remedies not be prcscrih- 1 -d, and be consistent with reason, with civilization, and ; with its constitution. Because A. has a just demand ot | ton dollars against B. it does not tollow that ho has a i right to go to his house, drag him out ot doors, shoot ( him down, and ride his pockets of the amount. No, the ; same rule of natural justice and municipal law, which I gives him a right to enforce the payment of a just debt, * also prescribes the reinedy by which he shall obtain jus tice and his debt. J The tariff laws are then, so far as the principle ot} protection is applied at least, unconstitutional, unjust, j itnoqn 01. f>nft oppressive to the people of the southern i states. It is a palpable wrong which calls loudly lor re.! dress; and redrcSs must be had, and will finally be bad, I unless we can suppose the absence of all intelligence, 1 justice, honour and patriotism in three-fourths of the 1 people of the United States. The constitution of our: country has not left us without a remedy to red/oss this} wrong; they are as various as the wrongs, which inge- j unity or knavery can devise, to require their applica- ! lion, and have heretofore, through a series, of fifty-six | years, proven amply adequate to every emergency, and every combination, of circumstances. And what unequi-j vocal evidence is before us, which justifies tbe declara tion, which some of our infatuated politicians are daily making, that this is a different case from all that has preceded it; and that all hope is lost, of a returning sense * of justice from our oppressors ? Before men of sense, and lovers of their country, give themselves up, body, md soul, to the nullificrs, will they .lot review the whole history of this eternal tariff, and discover that the fatal rrror of some of our distinguished politicians of the south in 1816 laid the foundati'm of all the wrongs we lave suffered ? That the unassuming, modest, nnambi- : lions, consistent would-bc-cl ifef of the Southern Con-* federacy himself, was th«%sj)/Z and spirit of ii > That when he found it a lever which impelled him down wards instead of upwards, that he deserted it ? That when he war* defeated i .t his hopes for the Presidency, he ■ tot all his power in ivation to devise a plan to achieve ■ hat by intrigue and. duplicity, which could not be effec ted by the means of honourable competition. That he has mall y deserted ifte cause of the south, and enlisted in a j ;oalition with Vwo of the most inveterate and powerful j > nemies of iAc south —opposing the nomination of Presi- : lent Jackson, and thereby opposing the interests of his L country, and especially the south—and finally that after i langh/g on to the federal city, its lionours and emolit. I ner.ts, as long as the people would tolerate his presence, ■ i j now turns his back upon that government which he • sas been so long permitted to disgrace; and denounces it as unworthy the confidence of the American people? If; 50 unworthy, why has he lived, moved, and had his being' from the treasury for the past twenty years ? why has !rc not long since denounced this government of tin* »*ooJ pie’s choice, and retired from the unholy scene 7 So far! from this, after exhausting every possible avenue to Ihe ■ summit ot political power in this abused government, and 1 finding the aniericau people better judges of his proton-' sions than he had long pertinaciously and vainly imagin. l ed them; he leaves the chair of the second office oftlu* * government to the discretion ot the senate; and is seen ■ like the flying Parthean on his route to "cat-' lering his poisoned arrows in every direction, and like j die famed Catiline exclaiming “I go, but I return,” but ! how —fellow.citizens ? unless it be with an army of nul ificrs to kiciv the President and Congress out of doors, ! [ cannot divine. Artd should the direst catastrophe which -ver befall a great nation bn our ill fated lot, by the neans of this fire brand nullification, the words of the: ioct could not perhaps, ever be more appropriate— “So the struck Eagle, stretched upon the plain. No more through rolling clouds to soar attain, Viewed his own feather on the fatal dart, And xcing'il the shaft that quivered in his heart. Keen were his pangs, but keener far to feel. He nursed the pinion which impelled the steel, Pv Idle the same plumage that had -warm'd his nest, I Diiink Ihe last life drop of his bleeding breast. Does it become the people of the southern states, who! » some ot their unworthy agents, have contributed to i establish the odious principle of protection—our tariff aws, to fly in the very face of the union and all their ob-l to it -and threaten its immediate destruction, i t a system which it has required twenty years to e= f ab-1 ish, at its present point, should not be destroyed in a j angle day ? and what confidence can the reflecting po’- 1 ion of the community, who have no other purpose to I (observe than their own and country’s good, repose here flter m representatives, who, warm from Washington •ity, declare to them, that the protecting system is es- 1 a ilisned beyond all hope of change, that the burthens of he system, so far Born being reduced by the recent acts )1 Congress are m fact cncreased—that they have noth-' ng to hope for from the Representatives of the people of, he United .Mates m Congress assembled—that theyi mist now protioe for themselves, redress, their wrongs nUc shortest irdy—uwi that way. fellow citizens, by lu in ration- a single word wliich includes more politi. a iniquity in it, and bring to the mind more associations: 1. moral depravity, knavery, duplicity, intrigue, unholy,; imoition, and perfidy, than any other term in die iangu- 1 ige. I should blush for my countrymen, andimmedi-i ite fellow citizens, it I could suppose many so weak, so | iredulous and ignorant as to believe these declarations | n their Repreaentalives; when it ia as plain a proposition is that two and two make when added four—that if die :ntire duties on imports was before the act of this year’s! wenty-three millions of dollars, and by this aet will only; iroduce thirteen nqilioas, that the people arc relieved of of the tanh bill tvmcn uu y ™ wou.u ]>.- . duce min to their interest—the nullificrs have the 01 * n hardihood and cflrontery to declare that notaing has bc t;! gained hv the bill for the south—and that all hope I, *1 * It is not stranger, gentle reader, than to find the ulna tarili leaders in both houses, mingling in one coin, riion boiling of the cauldron with the nullifiers; uniting h their votes upon sours ot the most prominent noininj, dons of the President to the senate —and meeting coni:, ally and sociably in private and public associations, du visin*" schemes by which the piosenf incumbent ot the Presidential office may be defeated in his re-election— a man “the daily beauty of whose life” makes their? superlatively “ugh”—and whoso roman virtues, whose milii irv aad civil glories, and devoted patriotism, is only equalled by tii e first political saviour ot his country. That the tariff is only the ostensible can *c to a very, sidernble ej trnf, which has produced the present much to be lamented excitement in South Carolina, is evident, bv (he whole course of most of her distinguished men in and out of Congress, and the cabinet: and it all oi.ier evidences wore equivocal, of the truth ot tins con.iu sion, the recent desperate and iniquitous attempt ofhet public functionaries to Wind the people’s eyes, and cloud their Judgments to the true nature o; the tarilfaet ut is conclusive, mid defies incredulity itself. Aad while it is conceded, that to some extent, the action eith- Federal Legislature in overleaping the bounds pres r hr; |to its powers by the constitution; &. more especially “tin* |protective tariff,” has contributed to the present excitr mev.t, it is confidently denied, that the origin of they ( denee, heart and disaffection to the mmm, ri South Carolina, is exclusively to be ascribed to tin*?- causes. To otiu raiul less worthy cans, s, it now be. comes our imperious duty to advert: the investigaiiono; thorn is far, very far, from being a pleasing task; if cuim ■ within the. scope of our obligations to present a true pi,* lure of the times, however, ami painful ns the or may lu—right, justice-, patriotism, and duty conq . , to require its performance. It shall be dune. 1 in* ..>•„ sequences now do, and lorcvcr must, rest willi flu* in. jj dividuals, and circumstances which produm tin m; vv are guiltless. Timt the vaulting pcvsebal ambition ot a single indi. j vidtu l, in this enlightened age, and in a country, ! proverbially intelligent, sober minded and Iree, sli.miij I have mainly eontrilniteci to bring the majority of (he pru. | pic of one of the most enlightened states in the Auut;- catt confederacy, into a,i attitude of hostility to flu* i vermnent ot thc ; r own choice—and induce t!«*in to .... | r'l nil that a people hold most dear to tin mselves, t!mr 1 country, and the worm , min .»■•* I credence —nor will we assert, that the people of oar .-is. ter state, arc marching on, rcckh-s of their comaryn 'mod. to the verge of a bloody and drspera’c rovolutio**, conscious of being actuated by such motives.— By m means —th'?* 1 are a high, spotted, mtclligont, and iiou.t; pcoj'l?. Our proposition is, tiiat *1 v• y an ,bj I'U* jio. itent engines of intriguci, deeply laid plans ol political leaders; and studied add preconcerted designs upo;. their better jndgrdvnt; uiictmsrionsly bearing the m■ • important part in the dmma of Bouth-Carulir.a Nall if.. Nation which i.- the lever, invented by the Vicf-i’n s . dent, bv the means of which he is to be raised to u highest round in the ladder of fame, whether in the Lai ( ted or disunited State*. 1 Tiic Presidential election of 1325, left this individual nothing upon which to place a well founded prospect ut becoming the favourite of the American people fur I’ro i sident. Accordingly, a system of “ log rolling” war 1 commenced which Resulted in some accessions t.» hi? t cause until the election of 1823, when Gen. J. ebon J was almost by acclamation placed in the Presidency.— I O.mtributing his influence to the election of General Jaci.. | i , n —and as the sequel has proven, through motives ot j personal ambition, and as a means of providing for him. . self the succession—he fondly imagined that ho had fi I cured the grand end and aim of his labour- by mahin* i himself useful to Gen. Jackson, and doubted not, nr j the incorruptible patriot, was compos.-d of materials as j manageable and flexible us himself.—lt was not long, <-r --; this egregious in stake was apparent.—He found tin i “ hero of Orleans” of “ sterner stuff” than he had fu; * posed—that he was not to be seduced from the onware. i open, ingenuous path of duty was soon manifest to iv wily intriguer—another and a better man hud bee. ; “ picked and chosen” by the President—between win*! i : and himself, and the friends of each, a contest eon menccd—the denouement oi which was recently c.v 1 hihited, in the rejection of the nomination to the C.iuri. St. James, of the former, by the Aucp.President’s cash.:; 5 vote in the senate of the United States. Gotontporaneously with the rivalship which sprungr : between the Vice and the Secretary of State, Mr. \ Huron, it was made known to Gen. Jackson that tic Vice, while Secretary of War, had evinced gre it hos | tility to him in the cabinet deliberations, which eiKi'■ : the Seminole campaign—and tint wlrle with fh A and left hand, he was aiming a fatal stab at tha wliio 1 was infinitely dearer to the old soldier than lift—n ! | character and fame : with his face and riglu hand, It' , was professing the most devoted personal and police j friendship—and trimming into the ranks of the repsi.. f can party to secure his mtn preferment, under the cl i of friendship and zeal for the most deservedly pu; I individual in the nation. The mask was torn from tii' afeli inachiavel, the indignation of the old Gent rul vvc | : becomingly expressed, in a denunciation of the duphe”: i and perfidy which had been after a series of years ■ - I posed—-justice done to Mr. Crawford whom the V had silently looked on, while he Mr. C. was made ta * victim fur an act, of which he, Air. Calhoun, knew h .'i . innocent and himself guilty. A nation’s anathemas mv: ■ showered down upon the exposure of such iniquity' I and now was ripened to maturity and burst forth in vc. : nines, the smothered fires which personal ambition ha} j so long suppressed. From a professed, warm, person: ; and political friend, it was hut a step to a rancorous 1 inveterate, personal and political hostility, in which '■ 1 was joined by his political band of friends and deptr i cuts in South-Garolina.-- -Bouth-Carolina herself mad: ■ the dupe—and “ Null firation" llie “In hoc signo »k- I ces” of the campaign. Then the Tariff—“the afeurs 1 ed Tariff,” which in former limes he had held as th dearest jewel of his Soul—-was resounded—rung, air I tortured into every hideous shape that “ malice could j design or art construct,” until the desired object has been ] nearly obtained, of inducing the people to believe t!i* ’ they arc the peculiar victims of the entire misgovern* \ roent of the United States f>r the last sixteen year? ■ People of South-Carolina, open your eyes ! Examr. II fcir yourselves—understand the arts w hich have k*3 * practised upon you—*call some of yoifV “ tallest pop i pies” to account—retrace your steps—and save the t nion, while it is yet possible to do so. The number, respectability, and distinction nullification party of South-Carolina, furnishes no sat;-'* ■factory refutation of our position, that the personalaK* bition of a single individual has mainly contributcii | produce the present unfortunate distracted stale of thin? in that state. That a Hayne, a Hamilton, a McDuffi'* i a 'I urnbnll, a Colcock, a Harper, with a host of oth,r I scarcely less distinguished, should be found in the far’ contributing their powers to the common object, v ! ; ; “ a now tiling under the sun.” In the elevation oU i chief, those who have the most prominent share m ! victory, seldom fail to keep a rich harvest of the si>o - | To conduct a government newly organized, require <•' } United aitl ot a number ot individuals, and those sossing qualifications equal to those designated by a common impulse, and in the pursuit of acorn l ?- object, the numbers engaged in the cause, docs no-- I least degree disprove the alleged origin ol the ?- | | lification project in South-Carolina. The senate? th‘j , 1 ders in the senate—the Governor harangues the i ex-cathedra—ami from the centre to the circumfet 6 - | of the state —the representative stamps and beats boards in Congress Hall—and then seturns, and wM ' y loud and “ yet a louder strain,” addresses “ pojw l *' l ?-’ S : semblies,” when he seldom fails, to produce “ a tbn ; --- * 1 effect,” and carries conviction and a determination ;i resist even unto blood" by the peaceable, safe, - s - : I and constitutional doctrine of Nullification ! " c :u tne gentleman’s, pardon—it is rumoured that he e.ns pressly disavowed its constitutionality, in his late yMj i dress to a “ popular assembly,” and if so, wc shall r |j j gin to htdd his opinions- upon constitutional question?? U a higher value than we have been accustomed t't 1 } '! If he would now go a step further, and admit that- Bank of the United States was also J j we should be more confirmed in our own opinion oi -g | J nnconstitutionality of a’protective tariff—and what l ';' g w«- might think of his patriotism in driving and pH II -''' aging the. people to open and forcible resistance to ■' gavermnent—wc should do him the justice to ackn°“; | ledge that his exposition of the constitution was | sound.” The press also in Carolina plays a very '-f g spicuous part in this drama—raking up from the jj; K dust ol oblivion every act of public bodies —every t word or deed of distinguished men in all parts ol - ‘ •