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THE t'OXSTITi;TI9XALIST. | BT iTITiFAJ * ttIV%*CE. cr terms- —¥ or ll»c semi-wcekly paper, published •very Tuesday and Fnday morning, per aiuiun and for the weekly §3, all payable in advance. | If ADVERTISEMENTS are inserted weekly for 62 1-2 cents per square ; semi-weekly 62 1-2 rents for the first, and 43 3-4 cents for each subsequent insertion, and monthly for $» I, 00 per square tor each insertion. For yearly advertisements private arrangements are to ho made. A deduction is made on the advertise ments of public officers. IT* Postage must he paid on letters of business. itblic heiitinG. ! .IKFFERSO.N COUNTY. At n meeting of the citizens of Jefferson ‘County, he I I in the Court-House in the town of Louisville, on Saturday the loth September, 183*2, the meeting was called to order by Col. R. L. Gamble,who briefly slated the object of the meeting, which was to express the opinion ol the citizens of the county on the absorbing question of the Tariff policy. On motion, Wil liam N. Hannan was called to the chair, and L. H. Bostick appointed Secretary*. On mo tion of Col. R. L. Gamble, the chair appointed a committee of five to draft resolutions for the consideration of tho meeting. The chair then appointed Col. R. L. Gamble, George Schley, G. D. Stapleton, S. M. Bar and J. H. Newton. * the committee after a short aliscnce returned and reported the following preamble and reso lutions. The citizens of Jefferson county having con- Toned to take into consideration the question of the Tariff for the protection of manufactures* that which has given so much just cause of ex citement and discontent in this our wide spread and hitherto happy country ; that system of rob bery which in noon day is filching the earnings of one portion of the citizens, and giving it to another with an unsparing hand ; which has been sanctioned by a majority in Congress, as regardless of tho sacred obligations of the! constitution, as they are destitute of patriot ism, whose cupidity and avarice areas insatiable as the recklessness of the means adopted for their gratification ; 6c which, if not arrested, will soon establish the principle that the will of the majority in Congress, and nut the constitution, is the mea sure of their power, will eventuate in consolida tion, & prove the sepulchre of the union. In such a crisis, it is the duty of every friend of the union and of liberty, to interpose, as far as he can, for the purpose of arresting the progress of the evil, and of bringing back the practices of the government to tho principles of the constitu tion. Where fare, he it resolved, That the Tariff of j duties which has for its object the direct protec tion of manufactures, and not for the purpose of: revenue, “ is unequal and oppressive in its ope ration, and alike inconsistent with the spirit of! the constitution, and subversive of those princi-1 pics of natural justice, and perfect equality in j the enjoyment of social rights, which are essen-! tinl to the existence of free government.” Resolved , “ The such unequal operation, has a material tendency to create disaffection, to ex cite and embitter local jealousies and to inter rupt that harmony 6c mutual confidence through out the Union, which are so desirable and henc ' ficial to all its parts,” and so necessary to in fture its perpetuity*. Resolved, That wo will offer to the Tariff, a firm, unwavering, and uncompromising resist ance, until the principle of direct protection •hall bo abandoned, and the revenue reduced to tho wants of tho Government. Resolved , That we will cheerfully co-operate with the other counties in this state, by electing Delegates to attend a State Convention, to de- j vise and prescribe tho mode and measures of re dress to relieve us from this gross usurpation ofj our rights. Resolved , That as wo do not believe in thei propriety, and efficacy, of Nullification, as a re-; medy for tho wrong sustained: our Delegates; are hereby instructed, to oppose it in Conven-[ tion, and in their discretion endeavour, with the least practicable delay, to bring about a Couven- i tion of the States having a community of inter-1 est with Georgia in relation to the Tariff. Rcsolerd, That we have unbounded confi-! dcncc in the sterling virtue and republican priu-j ciplcs of Andrew Jackson, and believe his re-1 election to bo identified with the best intorcs’s, if not the continuance of the Union, and that we will use all honourable means to secure his re-election. After the resolutions were read by Col. 11. L. 1 Gamble, he addressed the meeting at considera ble length, in a warm and animated manner, in. which he denounced the protective policy and recommended a strong and energetic opposition i toil. After which George Schley, Esq. rose ond offered the following amendment to the fifth resolution, t- Resolved, That we are unconditionally op-1 posed to a redress of the grievances under which wc now labour by the hazardous and dangerous I remedy of Nullification, end that we consider it neither a peaceful, rightful or constitutional re medy, and that our Delegates are hereby in-, structed to oppose it in Convention, 6cc. which | was sustained at some length by Mr. Schley, in which ho endeavoured to shew the dangerous consequences of such a doctrine as having a tendency to bring about disunion and civil war with all their attendant evils. Which was op posed by Col. Gamble, who was unwilling clare it unconstitutional, and justified his -views by the course which Georgia had heretofore 1 pursued towards the General Government in which she nullified tho new treaty, the decision of tho Supreme Court, &c. Mr. Schley rose, and contended that the amendment did not in ▼olve tho question of the course which Georgia had heretofore pursued towards the General Go vernment, but had reference alone to the present, grievances of the Tariff. Alter considerable, debate tire question was put upon each resolu tion separately, and when they came to the fifth,! the vote was taken on Mr. Schley's amendment, which was lost. Tire question was then put upon the original resolutions and passed. The Resolution was offered ami passed, that tho proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman and Secretary and published. Tbc meeting then adjourned. \\ M. N. lIARMAN, Chairman. Littleherry Bostick, Sec’ry. AMERICAN FARM Ell. Daltimorv, September 21. 1832, CONTENTS OF Mo. 28, VOL. 14. Editorial; Sultana G rapes ; Autumn Strawberries; Sute of Agriculture—Tho Farmer of Mount Vernon — Vegetable Curiosities in Cuba—Account of an Agricul tural Excursion, Undertaken during the Spring of 1632, by John D. Lt-gure, Esq. Editor of the Southern Agri-; culturist, continued—Marl ; Beneficial Effects when used as Manure —Time of Flaming Cotton—Mr. Rus sell Bronson on the Culture and Cure of Madder—On the Culture ot Carden Clrapes—Advantages of Sowing certain Garden Seeds in the Fall—Description of the , Bayberry or Wax-bearing Myrtle, iu use—Exotic Plants, cultivated in the open border—Tomato, extract from an old work, Gerard’s Herbal—On the Manage- j ment of Milch tows, Milking, Ac.—Management of Hog*—Advertisements—Prices Current of Country Pro- ; duca IB the Baltimore -Market. I FRIDAY* OCTOBER 5* 1832. for PRESIDENT. ANDREW JACKSOX. VICE-PRESIDENT. HARTIN VAN BIT HEN. Election Returns. OCTOBER Irf, 1832. RICHMOND CDINTYk FOR i'O.VURESS. WILDE, 835 , WAYNE, 780 SCHLEY, 565 GILMER, 561 OWENS, 525 COFFEE, 470 TERRELL, 464 ! HAYNES, 449 WATSON, 394 FOSTER, 390 BRANHAM* 332 GAMBLE, 327 CLAYTON* 311 HARRIS, 298 JONES, 223 STEWART, 207 NEWNAN, 177 LAMAR, 171 MILTON, im STATE MjEUISEATIJKJS. SENATE. 11. MEALING, 556 V. WALKER, 400 HOUSE OF REP RES ENT ATI ES, T. GLASCOCK, 685 J. W. DAVIES, 647 A. RHODES, 600 E. J. BLACK, 374 ■ r. ST.tTK ro.VI "Ii.VTIO .V. JOHN FORSYTH, WM. GUMMING, J. P. KING. ' j STATE LEGISLATURE* ! 1 Baldwin, Boykin—Calhoun, Murray, ; Bibb, Eckley—Holt, Groce. Bryan , Starr—Bacon. Bulloch, Cone—Rawls. Burke, Harlow—Tutle, Roberts, fJrubs. *1 Chatham, Barnard—Wayne, Flop'rnoy, Harrison. Columbia, Avery—Crawford, Hamilton, Whit*. J Effingham, Waldhour—Black. Greene, Slocks—King, Cone, Rea. Hancock, Baxter—Lewis, Haynes, Vinson-. Houston, Cobb—Wiggins, Morgan, Engram. • Jones, Gordon—Phillips, Day, Cox. Liberty, Hines—Harden, Herrington. j Lincoln, Henley—“ Curry, Lockhart. Mclntosh, Wood—King, Young. Morgan, Nesbit—Floyd, Sparks, Johnson. Richmond, Mealing—Glascock, Davies, Rhode*. Twiggs, Smith—Solomon, Shine. Warren, Muncrief—Ryan, Jones, Wilson, Wilkinson, Hall—Hatcher, CONVENTION, Baldwin, Torrance, Rockwell. Kibb, Beall, Collins. Burke, Lewis, Taylor, Hughes. Columbia, Ramsay, Collins, Cartlidgc Greene, Matthews, Dawson, Greer. Mclntosh Spalding, Trotlp. Richmond, Forsyth, Gumming, King, Warren, Lockhart, Gibson, Lazenby. CONGRESS. Aggregate returns from 2t counties, viz : Richmond, j Columbia, Baldwin, Warren, Hancock, Lincoln, Burke, ! Scrivcn, Putnam, Washington, Bibb, Wilkes, Jefferson, | Houston, Jones, Wilkinson, Chatham, Effingham, Lib j erty, Bryan, Mclntosh. WAYNE, 0350 WILDE, 8623 GILMER, 7279 GAMBLE, 6991 CLAYTON, 6769 FOSTER, 6505 HAYNES, 6*207 SCHLEY, 558*2 , JONES, 5540 BRANHAM, 6239 OWENS, 5210 1 COFFEE, 4649 WATSON, 4620 TERRELL, ’ 4444 STEWART, 4291 Lamar, 4148 HARRIS, 3817 NEWNAN, 3326 MILTON. 1100 - NEW-YORK. The republican convention of delegates from the seve ral counties of the state, met at Herkimer, on the 19th: September, and nominated William L. Maroy, now a senator in Congress, as a candidate for Governor, and! John Tracy', as a candidate for Lieutenant Governor.l They also agreed on an electoral ticket,- for President & V ice President of the United States; arid resolutions were adopted, requiring a pledge that the candidates j would vote lor Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Burcn. : A PRECIOUS CONFESSION. Mr. Turnbull, one of the ablest leaders of the nhllL fication party in South-Carolina, in Ins answer to the in. i vitafion to the dinner at Columbus, observes:—- “During the Presidential canvass of 1824, ; my whole heart and feelings were with Mr. : Crawford. I then distinctly expressed the opin ion, as my friends know, that South Carolina: , would repent the part she was then taking against that statesman. I thought her position in that; canvass, a most unnatural one, for she was tire great connecting link between Virginia and ‘ _ ‘—4 # O , North Carolina on the onto side, and Georgia on r 7 D the other. It seemed to me, that there was ab , out to boa disruption of that confederation of soul and sentiment, wlachhad previously existed between tlvose States. Events have shown that. I was prophetic in the extreme difficufty there has been ever since, of uniting the Southern 1 States, even upon points which aifecterf their ! vital interest.” Who is to blame, if Mr. Adams was elected Presi dent by the House of Representatives of tho United States ? Who influenced the electoral votes of South-! and North-Carolina, against the republican candidate?: Who urged, in North-Caroiina, she union of the friends of Mr. Adams with those of Gon. Jackson, against the • friends of Mr. Crawford, who, without this union, and without the intrigue practised on this occasion with ex. traordinary zeal and diligence. Would have received the electoral votes of that state ? At this timo of day', leading and influential men of South-Carolina cotne for ward and acknowledge, that the policy they then pursu ed, wa-s a most unnatural one. Governor Hamilton himself, acknowledged, that, at that time, he was labor-' ing under a most fatal delusion. But these £afoy ac-. 1 feucrwledgracnts do not repair the injury which the cotin-- , try has sustained by the election of MV. Adams, and ( which a succession of wise presidents only can obliter ate from the annals of our republic. The position ta-; .1 ken by South-Carolina, at that time, was a most unna- I tural one I Indeed 1! And yet, in the very same j breath, Mr- Turnbull ears, that Mr* Calhoun “ posses-j Ma an outer of intellect, aonabined with private a ndpub. .■ I lie virtues* which would make him s great man in any j ■ country" I'.! The position then taken by South-Caro lina was a moat unnatural one; but Mr. C alhoun pos sesses the public virtues of a great man ! Can the in -genuity of Mr. Turnbull rccboeile these two proposi-; tions ? Should these remarks, upon a very srtiall por tion of his letter, meet his eye ; he may fed it as his duty, to explain himself more fully upon the subject ot it. It is due to the citizens of Georgia, tb their i ‘eyes respecting the prejudices they entertain towards j.Mr. Calhoun, and to remove them, if'possible. He is jbound to show, that Mr. Calhoun, possessing the public i virtues of a great man, had no hand—no agency—in f inducing SouthiCarolina to take a most unnatural posi tion in 1624. He should develope the causes —for he appears to know them—which led South Carolina to a j dopt such an unwise, imprudent, af.d unnatural policy. * •We beg the reader tobear in mind, and let it be well ’* understood, that We do not, and certainly it is no; our in- p tcruibn, to reflect upon the private character ot Mr. Cal- ij houn. This'ShaH be. and ought to be, respected by us.j! We have nothing to do with the private characters of distinguished and official men ; their public characters'! are public property ; and as such obnoxious to censure ij or praise, bythose who take an interest in public affairs, ij because of the influence they exercise in the community. | i With the private character of Mr. Calhoun, we believe II the malice of the slanderer hasnot as yet found food to j j gratify its greedy appetite ; and we hope it never will. j;ft would have been n gratification to southern feelings if ; the public conduct ot this gentleman was as free Jrom ‘reproach as wc beli* ve his private character to bo. THE COXVEXTIOX. The elections are now over, and with them we hope the bitter feelings which contention for popularity and office created. We hope now that the people have de- j cubed whom should bo their representatives in Congress, i! in the state legislature, rind in the state convention, that:; the principles which now divide the people of Georgia,- will be deliberately, soberly, and dispassionately exam-1 i ined, and thoroughly investigated. Though in a very 1 | small rfiihory in the state, yet the supporters of nullifica -1 tion, have a'fight to be heard in their Own defence, in j J defence of a doctrine which, it is our firm belief, if in-, corporafed ifttfe Our system of government, must destroy j the great and fundamental features of the constitutions; ■ of the country. Among these supporters are men of in-1 telligence, political standing, and patriotism, whose zeal for state rights—-whose resentment for the injur.es in flicted upon the south by a selfish majority in Congress— have made them forget the common rules of prudence ; have impaired their natural good sense ; and have led them to act in a manner so unbecoming influential citi : zeus and good and intelligent men. If alone led astray by the sophistical productions of our sister state, we : should not have complained so earnestly of the conduct of those influential citizens; but they have been the cair»o of others being also led astray, ai*.d adopting as sound principles, the deleterious doctrines to which unohuetened ambition, and inordinate desire for office and power, have given birth. Now that, the excitement is over, the sound sense of the people oi Georgia will ex- . ercise such an influence, a* to prevent the disaffected, the ambitions, and those who delight iii political conten. tions and civil broils, from producing those mischiefs which are almost inevitable when party divisions are carried to exasperation. As the convention will meet in November, it is urgent that those who have been elected to it, should inform themselves of the true grounds upon which the doc trine of nullification is based, and of the consequences it would produce if carried into operation. They should also endeavour to obtain correct information of the state of public feeling in the northern, middle, and western states, with regard to the protective system; for without such an inforniatfon, it will he impossibla for the mem bers of the convention*, to ascertain whether that sys tern has been so beneficial to the northern, middle and western states, as it is represented to fie, and whether the people of those states are determined to make the union of the slates depend on its permanency as one of the leading policy of the Country. The members of the convention will have to ascertain, without prejudice and partiality, the effects of the protective system upon the interests of the south; for without this information, the south cannot require an immediate abandonment of that system, if proofs are not produced of its injurious effects in this section of the Union, though they may require the abandonment of it as a general policy, because ! whatever is at variance with a free and unrestricted trade with all foreign nations* is at variance with our public institutions. And it Is Id be hoped, that the members of the convention will act for the people of Georgia, so deeply interested in the question at issue, and not for the people of any other state. Dut should the convention find it ex pedient to require aid, in the attainment of any object* it will be recollected that that aid can be obtained only from those states which are as deeply interested as we are ourselves, which have a common interest, and which, almost at all times, have bectl united in policy since the adoption of the federal constitution: that aid must be obtained from all the southern states, and from those northern states which are ready to join in any Constitu tional measure, in order to abolish the protective or re strictive system, as a general policy, and adopt the free trade system as a fundamental principle in the adminis tration of the federal government. Much will depend upon the proceedings of the con verttion. The eyes of the people of the United States I will be fixed upon Georgia. This stale is becoming one erf the first member«_of the Union. Mer people are known to be intelligent, patriotic, devoted to the Union and to republican principles. Can they forfeit the high claims they possess to the respect of the people of the other states, by acting, in the convention, contrary to the dictates of reason and patriotism ? We liope not—we may venture to' assert, that they will not. The proceed, ings of that convention will be conducted with mo. deration and dignity, and at the same time with, a due regard to «hc best interests of Georgia. And whatever may be the result, no doubt it will command respect from I abroad, and approlmrion at home, for that result will not [ I place'the Union lit danger—will not place Georgia in col ' j lision with her sister states. In! demanding from the i | general government justice ; in requiring that the policy of • the country should correspond with its public insfilu. | j tions; in maintaining the most essential rights of the states; fi resisting the violations of the federal constitu- I tion; the state of Georgia will act, as she ought to act, as ■ a free, sovereign, and independent state. With these few remarks', upon an interesting subject* 1 we conclude, with the intention of returning toil before the meeting of the convention, and with the following i eloiptenf appeal l.» Georgia and Virginia, by tire author of “Occasional Reviews,” .Mr. Chaves'. “ Why does net Georgia, not yet enthralled by the ca-; i bals of her leaders, nor bearing the shackles of previ-i ous commitment, grv ea wise and harmonizing direction ! : to the spirit that is up in lier sons? Why does not Virgi- ! nia come forth in the grave majesty of her former deeds, 1 and lead the way to a fraternal assemblage of those who, 1 united irr suffering, can only act well by being united in j resistance, whether it shall be in counsel or in action ?! j Can- any one who has the least claim to the character of j a statesman, Who has either studied man or history, fail to discover that the question now before the people, is 1 one that cannot stand still ? The spirit that is abroad may I be directed to peaceful and effective resistance: but it j ! may, in factious wrath and feverishness, if not well di-; i reeled, rush to violence and blood and dishonour and dis | jeomfiture. The glorious fabric a Bound us may perish i I in tire struggle, and its happiness and its fame, in a little f time, be but as ‘a sounding brass and a tinkling cym- 1 bal.’ * THE ** AMERICAN SYSTEM.” The following article, which we copy from the Re | publican Herald, a paper printed in Providence, Rhode Island, speaks volumes. We beg our readers to pay* ; particular attention to it, and to remember what we as-; ; serted some short time ago, that the day was not far dis- j ■ tent,when the “American System” would be held in asj } much in the north as jn the south. We arej still of this opinion, and the article before us gives it ad- jC J ditional strength. * j, l, FROM THK RSrCiUCAX HERALD OF SEPT. 22. EFFECTS OF THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. c The daymen have succeeded for a while in ' j cheating some few of our Farmers, into a belief e ‘that hi3°|>olicy promoted their interests, m the * growth of wool. But this deception has lost its charm, since the Farmers have foiindcnt thatour Woollen Manufacturers have stocked their Fac- , l tones with English and Saxony wool, and Eng- J 'Hsh varh, to the exclusion of American wool. ‘ Another part of the great Statesman’s policy , equally deceptive, and calculated to cheat our < Machinists, is the protection to Manufacturers & j domestic industry. The charm, of this part of what is called the American System, .has almost lost its force. The truth is, that our Manufacturers care no more about the Farmers , the Machinists, and the real * ! Operatives, than they do about so many cattle, 1 provided, they can grow rich and live in sf»len-| ] ! dor upon the profits of their labor. Their pre- j j : text that they are the friends of domestic industry,! !is founded upon that sectional system, that is cal- 1 * culated to array the North in opposition to the South, and make the rich richer , and the potent 1 more powerful .” They care not a fig for the ma chinists of their own country. Their sole object is, to make money—when they can use Our ma chinists for their own advantage —they will give ] ! them employment. . But as soon as the rich Man ufacturers can ohtafn their machinery from the workshops cfEngland, they turn their back upon that industrious class of our lellow-citizend, and ■ ‘give a preference to machinery manufacured in j; England, precisely as they have done in giving ii preference to foreign wool and woollen yarn to |i American wool. This is what they call support jlirig domestic industry. As a proof of all this —! i the following curious extracts from the Journal; |of Thursday, the organ of domestic industry in [ | this great manufacturing State—arc given fori j the consideration of those whom it may concern | —On the title page, stands this motto —■“ En ! courage National Industry.” In the same I page, column 6th, of the same paper, is the following advertisement, viz : “ To Manufcturcrs.—Spindles and Machinery, of every description, for Manufacturers, for sale, and imported to order, by Daniel Jacot, 23 Ce dar-street, NeVv-York.” Mark the Words-—“ To Manufacturers” not to Machinists —Spindles and Machinery, &c. for sale and imported to order. Is this encouragement of National Industry? Is tin’s encouragement to American Machinists ? Really Mr. Clay has done more for Rhodc-Island than any other man living. His policy is really beginning to develope itself, by giving employ ment to the workshops of England, in preference to our own, and bids fair to turn all our Machin ists out Os employment, and leave them and their 1 families lo shirk for themselves. What a com mentary upon the great American System ! ! ! We have not yet done with this subject. Wc are in possession of a few more facts, which will open the eyes of all, and show the deception which the Claymen have played off upon their deluded followers. ArGusTA, October Ist, 1839. Gentlemen : I comply with “your request,” by sending a sketch of the remarks made by myself, at a late meet ing at Spring Hill. You, and not myself, have deemed them worthy of publication.—This being understood, as your and not my act, removes every other objection. Yours respectfully, GEO; W; CRAWFORD. G. B. Lamar; j p *p! IINIZ ' ’ I Esquires. r. r itzsimoxs, ) 1 If. If. MONTGOMERY, J Mr. Chairman, —Before discussing the merits of the resolution just submitted, I may he permitted to remark, that the proceedings of this meeting derive importance and value from the consider ation, that here; as elsewhere, we behold all classes in life—all patties in politics, uniting their opinions ill condemning a certain measure, and mingling their councils in devising the most adequate means to effectually redress if. There must, indeed, be something radically defective in the administration of any government, which lias been so unfortunate as to have aroused a largo portion of its people—not inconsiderable for their wealth or talents—to that state of ex citement, When a resort to primary principles, of “ reserved rights,” is spoken of with ari earnest ness and solemnity, that betoken, directly or re motely, their application. It has been my for tune, (whether for good or for evil, 1 will so con sider it) to be placed among them ; and in the exercise of a common right, I Shall, on this occa sion, speak of the grievance complained of, and tlie remedy proposed, with a freedom cdm patihle with my right, and a fairness, I hope, not inconsistent with your just expectations- Tlic unconstitutionality of every tariff act, from the year ‘l6,till the present time,which con templated the encouragement and protection of private tabor, is asserted by the first resolution. This, sir, is demonstrated by a reference to the federal constitution arid the grants of power it confers. We, at the south, hold, and have ever held, that it is an instrument with limitations— whose powers can never rightfully be enlafged, beyond the specific and definite grarifs, it con- 1, tains. As a restraining instrument, therefore, while Congress may “ Jay and collect taxes and duties, imposts and excises,” it does not permit the exercise of the same power to protect do mestic manufactures. And whilst Congress may “ regulate commerce with foreign nations ”-l this being a grant for international purposes—it should not cripple and curtail commerce with foreign nations, to the end that domestic industry may be encouraged. There is, however, another consideration—- perhaps visionary—which, under the constitution, may be given to this question. That instrument declares that “ no title of nobility shall be grant ed by the United States,” &c. By which, I un derstand, that Congress is expressly inhibited j-ifrotn creating any privileged order ; if by that' j denomination, a class of nobility is to be distin-fj : guished. But an act of federal legislation, I creating a cr title of nobility,” would hut con-1 fer an empty sound—a mere gew-gatv to be appended to the name of the wearer. An act, however, to encourage domestic mannfuc tures —be its title fraudulent or not—does con fer substantial pecuniary privileges. If, then, the stern principles' of our forefathers deemed ! that the existence of a privileged order was hostile ito republican institutions,Who shall reproach us, | if, in the advocacy of those principles, we ex-1 i claim against the violation of the spirit of the;. I constitution, which has been tortured into the 1 i bestowal of bounties and privileges! But what! ! is more outrageous st:U.—On the owe side there I, may be virtue, intelligence,—public service in ; the cabinet or the camp—-these shall he unre quited with any distinct and separate privileges; yet on the other, wealth or poverty may apply to the federal legislature, and Bounties and privi leges are granted as “ plenty as blackberries.” Let it not be said, that they are such bounties & I privileged that every citizen may enjoy. A j P art from the objection that a state has a right j to change, at pleasure, the accustomed occu | pation of its citizens, it may be asserted, without H the fear of contradiction, that such was not the jl.iecl and end contemplated by Congress. Itj is historically true, that Congress has never as "unS the cLtivc, but only the over manufactures. This former right has ne ver been asserted. On the contrary, it was expressly renounced by Mr. Dallas in MOreport in 1816, and virluatly surrendered, m the late ( Congress, on a motionof Mr. Ingersoll, of Con hectTcut, to lay a heavy impost on certain japan ned-ware : a manufactory of which was then contemplated to be es*ablished. So, Sir, ft seems, ; that these bounties and privileges were not in tended, and even according toft lie restriction ists, could not be conferred by Congress on any who' might engage in the “ protected” occupation , but upon a distinct and separate class, known and existing as such at the time, the legislation, complained of, took place. - \ Pursuing the same thought, I may refer to the existence of a private association, intended, by its benevolence, to be co-extensive with the L - nion—numbering among its members the best and worthiest patriots of the revolution, andj having him at its head, who has been emphati cally Called the “ Father of his country,”—bulj which now is, almost as “ the things beyond the flood”—literally fallen, like some magnificent column, whose foundation was insecurely laid. And why so fallen? Be it answered, that the. hereditary succession to membership adopted a-; mong its regulations, involved a principle pecu-, liar to a privileged order and was, therefore, j deemed by the American people as dangerous', to the integrity and preservation of popular in- j solutions. Are they the same people, who, by j the glance of their disapprobation, could once, frown down a voluntary association totally un connected with government, merely because it . tended, or seemed to tend, to the creation and on- j eouragetnent of a privileged class, and now com- j placet!tly or indifferently look, not upon a pri- 1 vate association, leaning to an aristocratic order, but the great national assembly, creating and; bestowing, at successive periods, privileges on n 1 separate and distinct class ? Can it be, I repeat the question, that they are the same people ? \ cs, “’Tis Greece, but living Greece no more.” Continuing this examination, let us advert, for a moment, to that species of reasoning, by which > the constitutionality 'of Tariff Acts are sought to; be maintained. It is doubtless known to motet of us, that the 4 putative paternity” of the late re port of the committee of manufactures belongs to their chairman —Mr. Adams, as his exclusive: work, and it is equally known, that, in it, was the: constitutionality of the Act rested upon the in-1 definite terms 44 to provide for the common de fence and general welfare.” Adverting, mere ly,, to the late exposition of Mr. Madison, forti-j fied by references to the journal of tho convert-' tion, which framed the constitution, apd in which work, he extensively participated as being ■adverse to the power assumed by Mr. Adams, I beg leave to refer, in a single instance, Vo the reasoning of that report. That document, as para doxical as it may seem, represented commercial interests of different countries as essentially bel ligerent—and devolved the necessity on every government to defend its own citizens from the hostile regulations of others. The argument em ployed was literally this, l Tor the Spirit of traffic; I armed with power, aS the experience ofmankind ; has proved, is more insatiate and more grasping, than all the Alexanders and Caesars, that ambi- 1 tiori has inflicted upon the race of man.” Can it be true, Mr. Chairman, that such is the firm: conviction of the authors of this abominable sys-j tern of legislation, which weso bitterly execrate ?, Can it he true that the professors of such doc-1 trines, arc the advocates of a policy which we have unceasingly condemned ? With these evils, \ these calamities, staring them in the face—por- j tending dangcro more dibefiil aild deadly than the ravages of the military conqueror; caii it be I true that these legislators have “atitled with, power a spirit of traffic” and cupidity, 14 more ] insatiate and more grasping than all the AleX- ■ anders and Cajsars, that ambition lids inflicted ; upon the race of man ?” It is even So; And it is bootless to enquire xvho 44 have done the deed 1” j They afe 44 a11, all honorable men.” Really, Mr; Chairman, when we reflect upon I the argument referred and especially the; catise it advocated, be it said With proper respect, 1 \ve ate met by endless difficulties in giving it’ the intended application. If, on the contrary, ; the cause of free trade required ari argument, | at once clear, cogent and conclusive,-I think,] 44 my young remembrance cannot parallel afel-1 low to it.’* Before I quit this part of the discussion, I beg' leave to enquire :—Can it be the constitutional right of she Federal Government to control and direct private labor in its most secluded abodes and in its minutest details 1 Can it so legislate as to foster the pecuniary interests of one sec tion, however it may thereby depress those of another ? If so ; What man is safe in the en- j joyment of his property ? The very rnanufuc-i turer, who now and for years has been enjoying; the favours of government, may, in the progress of time, be subjected to the Same system of plun dering 44 by authority.” In the vicissitudes of power and wealth, that arfe constantly occurring, the south may in her agricultural pursuits, be come greatly prostrated—-three fourths of do mestic exports, now arising from southern sta-i pies, may be proper)ionably diminished. When such an event shall occur, —which God forbid- —i this same south might apply to Congress to 44 en courage and protect her domestic” agriculture, i To effect this end, let it be supposed,- there should | be a combination of petty pecuniary interests, alf arrayed in direct opposition to the manufactur ing interest, thereby securing a bare majority of the whole nation. Let it be further supposed,; that this majority (if if wanted a dishonorable precedent, we know where to look for it,) aim ing at two" purposes—to provide for tho exi-j gencieS of the government and to 44 protect and encourage domestic” agriculture, slrbuld scru-i tinize the constitution, to find the grant of pow.: er suited to their wishes. Seizing upon that omnipotent grant — 44 to provide for the common defence and general welfare,” they should pass a law imposing an excise duty upon every arti cle manufactured in the Union, and leaving the; products of the soil or their exchangeable va lues, without any restrictions ? In such a state of things, whose ox would then be gored ?• Though the manufacturer may now revel upon the favours of the government, his situation dif fers, only in degree, from that Persian slave, that fed on the daily bounties of his master, yet always felt for his head when he left the others’ presence. Let no citizen, therefore, vaunt his .constitutional freedom, so long as he tnay be subjected to the practical operation of such a system. In relation to taxation, there are some well ascertained principles, which have been deemed 4 ’ worthy of all acceptation” in the administra-i tion of every just government. Among these ai p> that property instead of persons, and hrx uries before necessaries, are to be taxed. On the rich, therefore, who are the usual consumers of luxuries, shoulcf the burthen of taxation mainly fall, and not on the middling and poorer classes, who consume only tho necessaries of fife. Let us apply these tests to the act of 1835. During the fiscal year ending in September,; 1830, the General Government received $ 1,8 ‘ 50,000, as the nett amount Os duties on Teas, and during the same period, on the article of S a ft there were received $1,010,000. Now the Act of 1832 has remitted the entire amount heretofore collected on teas, and left unaltered the dutv on salt, which, by the act of 1830, w a , fixed at 10 cents on every fifty-six pounds, and from w hich the government now derives a reve. nue exceeding a halt ol a million ot dollars. In tlie time referred to, on spices, there accrued jto the government, the sum of $248,000, and On iron—such kinds as are in ordinary use—th 0 amount of $990,000.— Spices are hereafter to ■ ■be admitted free of duty—lron, under the h ea . ivy impost of 00 cents for every 112 pounds. Continuing our illustrations, we will consider that a person purchase's 10 yards of silk, and ! another 10 yard's of w oollen cloths, each fabric : costing 1$ per yard. The amount of duty to be paid on the former (silk) would be, accord, ing to the act of 1832, $1 —tho amount, on th e latter, would be $5. It is needless to ask who are the consumers of these articles ? Whether the rich and the poor are clad alike in fine silk* and coarser woollens ? These examples may suffice to shew’ the motives of the authors of t) J(i act; in the passage of which every principle of j i correct taxation was lost sight of, in order to 1 encourage and protect certain manufacturing ■ interests located in particular sections 0 f th'3 I 1 Union. Let us look at the attitude, in which tho 1^ : Congress was placed, in its commencement, ft j was officially informed, that the national d«bt : was about to be extinguished, and that thonnnu; 1 al tax, heretofore levied for that object, should i of course, be remitted—That the nett revenue j from imposts Was $22,697,000, and of that a. I mount, the government would, hereafter, r* quire only $12,500,000. —Making thereby arts i duction, upon the whole revenue from imposts i including the reductions made by the nets of | 1830, about 40 percent. It did seem to boa i very simple process, and that, too, producing a just result, that the same ratio of reduction upon the aggregate amount of the revenue, should | have been the same ratio of reduction upon the duties bn tho separate articles, from which that | aggregate amount was raised. By this me*nod \ the designed reduction, even supposing the ox! • isting rates to be just and proper, would liavo i been more acceptable ; because the burthens | would have then been mbre equitably distribut. | ed. But another system —the 44 American Bvs. i tern,” was adopted, the operation of which ns | regards reduction and equitable taxation is best ! ascertained by a comparative view of the rates of duties that the act of 1832 modified. I shall j take only a few arlicleSO—mdst of them arc con. I SideVcd of prime necessity. | .. PRESENT RATES. RATES 1833’, Blankets,Woollen,costing ) oe • . cl over 75 cents, Ac. \ 25 er ccnt ’ 2.> per cent; Boots ... slsoprpair slsopr. pnii Bread ... 15 pr. cf. 15pKct. Bridles - - . . (W P r - ct * 50 pr.ct. Cheese - ... 9 cits', pr. 18. Pcts.pr. lii Chocolate ... 4 eta. pr. lb. 4cts.pr. lli Clothing, ready made 50 pr. ct'. 50 pr. ct. Cotton Stockings 25 pr. ct. 25 pr. ct. “ Tsvist, Yarn, &c. 25 pr. ct; 25 pr.ct. Earthenware 20 pr. ct; ,SO pr. ct. 1 Flannels . 1- 45 pr. ct*. 16 cts aq. yd. | Tints’, Wool; Ac‘.. . 30 pr. ct; 30 pr. ct. 1 Glass, other than bottles, Ac 1 . 20 pr. ct. 20 pr.ct. Hempen Cloth, Burlaps, &c. 15 pr. ct. 25 pr.ct. I Iron, Swedes, &c. 1 ct. pr. lb. 90 cts pr 112 lbs 1 Leather &. its manufactures 30 pr. cl. 30 pr. ct. i Molasses ... 5 cts. pr gal 5 cts pr gtil j Paper, Foolscap, Ac . 17 cts pr lb. 17 cts pr IN Salt - - - 10 cts 5G lbs 10 cts 56 lbs » } Silk 30 pr. cf. 10pr.ct. i Steel - - i $1 50 pr.l 12 lbs $1 50 pr 113 lb* I Sugar, brown, &.c; g 3 cts pr. lb. 2J pr. lb j Woollens, (minimum doty) 45 pr. ct; 50 pr. ct. if costing , . t , . bver 35 cents the square yard. So, it appears, that the reduction on the attic , lesherc enumerated, and many others, is so small | and, in most cases, not any, that in an aggregate . j estimate, would he unworthy of consideration. I I proceed to Shew that the. Tariff Acts aretm : equal in their burthens. Without disturbing | any ancient maxim of political economy, it may bo conceded that the consumer of the manufactured, ■ article pays the duty. Owing to the want of I accurate information as to the extent of relative ! consumption in different sections bftlio Vnion, ; the precise amount of duty ori all articles coo j sumed in such sections respectively cannot bo j arithmetically ascertained. Blit this we io ; know, that certain articles ate limited in their I consumption by certain geographical bounds: far ! instance, cotton bagging is exclusively used id i those States,that grow the cotton-plant, and firs; j dye Woods, raw hides, &c. are used almost ex- > ' clusively in those states where (heir appropriate manufactories arc, established. Now cotfnnori justice would require that the duty imposed on the former should be corresponding to the duties imposed bn the latter. How is the fact ? In 183$ there was imported, into the United States, cot- _ [ ton bagging to the amount of $274,000, which I paid a.duty of $104,090; During the same pc- Lft | riod, there were also imported articles of the ltd- r .y, 1 ter class, (furs, &c.) to the amount of $3,000,009/ that paid no duty. A people essentially agricultural in their pur- , ; j suits must be dependent for most manufactures ; that are necessary to their consumption. To g the South, whether owing to the value of her k y staples or the incompatibility of her labor with 1 I the manufacturing business, no truer proposition I | could be applied. Happen what may, she is % ■ compelled to exchange a portion of her products / ; Or their equivalent for fabrics adapted to her wants. If war or other cause should cut heron % j from her accustomed markets, so she could not • i find another—not only to sell her products, but f | to purchase her supplies, she would be subject* [ |B ed to the greatest deprivation. Now, I appre* j bend, that the restrictive system only varies her | . J condition by the degree of deprivation. In first case, it would be entire—in the latter, pa r ’ f j tial only. Now by an examination of the Trea sury reports, we will find that the domestic ex ports of the Union, during she past year, amount* | ed to $61,000,000, and tlmt, of that amount. La cotton, rice and tobacco constituted $42,500,- [ J| 000, or in other words, the agricultural pro ducts-of the sotith composed nearly three-fourth*' of the whole exports of flic country. It shoui" ; seem, therefore, any restrictions affecting eera- | mcrce, would in the same proportion those sections producing the aliment of this com | mercc. i Again, I think it may be laid down as a g el ’ c ' rnl and correct proposition, that the prico of 3 rnanufaetured article is enhanced exactly to u>- amount of duty paid upon it (unless indeed •«* duty should extend to a prohibition) whether m ß * price he paid to the importer or the domes- & manufacturer. Else why the necessity of ) ,r °' ■ * tection ? The intended effect of tho | I system” avowed-by its advocates, is, by hca' - } 4 imposts upon foreign fabrics, to place the '/- mcstic manufacturer in successful competd' 011 l wiffi the foreign one, in our home markets-' 0 ! •.]. that the latter, after having paid the requir duties, is placed on the same footing with the f° r ' mer. The presumption then is, that they sell at she same prices—the concession, that consumer pays the duties. Will it not an irresistible conclusion, that the consumer. • | he purchase the foreign fabric, will pay the to the government; and if he purchase the i mestic fabric, will pay a sum , tantamount I° ll • duty, to the domestic manufacturer? ■Jijf '