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■ . .. i ■'T — I- ' THE Hl* til MKV & Mi l«Vf£. U TERMS —For the semi-weekly pup r, published every Tuesday snd Friday rooming, $5 per annt.ni for Uic weekly §3. til payable in advance. %T ADVERTISEMENTS me inserted weekly for 09 1-3 cents per sjuirc ; seini-weckiy G 2 1.2 cents for nit firm, anil 43 3-1 for each siJ>jeM insertion, arid monthly for %«1, OU per square for each insertion. For yearly advertisements private arratigcraenta arc to be ir.r.ie. A deduction i 9 road* on the odvenue- Utonia of public ofTi r«*. iy Fo«tagc must be paid <m U iters oft le-nes?- 1 piiii ir >iEirriws. FT.-J1 THE Of.ORGIsS OF OCT. 11* 1 Anotkrr Union Meeting. —In our columns this morning will be found the official account of ho meeting held ysterdav, pursuant topubik* notice signed by many of our citizens, for the purpose of considering the proprie'y o! ehr Mig to the Convention proposed to be h< 11 at Mided rille on the second Monday of November tits i iiig. llv reference to the proceedings, it will be found that this county has refused to send Delegates. On the division on the question as finally put upon the adoption of Judge Charlton's substitute for Cul. Jackson's resolutions, there were at least four to one in favor oft he subs itu ; e- We speak advisedly on the subject, and after having compared notes with several. The meeting wan throughout distinguished by the, greatest good order. It will be seen that the same Chairman and Secretary were apjioin ed. os at the former meeting. We were detain d from the meeting until it had bei n organiz i for some time, and when we arrived at it, Col. Joseph W. Jackson was addressing it in s qipoitol the resolutions offered by him, and winch will he found on reference to the official account of the meeting. After ho had finished, Judge Charlton rose and offered the preamble un i resoultion, which were finally adopted as a substitute for those offered by Col. Jackson. Judge Charlton advocated the adoption of them in a series of re-1 marks worthy the veteran Democrat. He was listened to with the attention due to the validity of Ids arguments, and the eloquence of Iris do-, lircry. Dr. Daniell succeeded Judge Charlton, and ad vocated at some length the expediency of send ing delegates to the proposed Convention, and consequently of adopting the resolutions offered bv Col. Jackson. lie was followed by Judge Law on the same side. Judge Berrien then r oso and addressed the meeting at some length, and in his usual eloquent and felicitous manner, in favor of the proposed Covention, an 1 of Chat ham county sending delegates to it. Judge| Nicoll followed him, in opposition, to the Con vention, and in an argumentative and truly do-1 inocratic speech pointed out the utter nncoiiifilu tionality of calling a Convention in sucli an irregular manner, as the one proposed, demon- j strated in a lucid manner, tiic powers delegated to the I legislature of the State and the fact that thcr Constitution of the United States was referred by Congress to the Legislatures oft he different States, by them to bo submitted to a Convention of the! People of the respective States, which Conven- i tion was to be called by their authority. Judge Nicoll, upon his rising, was greeted with the! most enthusiastic applause, and some minutes' elapsed before he was able proceed, owing to the noisy gratulation. U hen he sat down he j was loudly applauded. In (act, all the Speakers! were applauded when they uttered sentiments in favor of Southern rights. But on division, in spite of the eloquence ofa Berrien to the contrary, ■ as we have stated above, it was decided by a ven large majority that Chatham County would not t send delegates to the proposed Convention. Si non raqui event —deliheret in nace. UNION MEETING. At a meeting of the citizens of Chatham County, held at the Exchange on Wednesday the 10th October, 1832, to determine whether this County would send Delegates to the proposed Convention to be held at Milledgcville, on the second Monday in November next: The meeting was called to order by Col. Marshall, and proceeded to elect a Chairman,! whereupon William B. Bvllocii was elected. Chairman, and W. W. Gordon appointed Sec retary. The Chairman stated the object of the meeting, Col. Joseph W. Jackson then offered the fol lowing preamble and resolutions ; Whereas the citizenes of Chatham county, in common with the rest of the People of Georgia, governed by that deep and settled attachment to the Union which has characterised their whole' conduct since the adoption of the Federal Con-1 stitution, have patiently submitted to the odious 1 and oppressive operation upon them of the Pro-i teetive System, in the confident expectation that! upon the payment of the Nntional Debt they would be relieved, and a just and equal system of taxation be adopted, by which the ciiizensof every part of the Union would be placed upon the same footing, and subject to like burthens! for the support of their common Government. And whereas the General Assembly of the State of Georgia has repeatedly remonstrated agains the Protective Policy, and in 1829 formally demanded the repeal of the Tariff Act of that vear, as “ deceptive in its title, fraudulent in its pretexts, oppressive in its exactions, par tial and unjust in its operations, unconstitutional in its well known objects, ruinous to Commerce and Agriculture, to secure a hateful monopoly to a combination of importunate Manufacturers;”! declaring that the State of Georgia expects that in perpetual testimony thereof, this deliberate : and solemn expression of her opinion, will be carefully preserved among the archives of the Senate, and in justification of her character to the present generation and to Posterity, if unfor tunately Congress should render necessary measures of decisive character for the protec tion of the People of the State, and the vindica ion of the Constitution of the United States.”, And whereas the Congress of the United States, instead of passing a law simply for Revenue, subjecting all sections of our country to equal burthens by the operations of the Tariff, have, by their Act of 183*2, notwithstanding the public debt will be entirely paid oft'before it shall lake effect, retained in full force the principled'Pro tection, and fixed upon the Southern States the greater part of the public burthens, and sub jected the capital and industry of their citizens to the monopolizing market of the Northern Manufacturer; whereby a large surplus ivve nue over and above the just wants of the Gov. ernment will be annually accumulated in the National Treasury, in violation of every princi ple of Republicanism and economy. And whereas, uniting with their fellow-citi- Eens of other Counties of this State, the citizens of Chatham County arc of opinion, that the time has arrived when the People of Georgia should frankly and formally express, through a Con vention. Their opinions and views upon a subject! deeply affecting her righis as a member of the! Confederacy and involving the deep and en dearing iuteiost of themselves and their pos terity. J. Be it therefore Resolved, That the citizen? 1 sos Chatham County will elect three Delegates i : to rer Tscnt them in the Convent ton to be U 1 • j a* Milled.:- vide on the second Monday in No vember next. 2. Beil further lit so veil? That the proceed inirs of the said Convention » tall be rcaerrcu b ■ .k to the People for npprov; 1. 3,1, Resolved, That the Chairman of this m •ftin'T appoint a O-mn ttee ol five to superin tend tlie election of said Delegates by citizens authorized to vote fur members of the General Assembly. i. Re voiced, That llir said election »’m’l be held at the Court House in the City of Savan nah, ou the day oi Which, b- iag s *■■■.;. lei, were supported by on a .-dress from (Mi. Julson. T. L. P. Churbon addressed the meeting in op; •-•sin >n to the resolutions offered, and pre sented rs a s Lstitu.e iiic following preamble and resolution : Win, reus, at a f.. n.-r meeting of the citiz ns of this county, their opinions were full , and eb-arlv exprcssr-d in relation to the principles end tendencies of Nullification —And, wh freasl am .rig thes- opr-iim;* so expressed was, iliat a <•■ n.s ituiionai r medy siiould be s->ught for, and obtained ay.niissi the t\ runny and oppression of tiic Tariff of Projection, as the system operates; pon the interests of the South —And, whereas,, it is the opinion of this meeting, that the Legis lature is the legitimate and efficient organ of the! 'wish* sand determinations of the whole people, ■ lie it therefore Resolved. That it is inexpedi ent to s nd, and that the citizens of this count) i will not elect deputies to a Convention to be held, as proposed, at Milledgcviile, on the second Monday of November next. Which were seconded. Dr. W illiam C. Daniell, Jydge Law, and; John MaCpherson Berrien, Esq. supported the I original resolutions. John C. Nicoll, Esq. a i-j Svocated the substitute offered by Judge Chari-; .ton. The original resolutions and subsd ute were phen real, and the question was taken on the! a lopi ion of the substitute and carried by a large j ; majority. On mo* ion of Col. Will in ms, which was se-l eon-ied, Resolved, that tin- rcs'dutions which: have been r jected, be published with the pro-' ; ceetiings of this meeting. ; On motion, it was resolved, that the thanks' ;of this meeting, be tendered to the Chairman (and S eretary ; and, i On motion, it was resolved, that tins meeting j 1 he now adjourned. WM. B. BULLOCH, Chairman, jj Willi vm W. Gordon, Scc’ry. LAURENS COUNTY. Resolutions’ adopted at a meeting held in Dub-i : I in, Sep*. 26, 1832, Thomas McCall, chair man, J. S. Moore, secretary, ij Resolved, That a Tariff for protection is un jicons'itutiohal, unjust, and oppressive, and as such should be resisted, ij Resolved, That we highly approve ofa State as suggested by the meeting in A :lliens ; and in conformity thereto, will, on the ; first Monday in October, elect two Delegates to I! represent ns in such Convention, ij Resolved, That the Chairman npppoint a I!committee of four to select, and report to this i! meeting, two persons to be voted for as Delegates to said Convention, to represent us, according to j these our views. Resolved, That we, in the exercise of the same privilege, do highly appreciate and approve the jiahle, patriotic, and intelligent course pursued by ■ the majority of our Delegation, upon said sub- I jeCt. i Resolved , That the object, intention, ana dosl re I of this meeting, is not to sever, but to cement the I Union, by aiding in bringing back the action of j the General Government within its constitution | al sphere. Resolved, That, wc the people of Laurens county, retaining full confidence in our present able Chief Mag is rate, will use all constitutional means to ensure his re-election. From the Richmond Enquirer. THE VIR GIN iA 1 )OCT RINES, Not Nullification —[No. V.J These Numbers have been heretofore em ! plowed, in examining what may be called, not i unaptly, document ary evidence, growing out of the proceedings of public bodies, and the infer ences deducible from them. It is now intended ,ij to refer to the opinions and reasonings of an in idividual, to have the weight to which those opin ions and reasonings may be thought justly en- I titled. ! A niongst the citizens of our country, who may I be considered to have the best claims to be con ij suited in a case of difficulty in the construction Hos our constitutional charter, it is presumed that i it will not be denied, that Mr. Madison occupies ! the first rank. He was a member of the Con vention which framed the Constitution, ot that which ratified it in this State, was one of the an ' thors of an able commentary written on it, long a member of Congress under its authority, and last, not least, was the writer of the celebrated i. report of ’99-ISOO, generally regarded in Vir jginia as the best exposition of the powers of the !j General Government, and those reserved to the : States and to the people, which has been ever (given to the world. This gentleman, too, hav ! ing filled the highest office in the gift of the na jtion, lias retired covered with honor and the ap jplause ofa grateful people, to a private station, •with the well-known determination never to • leave it. He can have no earthly motive to sn ijduce him to mislead his countrymen, on a sub ject of great political interest, nor impelled by ' any other consideration than a desire to promo e the public happiness, and to preserve those free 1 institutions, to the establishment and preserva tion of which, his long life has-boen devoted. But it is not, on Mr. Madison’s opinions, alone, en-1 tided as they are to great weight, that the writer, relies to vindicate his own sentiments. He re-! lies on the fact, that Madison, in the papers to which reference is about to be made, was giving 1 his testinony as to the true characer of impor tant scencs'in which he was the principal actor, and the true meaning and objects ofpublicdocu-j I meats of high political interest, which proceeded; ■from his pen: it bcingnow a well-known tact, that he was the author not only of the Report ot Tt9, but of the resolutions of ’9B, which that was intended to justify. Finally, the writer relies ■on the intrinsic force of reason and argument,! i with which Mr. Madison sustains his opinions on tiic subject on which those opinions are about to be consulted. The documents to be referred to, is the letter from Mr. Madison, of August, IS3O, to the Edi- : tor of the North American Review, published in that work. It is due to candour, and to the re spect which every man should entertain for Ins own principles, to state, that I do not concur with Madison, in that part of his letter in which, he contends that the Supreme Court of the U.| States is the sole and final expositor of the Con-; stitution, in cases of confticting claims to authori j tv, between the Federal and State Governments. I must further add, with great deference and rc-: spect, that it seems to me, that there is a discre ; pancy between the sentiments contained in the ' letter and the report, on this point, and that I ! i (.consider those of the report, as sound and cou rs‘rtu':r>nal. In relation to the tariff, I won! i nl-" so remark, hat I do nor concur with die op.n --! ions imputed to Mr. Madison —I have always, and do now believe, that a tarili for protection of manufactures, by wiiich one poriou us the ; comnvmitv is taxed, tos ;stain andcnricl; anoth er, is u t old v unjust and oppressive, but c- atra rv to the spirit of the Constitution el th L nitod •S ates. But iti rc’ation to the views of tna lot . ter ou tee s il»i ot ol nullification, and tile tree moanin'* of the reuor*. as it rczatqzs the remerias *o v.ffkff the St,d scan wi ll propriety res et, in cases of rnfrac ions oftiie Cons'i'u ion, 1 end re ly concur in the opinions winch Mr. Madison has expressed, and am sanguine in believing that ‘ ilis reasoning wiil carry equal conviction to the mind ofevei s impartial man, who wili t xannne and reflect upon it. M hat is said in the tetter to the Reviewer, may (as far as it regards t..e pros, lit enquirv) be uiv idod, firs', in’o Mr. Madi. son’s opiid. ns as to the gram- son which t!so I doctrine of nullification rests; And,secon lly, on i the question w hether the advocates of that doc trine can derive any authority from the supposed , precedent, furnished by the Legislature ol \ ir ginia. Chi the subject of Nullification, Mr. Madison ,i speaks as follows: “Should the provisions of the Constitution, as ; here reviewed, be found not to secure the Gov- . L-mmc-nt and lhe rigilts of the States against I usurpations and abuses, on the part of the L. • ih'iai.s, the final resort, within the purview of j the Const ii utiun, lies in an amendment to the j . Cons; iru; ion, according to the process applicable jj | bv the Slat s.” “And in the event of the failure cf every con- ! : slitutional resort, and an accumulation ofusur- j , pations and abuses, rendering passive obedi- ! quince, and non-reaistnncc, a greater evil than re- ; i s’s auce and revolution; there can remain but q one resort, the last of all —an appeal from the j| j! cancelled obligations of the constitutional com-1 ! pact, to original rights, and the law of sell-pro-1 nervation. This is the ultima ratio under all; governments, whether consolidated, con fedora-J ted, or a compound of both; and it cannot bej i doubted, that a single member of the L nion, in i the exire inti v supposed, but m that only, would ! i : have a right, as an extra and ultra-constitution jial right, to make the appeal. : “ I bis brings us to the expedient lately ad vanced, w hich claims for a single State a right !' to appeal against an exercise of power by the ; llGovernment ofthe United States, decided by the; State to he unconstitutional, to the parties tothej 'constitutional compact; the decision of the State j || to have the effect of nullifying the acts of the j |j Government of the United States, unless the de-1 |: cision of the State be reversed by three-fourths; : of tlie parties. “The distinguished names and high authori ties which appear to have asserted and given a : practical scope to this doctrine, en'itle it to a re ; sped which it might be difficult otherwise to feci ! r ' I lor it. “If the doctrine were to be understood as rc •quiring the three-fourths ofthe states to sustain, ' instead of that proportion to reverse, the decis ' ion of the appealing state, the decision to be w ithout effect during the appeal, it would be : sufficient to remark, that this extra-constitution ’ al course might well give way to that marked * out by the Constitution, which authorizes two. > | thirds of the states to institute and three-fourths j to effectuate an amendment of the Constitution, ' ! establishing a permanent rule of the highest au -5 ilhority, in the place of an irregular precedent of] construction only. “Out it is understood that the nullifying doc-( trine imports, that the decision ofthe State is to. : j bo presumed valid, and that it overrules the law ' ofthe United States, unless overruled by three-j H fourths of the States.” i “Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine, than that it ? puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over \ one-fourth of the. U. States, that is, of seven I states out of twenty-four, to give the law and c ven the Constitution to seventeen s‘atcs, each of the seventeen having, as parlies to the Consti tution, an equal right with each of the seven, to expound it, and to insist on the exposition ? That . the seven might, in particular instances, be j t| right, and the seventeen wrong, is more than | f possible: But to establish a positive and pe ravin - . I ent rule, giving such a power, to such a minori- II tv, over such a majority, would overturn the J first principle of free government, andinprac-S .! tice necessarily overturn the government itself. .1 “It is to be recollected, that the Constitution ! | was proposed to the people as a whole, and un-ij - 1 animouslv adopted by the states as a whole, itj being a part of the Constitution that not less than j 1 1 three-fourths of the states should be competent j ;j to make any alteration in what had been unani- : ; ! mously agreed to. So great is the caution on i j this point, that in two cases where peculiar in ; I terests were at stake, a proportion even of tbree .l fourths is distrusted, and unanimity required to ; make an alteration. ! “ When the Constitution was adopted as a q i whole, it is certain that there were many parts, I which, ifseparately proposed, would have been promptly rejected. It is far irom impossible,that. J every part of a constitution might be rejected by; a majority, and yet taken together as a whole be j unanimously accepted. Free constitutions will q rarely, if ever, be formed without reciprocal con cessions; without articles conditioned on, and | balancing each other. Is there a Constitution of a single State out of the twenty-four, that | ■! would bear the experiment of having its com :j ponent parts submitted to the people andsepa q rately decided on? _ ij “What the fate of the Constitution of the U.| States would be, if a small proportion of the States could expunge parts of it particularly valued by a large majority, can have but one : ; answer. “The difficulty is not removed by limiting the'j ; doctrine to cases of construction. How many; i cases ofthat sort, involving cardinal provisions-! ofthe Cons'itution, have occurred ? Mow many .j ; now exist ? How many may hereafter spring up? | q How many might be ingeniously created, ifen- i titled to the privilege of decision in the mode I proposed? “Is it certain that the principle of that mode ’ would not reach further than is contemplated ? If a single State can of right require three-fourths ; of its co-Sta'cs to overrule its exposition of the | Constitution, because that proportion is author ized to amend it, would the plea be less pi ansi i ble that, as the Constitution was unanimously established, it ought to be unanimously ex- I ■ pounded ? j * “The reply to ail such suggestions seems to ; Ibe unavoidable and irresistible; that the Consti tution is a compact; that its text is to be ex • pounded according to the provisions for expound ing it —making a part of the compact: and that none ofthe parties can rightfully renounce the expounding provision more than any other part. When such a right accrues, as may accrue, it must grow out of abuses of the compact, re leasing the sufferers from their fealty to it.” Such is the picture which Mr. Madison has : exhibited of this doctrine of Xul/if cation. It is drawn by the hand of a master ; and though he has given to it no coloring, yet the features' arc presented in suefi strung and boiu renet, ifiut : t is imp< ssible to mistake, and will be difficult to force’ them. Amis rong must be the nerves, and great the apathy of that friend of the l nion an 1 Constitu ion. who can con emj late them with indifference ? But, whatever inquietude we m;iv 1 e! on t ies snujoct, bov.ev r wo max ;?c as on i shed and la mem that suen doc riiiesoje ‘sa : d to bo advoca‘ed by m n pre-eminent for it;:!-, nts, n:;d distinguished for their stations, r is s.xreJ d.ulv not to shrink from the investiga tion of them, end from exsiib ting them to the ucot'le in their true colours. The ns ription of the power to seven States in the Union to contioi t.• - ac sol sc\t,n.vt.iij Is’rikcs at the verv foun lotion of Republican go vc-niment. It is difficult to conceive, that the;| able mhucates for nullification should not have; perceived, in limine, that their scheme was Isa-J ihlo to this plain objection ; nor insensible to the incongruity oi such a pretension for a small Iminori’y of S ales, with those doctrines of fre-' and equal rights, which they claim us the bas.s of their theories. The Constitution of the I . .Stat-.-s, after dis'ributiog the powers it meant to i confer, amongst the diiTcixnt dcpartmelvs of rheil I government, and providing for its general orgun ‘lzalion, sensible that experience might develop? 1 unforeseen defects in their system, prescribed ; !several modes in which amendments might be.j imaue. One of these was, tliat two-thirus of die States might propose amendmon’s, which,i| ‘when ratified by three-fourths of the States,ij |should become a part of the Consdtution. Here, a the framers of our form ot Government pro jeoeded on tlie idea, that until the final act ol {three-fourths of the States, me Constitution 'should remain ns it was. The doctrine of nul lification reverses this rule, and taking it for I granted that the minority will be right, and a large majority wrong, enables any one State to I nullify or suspend a law, until tliree-iourths [shall sanction it by their decision. To use Mr. 1 Madison’s pithy expression, it empowers a small proportion of Stales “ to expunge” parts of the Constitution, “ particularly valued by a large majority.” The inevitable effect would be, that the functions of the government in the ex ercise of some of its most important powers,j may bo suspended at the will ol a single State. In time of war the speedy and certain obtain-; ment of supplies, may be necessary to defence, indeed, to the very existence of the nation. At such a time difficulties might be made, (and wej know were actually made) as to the consdtution-! ality of the mode adopted by Congress, for call-i ingout the public force; and if the action ol j the Government is to be suspended in these, an I j many other cases which may be suggested, un-| til throe-fourths of the States could be induced! to disannul the interdict of the objecting State, incalculable mischiefs may result. This power, j imputed to each State, is like the veto of the! Roman tribunes, which in factious times, was not unfrequently applied to prevent salutary | measures, essential to the public safety. Ac-|j cording to this theory, each State can stop the I wheels of Government and arrest the move-; ment of the whole machine. The immediate! object to which this power is to be applied, is an; act of Congress imposing duties. It will be rc-| collected, that Congress under the confederation j had no other mode of raising revenue, than by ! requisitions on the States, but they had no means: of enforcing a compliance with them. Thej consequence was, that the financial system of the United States, became exceedingly derang ed, Congress was unable to count on, or indeed; to obtain revenues equal to the exigencies of the country, public credit was at a low ebb, if not extinguished, and there was a prospect of gene ral anarchy and embarrassment in our affairs. This was one of the strongest motives which in duced the adoption of the present Constitution, , wmch suus.i• uten iov tnw necessny ot caning on. the States, by the inadequate mode of requisi tion, the power of an immediate action on the people, for raising revenues. r l ho Bth section of the first article of the Constitution, declares that Congress .shall have power : “ To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to! pay the debts and provide for the common de fence and general welfare of the I nited Slates ; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uni form throughout the United States.” This | power limited, though I admit, (indeed contend) bv its being confined to objects enumerated in the specified powers conferred on Congress, and those necessary and proper to the carrying those powers into effect, was very extensive in its na lure. Now, if this power of Nullification ex -7 * . , ists in any one State, as to one species ol tax,; jit applies equally to any other, and it may bei j readily seen, that it might be so exercised, as, j entirely to disable the General Government to j perform its most essential functions. Besides.; jthe Constitution expressly declares, that “all; j duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.” If one or more states have a right to nullify a law imposing any of these taxes, how is this provision ol" the Con stitution to be satisfied ? Could Congress con jnive at, or acquiesce in the practice of one or more States, in this regard ; and if it did, could the other States be called upon, rightfully, to furnish contributions, which can only be consti tutionally enforced, when the burthens fall e iqually on al! the States ? If a State has a right jto nullify a tax-law, it throws the government back on the principle of the Confederation,! which made the agency of tlie States indispen sable to the procurement of revenue. Indeed,; it places the government on a worse footing ; because, under the Confederation, the revenue,jj though it came in slowly and inadequately, was (paid at some time. But, under this new doc-; !trine, any one State can prevent the collection of the revenue in the first instance, and it" seven States (who may have a sympathy in interest) concur, can prevent it altogether. If a State lias a right to nullify at one time, it has an equal i right at anv offer. Now, suppose one ot the |S ates had ..ullified an act imposing dudes, at the end of the war, when our national debt a imounted to more than an hundred millions of i dollars. Although payment of the debts ofthe {nation, is one of the enumerated objecls for {which taxes may be imposed, could the nullify ing State have withheld its share of the contri bution towards the payment of the public debt;j and current expenses of the Union, and yet have ! received all the benefits of the Government, & {thus throw the whole burihen of debt, mostly [contracted for the defence of the nullifying j State, as well as the rest, upon the States not | nullifying ? Or would, according to the other ; ■part of the alternative. Congress have been com ;pulled to suspend its functions, in collecting du-.' ties and paying the public debt, until it could be ascertained whether the refractory State would comply with its duties? If a State nullifies an act of Congress imposing taxes. I should bo glad to be informed, whether, according to the nulli lying system, if it look some years (which it might well do) to obtain the decision of three fourths of the States, that the law was constitu tional, would the State be free from the payment | of the taxes during the intermediate time, or ; would she be liable for the arrears ? If the law j attempted to be nullified was a law imposing du- ; ties, would the goods coming to the objecting State be free of duties, and would her ports be open to ail carriers; so as to enable persons lc 'smuggle goods to any extent into all the States and thereby destroy the revenue, not only in th. nullifying State, but in all the rest I Questions of this kind might be multiplied to a great ex ten' ; and "the subject is susceptible of a variety of illustrations, shewing the mischiefs which will arise from the principles of nullification, when carried into actual practice. —But the time which has been already -employed in this mves. tigation. and the necessity 1 shall be under to present some other and very important \ie\\s oi Mr. Madison, wiil oblige me to dismiss this sub. j ct for the present, in the aspect in v Inch I am now considering it, under a belie! that w aat 1 have said, now and heretofore, but much moie. what Mr. Madison has said, ought to convince everv man that nullification is incompatible with the existence of the General Government, am! if carried into effect wiil produce a dissolution of the Union, and lead to consequences the most calamitous, which can befall our beloved coun try. AGRICOLA. i - Tl si AV, Oi’TOaSEK 10, FOR PRESIDENT, ANDREW JACKSON. VICE-PRESIDENT, 3IAKTi.\ VA\ JJLHEX. SfAi’Ll ft ii tt. Appling, Thomas —Overstreet. licitdwift, Doykiii —(Jalhoun, ?ilurray. BiOb, Eckley—Holt, Croce. Bryan, Starr —Paeon. BuUtich, Cone —Rawls. Burke, Hallow—Ttitle, Roberts, Grubs. Baits, Cargill—Mays, Stark. Camden, Prown —Ward, Hull. Campbell, Cochran —sheets, Hinton. Carroll, Poali —Rodgers, W alker. Chatham, Pumard—lVayne, Flournoy, Harrison. Cherokee, Seudder—.Malone. dark, Mitchell —Hull, Stroud, Graves. Columbia, Avery—Crawford, Hamilton, White. Coweta, Echols —Smith, Wood. Crawford, Blaekstone —Sims, King. Decatur, Neel —Gurry, CiiJton. DeKalb, Cleveland—Aiken, Anderson, Mays. Duoly, Graham —Hilliard. Early, Smith —Wdson. Effingham, Waldhour —Black. Elbert, Oliver —Alien, Blackwell, Harris. Emanuel, Sherrod —Moore. Fayette, Burch—Sellers, Edrnunson. Franklin, Freeman —Mitchell, Ash, Stanford. Glynn, King—Dart, Davis. 1 Greene, Stocks—King, Cone, Rea. Gwinnett, Green —Ghoison, Jbzzard, Martin,Hutchins. Habersham, V, oliord —Stillman, Chastain, Shelton. Halt, Durmagan—Byrd, BulHngton, Wood, Bates. Hancock, Baxter —Lewis, Haynes, Vinson. Harris, McDougaSd—Lowe, Deuuaid. Heard, Wood—Pmckard, Henry, Sellers —Johnson, Smith, Varner. Houston, Cobb—Wiggins, Morgan, Engrain. Jackson, Singleton, Liddell, Burns, Bowen. Jasper, Shorter —Burney, Robertson, Hardman. Jefferson, Stapleton—-Barr, Hudson. Jones, Gordon—Phillips, Day, Cox. Laurens, Kellam—W arren, Blackshear. Fee, Posey—Howard. Liberty, Hines—Harden, Herrington. Lincoln, Henley—Curry, Lockhart. Madison, Groves —Long, Strickland. Manon, Temples—W illiams. Mclntosh, Wood—King, Young. Meriwether, Ragan —Dr. Ector, Towls. Monroe, Chappell—Redding, Rutherford, Thweatt, and a tie between Gibson and Cowles. Mont" ornery, Mc Re a—McLennan. Morgan, Nesbit—Floyd, Sparks, Johnson. Muscogee, Lucas—Thornton, Spivey. Newton, Baker—Neal, Bates, Williamson. Oglethorpe, Collier—Young, Hubbard, Hardeman. Pike, Prior—Harris, Blackburn. Pulaski, Clayton—Howell, Taylor. Putnam, Hudson —Turner, Meriwether, Nicholson. Rabun, Farris—Moseley, Kelly. Randolph, Henderson —Rivers, Richmond, Mealing—Glascock, Davies, Rhodes. Scrzvsn, Bryan—Kittles, McCall. Stewart, Williams, Jcrnighan. Sumter, Smith—Cowart. Talbot, Townes —Burks, Pace. Taliaferro, Gresham—Thompson, Jones. Tail u all —Surrcnc y—S iia r p. Thomas, Newnan—Daniel, Melntire. Troup, West —Haralson, McCoy. Twists, South —Solomon, .Shine. Upson, Turner —Stamper, Flewellin. Walton, Echols —Lucas, Pitman, Easley. Warren, Muncrief- —Ryan, Jones, Wilson. Washington, Tenniile—Safiold, Curry, Rutherford. "Wayne, Sheffield —Robson. Wilkes, Willis —Brown, Thurmond, Irvin. Wilkinson, Hall—Hatcher, Exum. CONVENTION. Baldwin, Torrance, Rockwell. B bb, Beall, Collins. Burke, Lewis, Taylor, Hughes. Columbia, Ramsay, Collins, Cartlidge. Elbert, Tate, Allen, Davis. Greene, Matthews, Dawson, Greer. Gwinnett, Park, Maltbie, Holt, McMillan. Hancock, Haynes, Lewis, Vinson. Jnckson, Witt, Pitman, Parks. Jasper, Alfred Cuthbert, Dr. Reese, Mat. Phillips. Laurens, Blackshear, Allen. Mclntosh Spalding, Troup. Montgomery, Ryals. Muscogee, Lawhon, Clifton. a 7 7 Newton, Lewis, Kennon, Storrs. Oglethorpe, Gilmer, Billups, Moore. Richmond, Forsyth, Camming, King. Scriven, Jones, Wade. Thomas, Dozier, Reynolds. Warren, Lockhart, Gibson, Lazenhy. CONOR ES.S. Aggregate returns from 75 counties. The counties of Appling, Baker, Irwin, Lowndes, and Ware, to be j heard from. WAYNE, 33,867 WILDE, 29,091 GILMER, 25,674 CLAYTON, 25,508 FOSTER, 21,873 GAMBLE, 23,904 JONES, 22,224 SCHLEY, . 21,956 COFFEE, 21,451 OWENS, 21,145 HAYNES, 21,015 TERRELL, 20,995 WATSON, 20,499 BRANHAM, 20,354 STEWART, 19,474 HARRIS, 18,846 LAMAR, 16,890 NEWNAN, 15,697 MILTON. 5,120 .SOI'TH-CA ROLIXA. Governor Hamilton has issued his proclamation, re quiring the newly elected senators and representatives I of the state legislature, to convene at Columbia, on the , 22d of this month. CAUTION TO THE FRIENDS OF UNION. The general indifference, if not aversion, to the pro posed Convention in our state, evinced by the non-eleo ; tion of delegates, is a very satisfactory proof, that Geor gia is not atai! disposed to any violent policy. But there ,is one important consideration in relation to this matter, which we begieave to present to the friends of Union throughout the state. In counties where they have the i decided ascendency, there may, nevertheless, be small but active minorities, who, if they enjoy the opportunity, j "ill endeavor to send their delegates as the true repre sentatives of the people. This should, by all me ans, be prevented. If no other precaution will suffice, the Union men should sacrifice their disapprobation of the j lAiheus Resolutions to the necessity of the case, ;ii j ; [appoint sound, reliable delegates themselves. By au , t . j thorizing their delegates to act, or not to act, in the Con. s ! vention, or at any time to secede from it at their di« . crelion, their counties may be substantially as f ree y! from commitment, as if they were unrepresented; and I at the same time effectually guard against the danger ofbeing misrepresented, by the delegates of a minority. - THE CRISIS. We said, on a former occasion, that the times d.«. j. nianded on the part ot the true friends to their country • the public expression of their sentiments, and a concert of action, for the purpose ot meeting the crisis. \vl«ch is at hand, in a proper manner, and of giving it a §al u . tary direction. Tiiis crisis is alarming; for the Union is in danger; civil dissentions have already sprung up- R and a civil war, with all its dreadful evils and conse. ! qucnces, is maturing in a sister state. And can the i n , ' telligent, the patriotic sons of Georgia contemplate thi 3 !1 crisis—these deadly preparations for strife and civil 1 war—without shuddering at the consequences they must produce? Can the people of Georgia look upon the machinations of a few desperate political intriguers j a ■ South-Carolina, without an effort to prevent the further dissemination of their dangerous principles among us’ - The people of Georgia will arrest the arm that is raised to give a death-blow to the Union. The people ofGeor. - gia will show to her sister states, that she knows how 1 to maintain her rights when invaded ; that she knows how to repel any attempt to encroach upon her territo. rial jurisdiction, and to exercise within her chartered limits any unconstitutional power. But at the same i time, she will show, that she is devoted to the Union hand that she is ready at all times to maintain that Union in its original purity, against the sacrilegious attacks of unprincipled and desperate men. Georgia, will, i n this emergency do her duty; let South-Carolina know that I Georgia will not join her in her treasonable attempt to j sever the Union, and South-Carolina will pause; for without the assistance of Georgia, that stale cannot succeed in any revolutionary movement, i Because we have raised our voice in favour of the U- Ijiiion, mid against nullification, we have been accused of I I having relaxed in our opposition to the protective poli cy- This is not so. We are still against any restric. tion in trade. We are decidedly of the opinion that ; free trade with all nations, corresponds with the spirit ■: of onr public institutions, while restrictions are op. posed by the spirit of the federal constitution; and I jwe shall never be satisfied, until a tariff of duties is laid ! I only for revenue, and not for the protection of manufuc. ilturersand capitalists. We shall never be satisfied, un. ; | til ample justice has been done by the federal govern ment to the south for the injuries it has sustained, and : will continue to sustain, by the operations of the pro. tective tariffs. But at the same time, we shall cling to the Union, until we shall find that the manufacturing i states are determined to establish permanently, a policy i so unconstitutional as the one they have adopted, and j so materially affecting the best interests of the south, i| But at the same time, we shall continue to denounce i nullification and the leaders of the parly which advo. cate that doctrine, as enemies of the Union, as propaga. | tors of revolutionary principles, and as designing, ambi. j tious, and dangerous citizens. | 'When we look around us, in Georgia, we find evn. • ry prospect more flattering than gloomy. A few asp:r. : ing, ambitious, and deluded citizens, have adopted the | deleterious doctrine of nullification ; but the general ; mass of the people are yet untainted with it. Yet south ; ern interest and southern pride, may lead the people of : Georgia to sympathize for the people of South Carolia-, (should they be misguided enough by tlieir leaders, as to place themselves in direct collision with the federal go. I vermnent, and to draw upon them the power of the Union. As we said above, South Carolina will not ut. tempt a resort to defiance and force, without bc : ug i«. : eured of the assistance of Georgia. Then it is our don-, I j plainly and explicitly, to inform these deluded rnen of Carolina, that no assistance can be expected from us. un. ! !«ss constitutional measures are adopted by them, and j until it will be ascertained that the rights of the states ! are in actual danger of encroachments by the federal fror. j eminent. Then, and only then, will Georgia join not only ; South Carolina, but any other state, whose political an! | sovereign rigiits are in danger. j ... b j At this crisis we conceive it to be the duty of every ; influential citizen to come forward, and throw in the i scale the weight of his political wisdom. Such men as ; Troup, Crawford, Gilmer, Forsyth, Wilde, and man? others we could name, are known to be opposed to the j dangerous doctrine of nullification, and to be imbued | with principles the most sound, as regards state right-. The people ought to call upon them for advice, and Ur their views of the present slsTr.'.ir.g crisis tiftlie aihfifs of the country. Why should they not come out, and pr»- j vent, if possible, the dissolution of the Union, and civil i war ? \\ hy feel reluctant to appear against the policy ! which : he leaders of the nullification party intend to pur. '| ! ".te? We know that these wise politicians of Georgia, : have not changed their opinions of Mr. Calhoun : We know that they believe him to be now what he van i twelve years ago, a dangerous citizen. Why then should they not come out, and unmask the whole phalanx, and inform the people of the true aim these South Carolina leaders have in view ? Will these respectable and re spected Georgians wait till South Carolina has raised the banner oi rebellion, to display their wisdom, and use tlieir influence among the people of Georgia ? Tins peo ple have confidence in their integrity and their patriotism, and they would no doubt take into their serious conside whatever would be recommended to them by such dc- I voted sons of Georgia. We have not a single doubt that Mr. Calhoun and his friends have been tampering with some of our citizens. ; With regret we find that a few of those with whom we j acted in former times, when we all agreed that Mr. Calhoun was a man unqualified by his political princi ples to be President of the United States, have in part | changed their opinion of the man, and declare him to i be devoted to state rights. Mr. Calhoun has not chang ed his principles. lie has only added to those doctrines which have produced such mischiefs and such evil con sequences in the south, the doctrine of nullification, which, if adopted, as the former were under Mr. Mon , roe’s administration, would complete the destruction ol the Union, render tiie federal constitution a nullity. Mr. Calhoun is the same dangerous citizen he was twelve years ago. Finding that he cannot succeed in his am bitious views without a revolution, he is endeavouring lto produce one, in order that lie might become the first [to reap ail its honours, if honours can be obtained b r the destruction of the only republic upon earth, based | upon genuine democratic principles. And this man has ibeen meddiing with our local affairs ! Under the influ • enceof state rights, he has succeeded in enlisting i® I Ids interest a few-of our deluded citizens; and the man i w !to eight years ago could not get a single vote in Geor j gia for President or Vice-President, has friends who (consider him as a champion of state rights. The man : who has palmed upon the south the protective system, ! the internal improvement system, and an extravagant i expenditure oi the public money, is now a champion of ; state rights! Can you believe this, people of Georgia , j V» e have written these desultory remarks for m* ! purpose of drawing the attention of the people to th# subject of them. They will no doubt reflect upon them > 'and the moment they will reflect upon them, vve feat mot the conclusions they will draw, and the opinion they - | will form. LATK-R FROM E\GL iiVD. ; At day break this morning our news schoonci , j boarded the London packet ship Hannibal, Capt. i l lehbard, which sailed from Portsmouth on the 3" ; i September. 1 The Editor of the Courier and Enquirer has , received by this vessel files of London papers to . the Ist and Portsmouth papers to the 2d ■ tember. • The affairs of Don Pedro in Portugal appeal to remain much in the same situation as at the