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"^^off^Ae^jcAtnont/ THE VIRGINIA DOCTRINES, Net Nullification —[No. Vl.] 1 The opinions of Mr. Madison ns to the sup- I boeed analogy, between the Nullification (be | trines and those maintained in the Virginia Re iport and R- solutions, w ill appear from the psss- I; # p,. s Jam about to insert, lu lua letter to the I Editor of the Review, he says ; “In favor of the nullify ing claim for the talcs I individually, it appears, as you observe, that I the proceedings of the Legislature of Virginia in if ’9B and ’99, against the ahe-u and sedition acts, i| arc much dwelt upon.' 1 i “It may often happen, as experience proves, I that erroneous constructions not anticipated, may I not be sufficiently guarded against in the langu- I age used; and it is due to the distinguished indi viduals who have misconceived the intention ot f those proceedings, to suppose that the meaning i| of the Legislature, though well comprehended at the time, may not now be obvious to those m unacquainted with the contemporary indications H and impressions.” “But it is believed, that by keeping in view ! the distinction between the governin' i.t of the S Stales, and the States in the sense in which they ■ were parlies to the Constitution ; between tlic rights of tlic parties in their concur rent and in their individual capacities; between the severe! modes and objects of interposition f. against th<; abuse's ol [tower, and especially be tween interpositions within the purview of the H Constitution, and interpositions appealing from the Constitution to the rights of nature, para- I mount to all Constitutions; with an attention al ways of explanatory use, to the views and ar guments which were combated; the resolutions of Virginia, ns vindicated in the report on them, will be found entitled to an exposition, shewing a consistency in their parts, and an iucons sten | cv of the whole w ith the doctrine under considc- I ration. “That the Legislature coirid not have intend ed to sanction such a doctrine, is to be inferred from the Debates in the House of Delegates, and from the Address of the two Houses to their con stituents on the subject ol the resolutions. Ihe tenor of the debates, w hich were ably conduct ed, and are understood to have been revised for the press, by most il not all of the speakers, dis closes no reference whatever to a constitutional right of an individual Blate, to arrest by force the operation of a law ol the I nited States. Con cert among the States for redress against the alien and sedition laws, ns acts of usurped pow er, was a leading sentiment; and the attainment of a concert, the immediate object of the course by the Legislature, which was that oi inviting the other States “to concur in declaring the acts to be unconstitutional, and to co-operate by the necessary and proper measures, in maintaining unimpaired, the authorities and rights reserved to the States respectively and to the people.” Thai by the necessary and proper measures to be concurrently and co-operatively taken, wore meant measures know n to the Constitution, par ticularly the ordinary control of the people and the Legislatures of the States over the Govern ment of lhe United States, cannot be doubted; and the interposition of this control, as the event •hewed, was equal to the occasion. “It is worthy of remark, and explanatory of the intentions of the Legislature, that the words “not law, but utterly null, void, and of no force or effect, ” which had followed in one ol the Re solutions tho word “unconstitutional,” were struck out by common consent. —Though tlic words were in part but synonymous with “un constitutional” —yet, to guard against ami un derstanding of this phrase as more than declara tory of opinion, the word “unconstitutional’ alone was retained, as not liable to that danger.” In addition to the above passages, 1 will insert in this number, an extract from n letter from Mr. Madison, wiitten on the Bth of May, 1630, to a gentleman of another State, on the subject now under discussion. It will be found, that in tho compass of a few sentences, with great force of intellect, and that logical precision, for w hich his writings arc remarkable, ho has condensed the most accurate and profound views ot the true nature of this nullifying doctrine. The ex tract is as follow s: “You have succeeded better in your interpre tation oflhe Virginia proceedings in ’9B—’99, than those who have seen in them a coincidence with the nullifying doctrines so called. The doctrine is as new to me as it waste you, derives no support from the best cotemporary elucida tions of those proceedings, the Debates on the resolutions, the Address of the Legislature to its constituents, and tho scope of the objections made by the Legislatures of other States, whose con currence in the resolutions was invited and re fused.” “ This error in the late comment on tlic Vir ginia proceedings, has arisen from a failure to distinguish between w hat is declaratory of opin ion, and what is ipso facto executory; between the rights of the parties and a single party; and between resorts w ithin the purview of the Con stitution, and the ultima ratio which appeals from a Constitution cancelled by its abuses, to origin al right paramount to all Constitutions.” At the time the Constitution of the U. States was formed, there was a general conviction of the incfficacy aud insufficiency of tho Confede ration to conduct the affairs of a country ofsuch extent, and of such diversified interests. The objects and motives for tho adoption of the pre sent Constitution, are explained iulhe preamble to it. That preamble, according to the princi ples of construction applicable to Laws and Con stitutions, indeed to all w ritten instruments, and emphatically to a government of limited and specified powers, cannot be construed to extend the specific grants of power, and contains in it •elf (though. the opposite opinion has been most | erroneously contended for by some.) no grant of power whatever. It may serve, however, as a key to open and explain the motives of the fra mers of the Government: but, lor the carrying those motives into effect, recourse can, with pro priety alone, be had to the specific grants of power themselves. It declares that, “ We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure do mestic tranquillity, provide for the common de fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish tins Constitu tion for the United States of \morica.” The* use which w as at one lime attempted to be made of the w ords “general welfare, by interpola ting them into the specific grants ol power, has been long since proved to he untenable, and the doctrine s ems to have fallen into general disre pute. In the formation of the Government, the great difficulty was to reconcile the grant of powers adequate to the objects which induced its formation, with the preservation of the State sovereignties, and the retaining sufficient guards and securities for the liberties of the people. The conviction of all who were friendly to institu tions purely republican, was, that the formation of one Government, for r. natron so extensive as would he the United States, w ith their great di versity of habits, climates, and local interests, it 1 all powers were conceded to such a Govern ment, would be to r nder it thereby a great con s< lidated system, w hich would swallow up the ! liberties of the people, by event ually becoming monarchical, if not despotic. To guard against this evil, the powers given to the Government of the United States, were exclusively specific. No general grunts of power were bestowed upon it and it would have resulted, as a necessary consequence, that all powers not so specifically granted, and such as were necessary and propel to carrv those specified grunts into effect, (tor which there was a provision in the instrument,) would have been retained by the States and the p- ople. But, so groat solicitude was felt as to this last object, and to make “assurance doubly sure,” it was provided in the lUlh article to the Amendments to the Constitution, that “the pow i era not delegated to the United States by the j Cons'ilution, nor prohibited by it to tlic Stales, I are reserved to the States respectively, or to the 1 people.” As further securities against en croachments on tho part of the General Govern ment, there will be found in the Constitution and the amendments, various restrictive and prohibi tory clauses, upontheaction of that Government. Amongst these, are the provisions in tho first ar ticle of the amendments to tho Constitution, which declares that “Congress shall make no laws respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridg ing the freedom of speech, or the press, or the right oflhe people peaceably to assemble, and to petition fur a redress of grievances.” Ac cording to the intention of the framers of the Government, the Constitution gave specified [•ewers to it, fully adequate to the purpose for w hich it was ordained. In every question which can arise as to the extent of these powers, the enquiry ought to be, has tho power in question been given ? To answer this, we must see whe ther there is ti specific grant of the power; if we can find no such grant, the next enquiry is, is the power claimed, necessary and proper to car ry any specified powers into effect ? lo decide this last question, wo can resort to no powers not fairly , honestly , and naturally necessary and proper. We have no right to arrive at such in cidental power by forced, or latitu Jinous con struction, or refined or subtle reasoning; but we tire confined to the use ofsuch incidental means of executing specified powers, as men in the ex ercise of good sense and fair reasoning, will al low to he necessary and proper. Every enlight ened friend to the Constitution, will support the Government in the exercise of its constitutional powers, and will ojipo.se tlic exercise of such us are not granted to it. Every American patriot will defend the States and the people, against every encroachment on the returned powers. The General Government and tho States, each mov ing in its appropriate orbit, are essential to the efficiency, the harmony, and tho symmetry of the system. The support of tho General Govern ment in its constitional authorities is essential to rendering us respectable and powerful as a nation, and to the perpetuation ot tho Union. The preservation of tho rights reserved to the States and the people, is indispensable to the enjoyment of liberty itself. These arc what I understand to he the Virginia Doctrines (popu larly called State Rights) —and the history of this State, from the year 1798, will prove that for those rights, Virginia has uniformly and strenuously contended. In her contests for them, she has had various success, sometimes opposed openly and violently by some of her sisier Stages; by others her invitations for co-opcra tion, have been received with coldness and dis trust. But she has never been discouraged, nor wavered in her course. In the instance of the Alien and Sedition Acts, her success was as tri umphant, as her firmness, blended with modera tion, was conspicuous. On the subject of the Tariff, her exertions have been ardent and persevering, and though she has not vet attained every thing she could • O wish, still unprejudiced minds will allow, that much lias been done ; a deep inroad has been made in that unjust system, and she will never cease, or relax her efforts, until that subject shall be adjusted, on a just and satisfactory ba sis. These remarks may appear at first sight, to be irrelevant to tlic part of the main subject now under discussion ; but it is supposed, it will be found, to be intimately connected with it ; because, to shew what tlic Virginia doctrines were not , it was important to explain what they really are. When wo speak of the rights of the States, within the scope of these doctrines ; when we institute a comparison between the re medies which have been used in Virginia, or contended for by her, as appropriate means, and the nullifying doctrines, it is impossible we can understand any thing as meant, than those rights, which, at the formation of the Constitution, were retained by the States, or the people, as contra-distinguished from the rights conferred bv that instrument on the General Government. To prove this, it will be sufficient to state, that no advocate for the rights, the most ardent, would (with us at least) admit, that in his exer tions fur the defence of them, he was disposed to destroy the efficiency of that government, or to rob it of the powers actually conferred on it, by the Constitution. In confirmation of tho proof of this assertion, it will be found, that all the public acts of the General Assembly which wc have considered, go lo support rights claim ed under the true construction of the Constitu tion, as a subsisting and valid charter ; and that all the remedies suggested, are within the scope ; and intended not to destroy, but to preserve the Constitution. To make these remedies effectu al, tlic breach in the Constitution must bo re paired, by the abandonment or abolition oflhe unconstitutional act complained of, as in the case of the Alien and Sedition Laws. But if the remedy strikes at the Constitution itself; if it consists in any measure which goes to destroy or nullify any essential part of it, or to obstruct the government in the exercise of any of its powers, in such away, as to disable it from per forming any of the important purposes, for which it was instituted, such remedy is revolu tionary, and must eventuate, if persisted in, in the destruction of the Union. Remedies of this character are the very opposite of those which are constitutional; for, as the latter to be effec tual must preserve the Constitution, the success of the former depends on its destruction. The act complained of may be gotten rid of, but the Constitution and Union fall along with it. Mr. 1 Madison has well explained the striking distinc tioii between the remedies. pursued or justified by Virginia, and that contended for by the ad vocates of Nullification. The irginia reme dy seeks to preserve the rights of the States, retracting the government to the principles oi the Constitution. The friends of Nullification resort to a remedy “ extra and ultra-constitution al” in its character, and the success ot vhich can alone be consummated by the overthrow ot the Constitution. The Virginia remedies appeal tolhe principles of the Constitution, for its pre servation ; the advocates for Nullification, must attempt to justify their act, as a resort to “ tne ultima ratio which appeals from a Constitution cancelled bv its abuses, to original right para mount to all Constitutions. ' Ihe very plea on which u State could resort to such a remedy is, that the Constitution is “ cancelled by its abus es and those who assume this attitude, must he understood, to pronounce the Constitution at an end, or that they at least have renounced “ their fealty to it.” That every State or na tion may be justified in appealing to original rights, and the laws of self-preservation, is not denied. But it must be an extreme case ; it must be the last resort; and fearful and awful must be the responsibility ot those who decide that the case has occurred to justify such a re sort. Well satisfied should they be, that they can prove to the world, that a s‘ato of things has occurred winch justifies the act ? Such an appeal should not be the result of excited feel ing, of passion inflamed either by natural or ar tificial excitements. It should only be decided on, after the calmest and most deliberate exer cise of reason, and nut until every other expe dient had been resorted to and failed ot success. To dissolve a Government, and to throw a peo ple back upon their original rights, is always an event attended with serious consequences. Where the Government is despotic in its char acter, such a resort is justifiable and proper. But, to overturn such a Government and such an Union as we are blessed with, would seem to be an act of desperation, which every American should contemplate with horror. That Nullification is a resort to the “ ultima ratio,” spoken of by Mr. Madison, seems to be clear. That “ ultima ratio” lias generally been considered as an appeal to force ; but in the sense in which Mr. Madison uses it, it compre hends a resort to any measures intended to sub vert the government, or strip it of its essential attributes. Besides, who can tell but that this measure may eventuate in the use of force, and that, under circumstances the most disastrous ? Can those who have raised the whirlwind, con trol its course ? Mr. Madison, whilst he admits the right to resort to this “ ultima ratio” as a law of self-preservation, shews, that it can only be re sorted to in the last extremity. He has laid down so correctly the proper foundations on which such an appeal can alone be justified, that I beg leave again to quote the passage, as it can not be too deeply impressed on tiie mind of eve ry citizen, at a time like the present. His ex pressions are : “ And in the event ot a failure of every constitutional resort, and an accumu lation of usurpations and abuses, rendering pas sive obedience and non-resistance, a greater e vil than resistance and revolution, there can re main hut one resort; the last ot all—an appeal from the cancelled obligations ol the constitu tional compact, to original rights, and the law of self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio un der all governments, whether consolidated, con federated, or a compound of both ; and it can not be doubted that a single member of the U nio.i, in the extremity supposed, but in that only, would have a right, as an extra and ultra consti tutional right, to make the appeal.” The fallacy of the argument of the friends of Nullification, when they quoted the proceedings of Virginia, was, ill confounding a constitution al with an unconstitutional remedy; the rights claimed by States, as reserved to ui&i*? by the true interpretation of the Constitution, and riiCU original right of resis'ance to oppression, when it becomes systematic and intolerable, which is paramount to all Constitutions, and which the God of Nature has conferred on mankind. The first time I ever saw this doctrine of Nul lification spoken of, was in a debate in the Sen ate between Mr. Webster and Mr. Hayne. It was contended for by the latter, and as well as my memory serves me, (for I cannot now have access to the speeches,) it was justified, by quot. ing the Virginia proceedings as a precedent. It appeared to me, at the time, that the doctrine was untenable, and that an undue advantage was given to those who are systematically ad vocates for large federal powers, and for restrict ing those of the States by permitting the ques tion of Nullification to be considered as the same with the doctrines so long and earnestly main tained in Virginia. The truth is, that these doc trines are not only dissimilar but opposite. And great injury would result to the genuine doc trines on this subject, by confounding them with those which are heretical. To shew the mis chiefs of the doctrine of Nullification and to prove that it can find no justification in the acts or principles of the people of Virginia, were the main objects which I had in view in address ing the public. How far I have succeeded, it must be for it to decide. AGRICOLA. Pacts—triumphant facts. WHAT HAS GEX. JACKSON DONE. A meeting of the Jackson Republican Society of Eaton, Madison county, N. Y. was held on the 17th inst. one hundred members present ; when a report submitted by the standing com mittee was read and unanimously adopted, and is published in the last Morrisville Observer and Recorder. From this succinct and most con clusive review of facts and results of the ad ministration of Andrew Jackson, we make the following extracts :— Albany Argus. “ They did not suppose it necessary to go back to the early history of Andrew Jackson— to show his devotion to tiie country in the revo lutionary war —or his patriotism in defence of our western frontier against the Indians—or to the more recent and glorious victory obtained by him over the British at New-Orleans ; but to present to you the benefits resulting from his administration, as President of the United States. “ Reform ” was the motto when he came into office, and ho»v completely have the anticipa tions of his friends been realized ! He has doub ly “ filled the measure of his country’s glory.” He has detected frauds, defalcations, unlaw ful salaries and unlawful commissions, whereby more than 1,000.000 of the people’s money have been plundered from the Treasury by men who had been continued in office by the Adams and Clay Administration. Watkins, Nourse, Hay, Fiilebrown, Peake and Hawkins are among the number. Two naval officers have been detect ed in frauds upon the Treasury to a large a inount.—Jackson’s rigid system of accounta bility developed the “ Black List ” that was re moved, and we trust better men appointed in their room ; and to prevent the repetition of similar frauds, he has established such checks as will defy the most artful. He lias saved the nation more that 813,000,- 000 by his Veto on the Maysville Road Bill, which amount was «i train, and would have been expended wholly for local purposes. The national improvement system was rapidly ex tending : surveys had been made ; projects involving the expenditure of a hundred millions had been formed : and a most gigantic system of corruption w-as growing into existence. Had this policy of Henry Clay, been pursued, the national debt at this moment would have been more than 840,000,000. But by the economy of Gen. Jackson, the national debt will be ex- I Anguished at the end of the present term; al ! though the reduction of duties <*n tea, and cof fee, molasses, salt and other necessaries of life, | since the commencement of the present adrnims j tration, has been 810,500.000, and befoie the ; passage of the present tariff bill— Ofj" By this veto on- the Maysville Load Bill, Andrexa Jackson has saved the American people from ! endless taxation and a permanent debt. He has saved 1,200,000 by his economy in ' our foreign relations. In the four years of Mr. I Adams’ Administration, the foreign intercourse of the country cost the people on an average, 8556,197 a year. During the present Admin istration the expenses for the same have not averaged 8250,000 per year —exhibiting in this particular only a saving of 300,000 per year. He has saved the nation more than 81,000,- 000 in the Naval Department. This is shown by the last report from that department. The same economy may be traced throughout all the departments. On the subject of our foreign relations Gener al Jackson says, in bis first message : “ Bless ed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully ade quate to the maintenance of all our interests. In discharging the responsible trust confided in the executive in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and submit to nothing that is wrongf' We now see the benefits resulting from such determination by the number of treaties effected by General Jackson upon the most honorable and beneficial terms to our country. If the European Nations have not feared Andrew Jackson, most certainly they have respected his administration by now giving us our long and contested rights. He has obtained the profitable trade of the British colonies, the effect of which have been to infuse new life into she whole industry of the Union—to repeal the English “ Corn Laws,” as regards all the States bordering on Canada —and thus, in fact, affording us almost a mono, poly of all the grain markers of Great-Britain. In no period of a general peace have our pro ductions borne so high a price as they have done under the administration of our present Chief Magistrate. This trade, at a moderate calcu lation, is estimated to be worth 83,000,000 a year—for three years it is 89,000,000. lie has recovered our claims on the govern merit of Denmark, on Brazil, on Colombia, and on France. All of them have defied every ef fort of former Presidents, but have yielded to the energy, decision, and frankness of General Jackson. The payment of these almost hope less claims puts 87,000,000 into the pockets of our countrymen. He has made advantageous treaties of com rnerce with Colombia and Mexico, and freed us from an oppressive and insulting duty of dis crimination which the former had imposed on our commerce. lie has made a treaty with Turkey and Aus tria, and opened to the American Merchants a trade equal to the most favored nation. The treaty with Turkey is estimated to be worth 8500.000 per year —for three years it is a mil lion and a half of dollars. Here, then, is a short but correct statement of our foreign relations. He has placed them up on a proud and lofiy eminence, becoming a gallant people, and wo now enjoy that admira tion and respect of other nations, which of them, selves •7 rc u tower of s’rength. Has any ad ministration cf er ecpfol'ofi this in their negocia tions with foreign powers'? x'io— -never. He has saved the people, by increase of the Post Office revenue 8150,000 per annum—lor four s'ears, makes 8600,000 : besides, nearly 8100.000 more have been saved in Mail con tracts which have expired and been renewed on better terms. He lias paid olfthe national debt, 8543,879 a year more than Messrs. Adams and Clay did —this forfour years is 82,175,516 ;he has paid to the State of Massachusetts an old claim of 8433,748 ; and this too, notwithstanding the re duction of the revenue during his administration of 810,500,000 on the necessaries of life. He has extended the public mails more than a million of miles beyond any former period, and increased their expedition on numerous routes. One instance we will give—between New-Or leans and Baltimore from 28 to 13 days. The foregoin facts are all taken from public documents, and the people can read and examine for themselves. But there are not all the bene fits which have resulted to the people from the administration of Gen. Jackson. Your com mittee will add to this in aTurther report. Recapitulation of what the people have gained in the aggregate by the administration of Gen. Jackson : 1. Saving in reform measure, 81,000,000 2. Veto on the Maysville Road Bill 13,000,000 3. Reduction of duties, 10,500,000 4. Foreign intercourse 1,200,000 5. Navy Department, 1,000,000 6. Trade ofßritish Colonies 9,000,000 7. Claims for spoliations on our commerce from Denmark, Brazil, Colombia and France. 7,000,000 8. Treaty with Turkey, 1,500.000 9. Post-Office Department, 700,000 10. National Debt 2,175,516 11. Massachusetts claim 433,748 847,509,264 These are Facts which cannot he contro verted. With this evidence staring us in the face that Gen. Jackson, by his economy in adminis tering the affairs of government, has saved or secured to the people advantages to the amount of more than FORTY SEVEN AND A HALF MILLIONS OF DOLLARS for the first term, we feel it our bounden duty, as Republicans, to support his re-electiou. The presidential chair has heretofore been occupied by great and ill ustrious men ; but the unexampled success of the administration of Andrew Jackson, has surpass ed them all. For his patriotic devotion to his country, we owe him gratitude ; but we owe to ourselves an obligation still more sacred—and that is to sustain the man and the measures with which our country’s prosperity is identifi ed. Maryland. —The election for a member of Congress to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Col. Mitchell, has resulted in the choice of Mr. Sewell, the Jackson candidate, by a ma. jorityoflGO. It is stated in a letter from Havre, that Mr. Rives and his family would embark for the I . S. on the Is‘ of the month.—A”. Y. Mer. Adv. aW&WSWSI FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19. 1882. FOR president. Andrew jackso^. VICE-PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BURJEN. PENNSY LVA NIA ELECTIONS. The returns show, as it was expected, that the entire anti-Jackson ticket in the city of Philadelphia, has sue. ceeded by a large majority. The anti- Jackson men have elected three members to Congress, and the Jacksoi men one member. Dr. Sutherland. The antt-Jacksor men elected are Horace Blimey, Harper, and M atmoug In the city the votes for Governor were, for Ritne; 4,957, Wolf 3,553 ; in the county, for Rimer, 5,503, foi Wolf 6,250. ADDRESSoI (he HERKIMER CON VENTION. We have read with attention and pleasure, the ad dress of the Republican State Convention, assemble! at Herkimer, to the Democracy of New-York. It is t masterly production, and does honour to the eonventioi which adopted it, and credit to the good sense of the citi zens who made choice of such delegates. This address h too long for insertion in our paper : we must conteu ourselves with giving extracts from it. In this day’s pa per will be found an extract, relating to the Indian Ques tion-. TIIE COMET. A gentleman of this city has received from the north a map representing the apparent course of the Comet ii the heavens, and the principal constellations and fixet stars that lie along its path. To this map is attachec some explanations, from which, for the gratification o our readers, we have made the following interesting ex tract. The author of the map and explanations is Mr E. 11. Burrilt, formerly of Milledgeville. “ But another Comet, which now engages the nios eao-er curiosity of the astronomers of Europe, and which say they, “promises much gratification to the scientific world,” will re-visit our system the present year. It! Right Ascension and Declination, on the 22d ot August wifi be such as to bring it in a right line between Algo in the Head of Medusa, and the Pleiades, or “Sever Stars;” the former bearing about 8° North, and the lat tor, 11° South. —See the Map. For a month following the Comet’s apparent course among the Stars, like tha of the planets, will be almost directly West, though real ly to the East, at the mean rate of about one degree, 01 15 hundred thousand miles everyday. On the 19th o September it wi'l rise in the N. E., a little before 9ir the evening, 8° S. of Capella, and as far N. of Beta, ir the constellation of Auriga, (usually placed in the rich horn of Taurus ;) or 40° N. of the “Three Stars” in the belt of Orion. From the 19th of Sept, to the 13th of October, its ap parent course will continue neatly the same, inclining t little to the South; at which period it may pass so neat Castor, in the head of the Twins, as possibly to obscure it: It will rise nearly in conjunction with this star, a lit. tie after 10 in the evening of the 13th, and come to the meridian, almost directly over head, just before sun-rise, the following morning. From this time, the progressive motion of the Comet will barely be perceivable for seve ral days, except that it will be observed to change itsdi. rection to the south—coursing gradually off in that di rection, till it crosses the Earth’s orbit at the 20th deg. ol Cancer, about the last of October ; The other Node is in the Bth deg. of Scorpio. The situation and appearance of this comet will bo most favorable for observation from the middle of Octo ber to the middle of November: It will be brightest, however, about the 13th of Nov., when it will rise E. N. E. a little before 10 in the evening, and come to the Me ridian at half past 4 the next morning. Its nearest ap. proach to the Earth will be on the 23d of October, when it will be distant about 5l millions of miles. Its nearest approach to the Sun will be on the 28th of November, then distant more than 83 millions of miles; whence, there is but little reason to apprehend that it will de stroy cither of these bodies, or be destroyed by them.” MR. CRAWFORD—MR. CALHOUN. We candidly acknowledge that, to a stranger, and without thoroughly investigating the subject, we would seem to he guided, towards Mr. Calhoun and his friends, by as much hostility as can be felt by any human being for his tcllow-creaturcs. But we have had, and we have everyday, sufficient cause for the manner we have act ed, and for our feelings towards the leaders of the mil. lification party in South-Carolina. It will not be deni ed, we suppose, that we had sufficient cause for our hostility to Mr. Calhoun ; for this hostility was once en tertained by every member of the Troup party. The question now is, whether we have at the present time, su^' , . ip ‘”t cause to continue to Mr. Calhoun and his friends, the same hostility we all once entertained for him and them. Against tiie “rinion of a few of our friends, we have continued to denounce Mr. Calhoun as a dangerous citizen, and his friends, as adulators, abject adulators, who have no other chance to rise to distinc tion in the United States, but by the elevation of Mr. Calhoun to the Presidency. And against the opinion of those, few friends, we shall continue to denounce Mr. Calhoun and his friends. And why be so vindictive 7 We are not vindictive. We have many and powerful reasons, for continuing our denunciations of Mr. Cal houn and his friends. Mr. Calhoun and his friends have always entertained a deadly hatred to the Troup party in Georgia. They still entertain a rancorous enmity to Mr. Crawford and his friends. This cannot be denied. If the nullifica tion prints in South-Carolina dared, they would have come out long ere this against Mr. Crawford and his friends, as they did come out, when the radical principles of our party were to be assailed and put down, in order to elevate the latitudinarian doctrines of Mr. Calhoun. Now, that Georgia must be won over to nullification, or failure—disgraceful failure—awaits the nullifiers, not a word is said against Mr. Crawford, though their hatred of the man is boiling in their bosoms. But it the nulli fication papers in South-Carolina keep silent, it is not so with the Calhoun papers in Washington city and Rich mond, Virginia. In these two cities there are printed two Calhoun papers, v.uirh are a disgrace to the coun trv »t large, and to the man and men who employ them. The Telegraph and the Times are the true followers of the “ Republican,” established at Washington city to put down the purest democrats the country ever produced- Thesc two papers, the Telegraph and the Times, have latterly, to injure the re-election of Gen. Jackson, open ed their batteries upon Mr. Crawford and his friends, and in language too, and in a tone, which surpasses what was ever written by the abandoned editors of the Republican. These papers bring into action, Gen. D. B. Mitchell, Mr. Forsyth, and many other citi zens, in order to prove that Mr. Crawford was—with do you think, reader, Mr. Crawford was guilty of? These papers attempt to prove that Mr. Crawford was the principal cause of the feud which lias sprung up be tween General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, and that to Mr. Crawford also must he ascribed the dissolution of General Jackson’s Cabinet!!! Yes, people of Geor gia, Mr. Crawford is accused, by these Calhoun press es, of having been the promoter of all the niortifi. cations which have latterly visited Mr. Calhoun ! Yes, it is this “ Giant of Intriguers,” who, while per forming the duties of the office to which the legislature ol his own state has called him, was plotting die de struction of that great, eminent, and consistent politician, John C. Calhoun, and the destruction of the popularity which the virtuous editor of the Telegraph hail obtained, by bis independence, and fearless defence of Irnih" And shall wc remain passive, while the best men ol Georgia arc traduced, abused and slandered ? Shall we tamely submit to the lash of those mercenary editors 7 Shall we not defend ourselves—our friends men re. spectable by their age, public services, and political ami civil virtues, from the attacks of these vile editor# ? Shall not our bosoms fad indignant, when such men ns Crawford, I roup, Gilmer, and others, are slandered by such a mart as the editor of the Telegraph ? Wn cannot remain silent, w'hcn wc see such disgraceful acts per. formed, and sanctioned by Mr- Calhoun and his fnends jn Georgia ; for tht Telegraph is his paper; the cJa or js his bosom friend, who does nothing but by the co m. mand of his principal. We Shall keep a good eye upon these Calhoun pap» r g and upon the Calhoun papers in Georgia. They are all striving to prevent the re-election of Gen. Jackson. That they cannot succeed in their nefarious plan, is well known and ascertained ; but they can, notwithstanding do a great deal of mischief; it is to neutralize that mig. chief, that we shall keep a sharp lo ik out on the action* of these Calhoun papers in the south. And we would ear. nestly invite other republican papers, to bo equally vigj. lant, for the crisis demands our united exertions, in or. der to accomplish the great objects we have in view ■ the re-election of Gen. Jackson, and hereafter a strict adherence to a literal construction of the federal const, tution. TENNESSEE. The following preamble and resolutions were intro, duced in the senate, by Mr. Bradford, on the 26th Sep timber. “ The members of the Legislature of Tennes see, in General Assembly convened, believina that a njontdhtous crisis has arrived, when it be. comes a solemn duty, in order that their views may hot he misunderstood, to make an open and unequivocal expression of their sentiments-, in re. lation to the dartgerous doctrines recently as. sumed by a member of this Confederacy, that a State has the right to resist or render inoperative within her limits, an act of Congress, whenever the same may he declared unconstitutional by a Legislative enactment, or its highest political attitude —a Convention of the people of the State —do therefore, on behalf of themselves and their constituents, submil to their fellow-citizens of other Stales, and to the world, the following de , claration : Ist. Resolved, by the. General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That we regard with deep disapprobation, the assertion by- any State of this Union, either through their Legislature or bv a Convention of the people of a State, of a power to nullify and make void an act of the Congress of the United States. n 2d. Resolved, That we regard the doctrine of nullification, either by- the one or the other of these means, wholly Unwarrantable, dangerous to the existence of the Union, inconsistent with and destructive of the fundamental principles of the Government, tending directly, under the guise of a peaceful and constitutional remedy, to bring upon our country all the horrors of civil War, and, therefore, more to he deprecated than open resistance-. “ Bd. Resolved, That We do most cordially re ciprocatethe patriotic sentiment of the President, that the Federal Union must be preserved. FOR THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. 44 \Vl»a# I like, uml what 1 clout like.” Messrs i Editors, — I like to see fair play used in all cases, particularly- by editors of newspa pers in publishing communications. 1 dent like to sec partiality used between the rich and the poor, for the sake of a few favours—that would not be of much consequence in the long run. 1 like to have every- man, whether rich or poor, express his opinions, in a decent manner, thro’ the columns of some public print, about the go. vernment he lives under, whether for or against it. I dont like to see any editor suppress a free mall’s communication, if it is worthy of publi. city, on account of his not possessing an ini. mense fortune, and a six y-ears’ schooling in tho bargain. I like to see every man, whether rich or poor, act independently, honestly, and above hoard. I dont like to see a poor man, whether farmer or mechanic, creeping after u rich man, selling his principles and opinions, for the sake of getting into his good graces, and to receive from him, whenever there is an elec, tion close nt hand, “ That’s a devil of a good fellow, he is going to vote on my side,” —and after the election is over, lie dont know you. 1 like the union of these happy States, but I do bitterly abhor disunion, sometimes called milli fication, and all its advocates. I like Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren, for our next President and Vice-President. As for Henry Clay, William Wirt, John Sargcnnt, Amos EU maker and Philip P. Barbour, five political ns* pirants, 1 leave to the people to judge for them selves. A MECHANIC. HERKIMER CON VENTIGN--N EVV-TORK. Extract from the atldres? of the Republican State Con vention, assembled at Herkimer, to the Democracy of New-York. The Indian Question. —Os these, his manage ment of Indian Affairs is recommended to your special notice, as well by the extreme importance of the subject, as by the success which has dis tinguished the prosecution of it. This matter having been unhappily connected with party politics, has shared the fate of all political ques tions, —it has been made the subject of all sor‘s of misrepresentation, and has been subjected to a treatment in which the real interests concerned have been sacrificed to political effect. To these ends, much has been written and more said; and yet the merits of the subject may be present ed in very few words. From the administration of Gen. Washington to the present day, the policy of the federal go vernment towards the Indian tribes in any degree subject to its care, has been one of active and unqualified benevolence. Nothing within the scope of its power that would conduce to their welfare, and in some degree atone for the injus tice whicli our ancestors, treading in the foot steps of civilized man in every- other country, had done to their race, has been omitted. What ever those who envy and traduce us abroad, or fanatics and partisan declaimcrs at home, may say to the contrary, it is but justice to our coun try to affirm, that every administration of the general government has, in this respect at least, stood without reproach. But it is equally true, that the success of their exertions has not been equal to their wishes, and that the condition of the Indians has been every day- growing worse- The futility of ail attempts to raise themtoa state of civilization, having been rendered ob vious to all rational men ; their unfitness to be come the subjects of civil government, being equally evident ; and their progressive degene racy and destruction, arising from their proximi ty to the white man, being fully established by exprerience ; the suggestions of policy, as wed as the dictates of humanity, pointed to the adop tion of some more speedy- & effectual remedy ! ° arrest their increasing misery, and to proven* their early and rapid extinction. The onesi ded upon, after the fullest consideration, " t!S their removal beyond the Mississippi, at the ex pense of the Government ; where, effectual*? guaranteed against the approach of that civiliza tion from which an overruling and all-wise P r °' vidence had excluded them, they might enje} in pence the fruits of their improvement here, and the more ample territory and advantage prevail'd t«>r them there ; and where also the la bors of philantropy- might be employed among them, under the most favorable circumstances* and with the best hopes of success of which the y character admits. In the wisdom and hunts® 1 ' ty of this measure, until it was likely to bccon* successful in the hands of Andrew Jackson, s ' I men and all parties concurred. It f large share of attention from Mr. Monroe » a "' I \,