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THE CONSTITUTION \ L.IS’IV Dir auinv r>- uns%u:r*. U 1 LRM9—lor ibe semi-weekly paper, "übkaiieii every Tuesday am’ Friday momi fg> l*«r annual «ad for the weekly %3. all payable in odr*r.ce. O’ ADVERTISEMENTS tire it eerltd weekly fort 2 \ 1-2 cents per square ; n mi-wcf ;.lyC2 1-3cent* for the first, and 43 3-4 cents for each tu'jse*;: ent insertion, and monthly for 81, 00 pef aynare for each insertion, ! For yearly advu;ti«cme{|ts puvatc art | to be made. A deduct* n :j blade jii Uit aJvcr.iic nenu of public officers. IT* Postage in:::.: be paid on Lucre baa nasa. g*.ii.. i ■ 1 ■■■■ 11 Froni th Richmond L.iyunrr. TUB VIRGINIA DOCTKSN&S. Xol yuUificaHm—l No. VIII.] 1b the preceding Numbers, 1 have endeavor ed to prosunt to t> propb* of this co mtiy, who may honor them hy their ; -rusai, and more es pecially to the citizens of t.us S"..t , itic true character oi the: d-cirmc t>i Nuii hca ion. In doing t>o, thoui;li candour required, that 1 shorn.i “nothing < xtenuaue, 1 ccrUtit/i/ have- ** s t down niught in rnalide.” 1 have bc-i-n aclujat eti by no person”] mo'.ivc, nor have I been im pelled by party feelings. 1 lie question is par amount to nil these. f have written with a sin glc eye, to u lnl 1 d*. un tin.* cause of the coun try, and all its great, an i div* rsifieJ, ani per tnanent interests, and the preservation of the Constitution and Union of these States. Par ties will exist in all free coantrivs ; and, when kept within the boundaries of mod* ration, and not influenced by s' llisit objects, they maybe* even salutary, by kcopin*r up that incessant vig ilance, which is the h< *st preservative of free dom. The cause I advocate, i.s one calculated to unite patriotic men of all parties —every one, who feels he has a dot p interest, in guarding for hhiis-lf, and transmitting to those who are to come after him, the free institutions which were acquired 1 v the valor and wisdom of our ancestors. Having said thus much, to place myself in a true position on this subject, 1 pro ceed to present some other views, which appear tome to he ess niial to the correct under*land ing of the circumstances, in which our country will he placed, hy the fur. her progress of events, which I fear we may anticipate, and which 1 most sincerely deprecate. If the doctrine of Nullification he erroneous in itself; if it bo calculated to produce such mischievous consequences as I have attributed to it, its evils will not be mitigated but increas ed, by the linn and the <u'c.ision vhi:h hare been selected for its enforcement, ii is well known that the People of Virginia were the earliest opponents of the sys’em of protection (as it is called) which attempts, as in a hot-bed, to give a rapid, and unnatural growth to manufactures, at the expense of 11 to great agricultural and commercial interests of the na’ion. At one time the Ncw-Euglund States, and others, most largely engaged in the navigating and commer cial pursuits of the country, were disposed, 6i di<l actually unite wi h us, in resisting the first duwnings of this system. If all the Southern States had been true to themselves, if they had been united, they might have nipped this noxi ous policy in tha bud. But the Statesmen of SPouth-Carolina (as can be proved by unques tionable documents) refused their co-operation to oppose, not only the system of legislative pro tection, but in resisting the gigantic plans oi in ternal Improvement, which it was endeavored to fix upon the country. It will appear from the proceedings <>f the Legislature of iSouth-Ca rolina (which I have Svien publish-T) that ef forts made at di lie rent and success, vc periods, to resist these schemes, not hr violence or un constitutional measures, but by a simple appeal to public opinion, such as was used by us, in the cases of the Alien and Sedition Laws, were discountenanced, and opposed by many, who are now conspicuous a men "st the lenders of Nul lification, and were actually defeated by over whelming majorities. It will appear, too, that they were objected to by them, because they al leged, that these expressions of censure and disapprobation, hy the State Leg slaturcs, and appeals to the Co-St a’cs, for co-operation in in fluencing public opinion, were disorganizing, and unconstitutional in their tendency, c; Icula ted to rob the General Government of us ap propriate powers, and to bring it to the feet of WsmJ. The consequences of these movomen's, were the ultimate anl unnatural union of the Inter nal Improvement and Manufacturing parties, to rivet on the nation all the blessings of the A mcrican Sys’em ; the bond of which union was and is, the consciousness that by an inordinate tariff, money can be raised without, s int, and with that money improvements can be made to any and every extent. And yet, our brethren of South-Carolina (or some of them) are now invoking our aid and co-operation in defeating the sys em of pro ection to mamrfiic ttres, by measures, which, to be effectual, will not only destroy the Tarilf, but with it the Cons itntion under which wo live ! If the Tariff was suffer ed to attain to the unjust and oppressive height to which it was carried, Virginia lias not been 1o blame. —She resisted it in all the stages of its progress. She iss:i!J opposed to it. She con siders many of the features of the last act on - that subject as highiv objectionable, and she will ncvercep.sc in all proper . Hurts, to remedy tbe evils of which she complains. But, when is it that we are asked to resort to this desper ate remedy of Revolution ? Is this the time at Which the Tariff hns been more oppressive than ( it has ever been ? Has there been no mitiga tion of its evils ? Hus nothing happened w hich indicates a sense of returning justice in the o li fer States ? I speak not now of the manufac turers. Ido not allude to the large capitalis t, who have been fattening on the spoils of South tfQ industry. 1 know that they are unwilling to reUnquish their hold, and that they resisted even unto death, the mitigation of our griev ances. 1 speak us the change of sentiment which begins to manihs i self, amongst the en lightened and patriotic, in the Eastern pontons of the Union. * Every candid mind must admib that there were many difficulties to be encountered by the Southern members in the last session of Con. gress. Although tiie protective system is un just and oppressive in its character, and violates the spirit of the Constitution, yet laws‘had pass ed Congress under which manufactures had been established, and capital to an immense amount had been infested.—And though the existence Os these establishments afibrds no valid reason for giving permanency to the system of protec tion, yet it should be an inducement with Con gress for proceeding with discrimination and a graduated step in the reduofio;: of the duties, so ns to avoid bankruptcy and ruin to the manufac turer ; and at the same time, as far us practicu • We, to obtain effectual and ultimate relief to those who suffer under the burthens of unjust imposition. 1 hese sentiments appear to have had their influence w ith Ihe strongest opponents ; of the Tariff in Congress, in so much, that it is believed that ia almost every scheme which was proposed far reducing the Tariff of du*ies, it was contemplated that the reduction should be gradual. The diversity in the plans consisted in the different degrees of rapidity with which the work w.sto be accomplished. K- '-ping in view these principles, let us exam ine ich n t iris done by Congress on this subject. I; is not intended by me, nor is it essential or compatible, with the objects of these Numbers, I nor ihe necessity which I am nn ier of bringing ' them '6 n close, that I should enter into rnanv | details relative to the Tariff, «i her of 1328 or : 133.3: these are under discussion in the public pr.n s by other, and abler hands, and fuiiv tie- j veloped in a late statement made under the an- I tkm tty or' the Treasury Department of the I. i So les. 1 shall only speak of results, of age- I ncral character, and those very briefly, but suf flei-nily to skew, that important changes and reductions have been made in the system. A:\er tne passage of tiie Tariff Act of 1632, I ! rec* ivc i a letter from a member of Congress, T C J intimately acquainted with the finances of the I n led .Slates, the object of which was to shew what reduction of duties had taken place under •’rat act, r s f< Hows : The amount of dudes which accru es in the year 1829, £21,023,391 1530, 22,697.679 4-1,620,070 Average, 22,310,035 I’Torn which deduct the reductions of 1830, A: those of the act of 1532, 10,310,035 Would m.A;e the revenue from cus toms n.i'ler the net of 1832, §12,000,000 Since* that time there has been published by the Treasury Department, a comparative-state ment of the amount of duties, according to the existing rates, and an modified bv the act of Ju -7 •/ ly 14, 1832, calculated upon the importations of the year ending the 30th of September, 1830, which shews as follows ; Nett Amount of duties according to present rates, ... §17.288,645 “ Amount by the act of 1832, 12,101,567 Nett reduction of duties, 85,187,078 This statement of the Treasury shews, that the calculation of my correspondent was very nearly accurate as to the sum to which the du ties would be reduced, when estimated accord ing to the rates under the act of 1832. Os the the reduction from the ex isting duties, upwards of a million and a half are duties reduced on protected articles. There wore also by the act of 1830, 8956,121 taken o!f the protected an ides of molasses an 1 salt. The results from these statements are, that the nett duties have been reduced bv the acts of 1830 and 1832, ‘ §10,000,000 That the reduction on protected ar ticles, by the acis of 1850 and 1832, will be about 2,500,00 And the actual duties under the act of 1832 will amount to 12,101,000 Ti.is statement shews, that very large reduc tions have been made in the amount of duties, and many of these on pro’ected articles. Some of these reductions made by the net of 1832, will opcra'c beneficially to the .Southern people. Amongst these arc the reductions on blankets from 35.5 percent, to 25 per cent. On wool lens not exceeding 32 j cents per square yard, from 54,45 per square yard to 5 per cent. On worsted stuff goods, including bombazetts, 6cc. from 30-66 per cent, to 10 per cent., and a large deduction of duties on bar iron. On brown sugar, the duty is reduced from 3 cents a pound to 2} cents ; the duties on coffee and on teas from China are taken off a I ogethcr, and on teas from any o her place, reduced to 10 cts. per pound. Coffee and sugar and teas may be considered, from habit, to have become noces sartes of life, and the reduction in the price of them will bo found a great relief to the poorer classes. The other items of reduction will be seen by a reference to the statement of the Treasury: they arc exceedingly numerous, and will afford more or kss relief io the consumer. Still, 1 do nox mean to admit that reductions have been as great as they should have been, or distributed in the most equitable manner.—l believe they have no f been, especially in the ar ticle of woollen goods. But I think what I have said will be sufficient to shew, that a very material and beneficial reduction has been ef fected. I further am of opinion, that if we persist in using all proper exertions to produce united action amongst the opponen s of the pro tective system, we shall by the exyrcisc of peaceable and cons itutional measures, .sustain ed as they will be by the increased force of pub lic opinion, obtain an adjustment of this ques tion, in away that will satisfy the South. The national debt will be immediately paid off, and we should endeavor to keep down the duties to the amount of the public expenses, and limit these as much as possible by the use of the strictest economy. The conduct of Congress, and especially that of the Southern members, w ho voted for the act of 1832, has been criticised by some, with great severity. Bu it appears to me, that this has re sulted from not duly considering the situation in which they were placed, nor the motives by which they were actuated. Ihe variety of in terests involved in the question, the collision of those intcres s, and the intrinsic difficulty of changing at once the entire policy of the coun try, surrounded this subject with great embar rassmen’s. Any person who has attended to the course of the proceedings and debates, must be convinced, that the Southern members who voted for tiie tariff, did it under a conviction, that the bill, as passed, was the best that could, be got that session of Congress. The objections which have been made to the course pursued by the anti-tariff members who voted for the bill, have struck me with surprize, and are in my cs timation unjust & unreasonable. These mem bers saw a spirit in existence, which threaten ed the pcaee of the country, unless something could he clone. They used every exertion in their power to reduce the tanff as much ns pos sible. and the act w hich passed, was the best that could be obtained. Is there any one who will assert, that it is not a great deal belter act for tiie country, than that of 1828, even as mo dified by the act of 1830 ? The question was not as to the original for mation of the tariffsystem; the real subject io be voted on, was the choice between the tariff of 1828 and the act of 1832.—0ne would suppose, that the opponents of the protective svstem could not nave hesitated in deciding, that in a choice between measures, neither of which they ap proved, it was proper to take tliat which light ened to a considerable extent the public bur thens, though it did not take off as much as it ought to have done. Mas it ever heard before, when a law was in existence imposing heavv taxes, that at a subsequent session, members complaining of the tax, ought not to vote to re duce it to a considerable extent, which they could accomplish, because it was notin their power to tally to repeal it ? The uniform course in such cases is, to "et off tts much of the tax as can be effected at the time, and at succeeding sessions to reduce it until it is placed on a proper footing. The question refcljv propounded by the b:ii. was, j whether the country should j ay duties, amount ing to upwards of seventeen millions, or should pay something n.ore tnan twelve millions; whether we should relain the Tamr 01 1829, or accept the modideations of the act o; 183 d, which not only reduced the amount oi duties, but modified them, so as to afford relict to aeon- • sMcrtth’e ext nt ? It Is certainly better to hear a j light than u hi avy burthen; and he who cm- j deavors to lighten tli.it burthen, cannot bo said i io be friendly to us continuance, localise he has * taken off a large portion of it. It often happens, in the course of human affairs, that men are subjected to losses and misfortunes; hut would it not be a false philosophy which should dictate, that because we cannot repair those losses at once, we should not endeavor to do so by de gree s ? Sure ly, it is not jus !y imputable to .hose who voted for 'lre act of 1882, that they were friendly to whet lias been properly called “the biil of abominations,” because they diminished ns many of its evils ns their best exertions could accomplish. Might they not, with more appear ance of plausibility, allege that they who, by their votes, would have permitted the act of 1828 t> remain in force, in fact, voted for the coH-inunnce of that act ? 1 know that tin's was not the motive of many of those who voted a.- gaiust the act of 1982; they so voted, because they were opposed to botii acts. Some voted a gainsf the act of 1932, because they approved the bib of 1828, and wished to retain it—these were 'he n! ra-Nuliifiers; but the votes of V ose who were ami-Tariff, had a tendency to produce the same effect, though they were operated on by an entirely diilerent motive. It has been objected lothe course of those who voted (hr the act of 1832, that it was a measure which fixed the protective policy on the coun try. ! cannot view it in that light. 1 cannot consider a bill which go s to make an inroad into that policy, which diminishes so much of its bur;hens, as could be effected at a particular time, as affirmative of that policy. No act oi Congress can fix an unchangeable pokey on the country. Their acts are no? like the laws of the Modes and Persians, which never change. What one Congress can do, another can undo; an I this Tariff jjol'icy has been several times changed, though it must bo admitted, generally for the worse. The act of 1881), however, made some modifications for the better. How it can be s ;id, that strenuous efforts to abolish the protective svstern, which eventuated in only getting rid of part of that system, (for the time being) makes it perpetual, when the law can be aced on at every session of Congress, I am at a less to con ceive. The only inference dcduciblc from the act is, \ that not more could be got from the then Con gress: but does this amount to proof, that no more can ho obtained from their successors ? 1 construe the act very differently. 1 consider it as evidence of a change in public sentiment on this subject. I consider it as a giving ground in the controversy, and an indication not of per manency, but of change. The true course is, to follow up these advantages; and public opin ion which has effected thus much, will accom plish a great deal more. The ultra-Tariiiiies. who voted against this bill, acted under the idea of preventing any encroachment on their sys tem, and under the belief (probably a correct one; that i s safety cons’s cd in i:s being intangi ble, as well as permanent, But how can it be said that the opponents of the Tariff who voted for the act of 1832, sanc‘ioncd the principle of the protective policy? The reasoning 1 have employed, shews that a vole to get the best terms they could, at the time, and for the time only, would amount to any tiling else than an aban donment of their opinions about the Tariff. But it does nut rest on this view alone. It is a well known fact, that in both Houses of Congress, some of the most distinguished members from the South, who voted for the act of 1832, declared in their places, that in voting for the bill, tliev did not mean .to admit, nor did they admit, that the act hud sufficiently reduced, or properly ap jiovtioned the duties; that there were many fea lures in it, which they disapproved; that they should never cease their efforts until complete redix ssshould bu obtained; and that they voted for \ho bill because it was better than the act of 1829, and to preserve the peace ofthc country. XVlien tlie bill went to the Senate, that body a mended it, by s riking out or : modifying some of the provisions favorable to the South. The House of Representatives would not agree to these nmencJmun s, and af.cr a conference the Senate abandoned them. If these had been per sisted in, the bill would have been lost. In the debate in the Senate on the report of their Com mittee of Conference, great feeling was mani fes ed by the friends of the Tariff, because the conferees of the Senate had given up the amend ments of that House. They were accused of having abandoned the interests of some of ilie branches of domestic industry, and sacrificed the rights of the Senate. It is true, that though this . 7 c sensitiveness was manifested as to the Joss of the amenilinen sos the Senate, it was said that the act of 1832 recognized and established the pro tective principle. But this was repelled, by the declarations of Mr. Forsyth, Mr. King and other Senators, that the act was only to be understood so far as the opponents of the American System were concerned, as a choice of evils, and not as preventing future and continued resistance to the system oi protection. As further jiroof; the advocates of tlie amendments of the Senate, al though they asserted that the proiective princi ple was settled by the bill, themselves declared, that it would bo in their power, to insist at a fu ture time, on the adoption ofthc principles, con tained in the amendmen s, or of any other pro visions which would go to strengthen the pro tection of such articles, as they might deem ex pedient: by these observations clear!v shewing, that the law was only the measure of the time, subject to bo further modified according to the discretion of Congress. For, it would be a most extraordinary idea, that this sys'em should bo alterable by the friends of protection, and yet irrevocable, as it regarded the friends of a re duction of duties. 1 will not go, as I intended, into a particular examination of soma other objections, which have been urged by the friends of Nullification against the act of 1832. They have attempted to show, that it was worse than the act of 7 25. —1 have already s.iown, on t!ie contrary, that r relieves us in a very sensible degree from the burthens of that act; whether we consider the reduction of the rates on some very material ar ticles, such as negro clothing, blankets, iron, <kc, &c. or, whether we consider the reduction in the whole amount of the revenue raised. The abolition of the unjust principle of tainimums hi the duties on woollens, is an important advantage secured us by the act of 1832, which I have o miited to mention. Pressed by ihese irresisti ble views of the subject, the friends of Nallifica tion have had recourse to other objections. Thev urge in the first place, the increased burthens to the merchant in substituting cash for credit du- ties, or short for long credits. But this objection has been very much overrated, in consequence ofthc egregious error of making tiic calculation on the whole amount of importations, instead on tiie mere amount efdii.ies on those Thev urge in the second place, the increase oi the duties which arises from calculating the ’■u.ni sterling at -Si 80, instead of 84 44. But lias increase operates on British goods only; and unoa them, in a very inconsiderable degree; nno is. besides, much my re than couiiterva.auccU u} the provision of the new act, w hich does away the addition cfftiis 10 percent, to the invoice nncf, be-ore the ouoes a t e caicmated. lin t au ed also to examine the objection; ghat the' duty falls neon the producer, ins-cad oi" the consumer, and of course that the Southern S a'es pay a very large share of the dunes. But I must leave it »o o’hms to expose a theory, which to me to carry error upon the vr y luce of it. It this theory be correct; if a tax a 'mports be tantamount with n tax on rxpor;what becomes of that clause in the Constitution which declares, that “No tax or duty shall he laid on articles eriiorfed fj'v/rt any State ! ' V< hy were the au thors of the Cons;button so very anxious to pro hibit all duties on exports, when ail their caution is so easily baffled by the duties on imports ? But i waive the discussion of this subject —consent- ing mvself with the expression of my astonish ment, that any Statesman, and'much more, that an'?of the dis inguislu d Statesmen ol South Carolina should have fallen into so extraordin ary an error. It would seem, then, that the advocates for Nullification will fin ! no palliation oftheir course, in {fie proceed:*gs of the last Congress; but that the mischiefs of their scheme t'iil be aggrava ted hvthe reflec‘ : on, that they meditate a resort to f and violence, when the country has al rea '■ btained relief to a considerable extent, and when there is every reason to believe, that it will he made s*ill more effec ua!. 1 have now p resen'ed to my fellow citizens, the views which 1 intended to takeofth.s inter esting subject. lam deeply impressed with its importance, and have acted under a belief, that in limes of difficulty and danger, every man is bound to ren lor what aid may be in Ins power, to his country. 1 have endeavored to discharge this dutv which I deem sacred. I devoutly hope that the evils, which many anticipate, may not happen. I rely much on the good sense an 1 pa triotism of my countrymen. The crisis should be met bv the government and the people, .vith firmness, tempered bv caution and moderation. It is impossible that the friends of the Union, & the Coush iihon, can take lot or part in the schemes of Nullification. But lot us have, pati ence and forbearance whh our countrymen. Time and rellec ion, and the love of country, may res'ore the empire of reason, and lead to tem perate counsels. Rut, ifour hopes, and the best hopes of humanity, shall be disappointed; if tlie stars of dor political firmament shall, one by one, shoot madly from their spheres, and ho extin guished in night, if not in blood; in viewing the desolation which madness has brought upon the land, it will he a melancholy pleasure to any of us, who will be able to pronounce with Ira !i— --“ Thou caa’st not say I did it.” AGRICOLA. Errata in the 7 ih No. of Agrirnla. — ln ft! j extract from Gen. Washington’s Farewell Address, for • -zealous anxiety,” read "jealous anxiety.”—ln the 2d p riagraph, for “convince the most incredulous,” say “convince the most credulous." FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1832. FOR PRESIDENT, A. XS>KEW JACTCBOJV. VICE-PRESIDEN I’, MARTIN VAX ISUREX. Tlie editorial matter prepared for this day’s paper, and partly in type, gives way to the message of Gover nor Hamilton to the Legislature of south-Carolina. This message was looked for with some degree of anxiety ; and the interest justly felt by the community, in the course our sister state intends to pursue, has indu ced us to publish at once the first official document emanating from tlie government of South-Carolina, con cerning the novel and extraordinary experiment of nulli. lying;! law of Congress; an experiment which may ma terially influence the future destinies of this confederacy of republics. Agreeably to the recommendation of the Governor, a bill lias been introduced into the Senate for the call of a convention. As there appears to be a con stitutional majority of the nullification party in both brandies of the Legislature, the bill in question will be quickly carried through tlie usual formalities, and be come a law. I V- -1 .t. I it. ait i'- . The Athens Banner of October 19, contains the fol lowing interesting information: “ we understand, from a source entitled to some cre dit, that this misguided people have lately held another meeting for the purpose of taking into consideration the terms offered by the general government, for their remo val west of the Mississippi. On which occasion, it is stated, President Ross delivered a ’ cry aide and eloquent Message, in which he clearly cs ; s Vd the indepen dence and nationality of the Cherokee tribe; and that, in the event of the election of Heriry Clay, their nation would be respected as such. He opposed the policy of treating with the general government, at least until after the result of the Presidential election was known ; which sage advice was taken, and the counsel “ broke tip ” with out doing any thing.” NO It 111-CA tCOLi:> A. At a very large meeting of the citizens of Burke County, held on the 25th September, the following reso lutions were adopted, together with a very able and pa triotic address to the people of North-Carolina ; "■Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, that we cherish a sincere regard and veneration for the Union and Constitution of the U. Slates, and that we look up. on any attempt to destroy the one or violate the. other, at this time, with the utmost abhorrence. “ Resolved further. That we look upon the doctrine of Nullification, as lately promulgated in our sister state Somh-Carolin-i, as neither a constitutional nor peaceful re me but one v.aidi tends to a dissolution of the states, t :-.rchy and to civil war, and therefore wc highly die app- e the same. The Raleigh Register remarks upon this meeting— “Tlie proceedings of a large meeting lately held at Morganton, will be found in a prece ii ig page, at which Mr. Carson, the member of Congress from that district, appeared in support of the South Carolina doctrine; but he could carry none of his constituents with him. “ Meetings have also been held in Lincoln, Ruther lordton and Cabarrus Counties, in which great unanimi ty prevailed in condemning this revolutionary doctrine.” SMTtI-CABMJXA. COLLMBIA, October 22, 1832. THE GOVERRttirs 3JEBBA.GE. Tins day. his Excellency the Governor transmitted to both liTTtses pj the Legislature, the following MESSAGE, Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and House of Representatives: In convening you at an earlief,moment than the period nxed by fiie Cotistitution lor your usual meeting, I iiave cheerfully assumed whatever responsibility miv attach to this exercise ot my prerogative, under a belief that after oar genera! elections, you could not too soon be brought together, to deliberate on the best means of pro moting the interests of those, whose rights, whose lib er ies, and w hose public honor are confided to vour care. I should indeed have convoked your predecessors ! »aa«*«te!r after the adjournment of the last session of Congress, if I had not deemed it in every respect desir able that our people, in the exorcise ot one ol jhehigh cst functions of their sovereignty, exerted in. the chomc of*their Representatives, should in the first instance, have au opportunity ot passing judgment on the final re sult of the proceedings ol that session, which claims lo have fixed on a permanent basis, as far as it can be e{footed bv Federal legislation, the settled po rn.v ot the country. As the canvass, which preceded our recent elections, was conducted in almost exclusive and absorbing reference to the ultimate result ol tins legislation bv Congress, your selection may be ta.cn as the exponents of tins judgment. I cordially congratu late vou. and our state at large, not only on the and elevated decision which our people, by m.a.lible to kens, have thus made, but also on the cheering indica tions of our having already reached u unanimity.o. sen timent. nearlv as great as the inevitable diversity ot hu man opinions will permit, on a subject vitally affecting our dearest rights anti liberties. Thus convened micer circumstances of profound public anxiety, and intense public interest, you will, I am sure, come to mo c h rge of the trust which has devolved upon you, with an inflexible determination to perform its duties in an en ligiuened spirit of firmness and mode:ation, worthy ot life occasion and of those inestimable principles of con stitutional liberty, which it will be one ot the most ixn pressive of our obligations to preserve, and forever de fend. . . , it is known to you, fellow citizens, that the most anx ious hopes of the"good people of this state, were direct ed to the proceedings of the last Congress of the L nitad States. The necessity of providing for a large reduction of Federal taxation, consequent on the proximate extin guishment of a large public debt, the strong and. well founded complaints of a respectable and patriotic por. tion of the states in this confederacy, the solid grounds on which, as a matter of constitutional right, these com plaints rested, as well as our just claims to a reform not only in the abuses of the exercise of the power ot taxa tion on the part of the general government, but in the a buses of the appropriation of the public treasure after it is levied, inspired even those prone to.despond, in spite of inauspicious omens, with some faint expectation, that these great and alarming questions of political pow er, would be settled in a spirit of impartial justice and with a considerate regard to that amity and mutual conces sion, so essential to the preservation of a confederacy composed of co-equal and co-ordinate sovereigns. It is scarcely necessary that I should inform you in detail, what has been the final result of these delusive ly cherished expectations, lor you are in possession of an utiiority on this subject, infinitely more valuable than my own. Two thirds ol your Representatives and both of your Senators, after efforts on the floor ot Con gress of signal ability and disinterested patriotism, in which every species of conciliation was exerted, that a just and wise moderation could dictate, short ot sur rendering a principle essential to your constitutional li berty, have solemnly declared to the people of South- Carolina, in the lace of the world, “ That whatever hopes may have been indulged at the commencement of the session, that a returning sense of justice, on tiie part of the majority, would remove or materially miti gate the grievous load of oppression under which you have so long labored, and of which you have so justly complained, they are reluctantly constrained to declare that these fluttering hopes, too long deferred, and toe fondly cherished, have finally and forever vanished.” In proof of this disastrous consummation, they could not belter have relied on any testimony than that on which tli oy did rely, the Tariff act of 1832, which, by a perversion of every principle of common sense and common justice, has been i iried a compromise between the conflicting interests of the manufacturing and plan tation .States, on principles of equivalent benefit to both. It is unnecessary, gentlemen, that I should inform you, who are so well instructed upon the true grounds of the controversy, that this imputed compromise is destitute of every feature of that justice and equality that ought to characterize a measure bearing such an appellation. W e might well in advance have distrusted the compact for this adjustment, in which it was found expedient not . to consult, at any period of the negotiation, our sena tors and two thirds of our representatives, and which bore upon its face the signs of its being in some respects a subtle contrivance, to bend the pecuniary interests and constitutional liberties of the people, to a struggle fur the executive power ol the country. But apart irom those oxinnsic objections, the adjustment is intrinsically ; not a mutual, but an exclusive compromise of i.ll the . just claims and interests of the south. The Tariff Act of 1232 is, in point of fact, a law by which the consump tion of tlie manufacturing States is nearly relieved of all i sort of burden on those articles which they consume and do not produce, and under tire provisions ot which, they are secured a bounty on an average of more than ! fiity percent, on the productions of their industry, whilst it taxes our consumption to an equivalent amount, and tho exchangeable value of our products in a much more aggravated ratio. Tlie law bears the impress ol tlie le gislation of an independent sovereignty to a feeble and distant colony, and establishes the revolting discrimina tion that the labour of the south is less entitled to the paternal regard of this Government, than that ot a more favored section of tlie Union. The provisions of tlie Act are, moreover, at war with every acknowledged , principle of wise and beneficent taxation, which has c ver existed among any people on the face of the earth, having the shadow of a cl ini to civilization or a just knowledge of finance. Articles of luxury are selected ’ as the objects ot comparative exemption from all bur ■ den, whilst tiiose of necessity bear nearly the whole brunt of the imposts. Tlie great staples of the indus . try and consumption of man, which purchase seven tenths of our agricultural products, Iron, Cotton and woollen fabrics, salt and sugar, are burihened with a tax quite equivalent to an average of seventy-five per cent, on their prime cost, whilst the teas, the coffee, the . silks and the wines of the rich, which are principally ex changed for the productions of manufacturing or North ern labor, enjoy, as it regards these articles, a most un just discrimination in their favor. Operating thus hea vily on the exchangeable value of our products, the act provides fur nothing short of the monstrous injustice of levying, at least three fourths of the whole amount of the federal revenue, on the industry of the southern stites. Nor does the gross inequality of the law slop here. It effects, after all the sublie artifices of exug grration respecting a diminution of our burdens have been dispelled, a reduction, from tlie amount of duties levied under the act of 1828, as modified hy that of 1830, of three millions seven hundred thousand dollars on the ■ unprotected articles, and only the pitiful sum of some • where about eight hundred thousand dollars on tiie pro ; tected, (which purchase the staples of the south) ma king in ail a reduction of only lour millions and a half, instead of twelve, which last reduction was essential to the accomplishment of tlie desirable and highly conser vative object of bringing the revenue down to tlie stand, ard of the legitimate wants of the Government. As it is, nine millions of surplus revenue will, in all probabili ty, result from the imposts of this Act, over and above tiie necessary and constitutional expenses of the coun try, to be distributed by a majority irresponsible to us, in corrupt largesses or unconstitutional appropriations to those states which, without possessing an interest in the Tariff, are made to feel that they have an interest in high taxation, when by an unjust provision of the Go vernment, they receive more than they are made to pay. Repugnant as this Act thus is to every principle of justice, we cannot indulge even the humiliating consola. tion that designed as it was, in some respects, to subserve jhe periodical struggle for the Executive power of the country, it will be temporary in its duration, and will at last yield to that returning sense of justice so long pro mised, and whoso advent lias been so lung and so tardily postponed. No. We have the authentic and solemn declarations of both tho great dominant parties in the Union, who are now contending for its power, and who conjointly form an overwhelming m ijority, that the sys tem is as fixed as fate, excepuin those particulars that are yet to be modified more beneficially for their inter ests, as cupidity may be instructed by experience. That tlie system, if we think proper to submit to its injustice, is the fixed and settled policy of tlie country, so far as the majority can will it to be such, wc have much more solid reasons for believing, than even these declarations how ever authoritative. This belief is founded on the indis putable fact, that it is impossible for the wit or wisdom of man, to have contrived a scheme for raising the re venue of the country in a mode more essentially and ex clusively beneficial to their own interests. F«'r it is a process by which taxation operates correlatively as a bounty to their industry; and that whilst three-fourths of the public revenue is to be raised on articles in the pro (...aion or watch they enjoy a premium of more than n.ty por cent, ad tne articles necessary to perfection of tnotr arts amt manufacture?, and many essential to the accommodations and luxuries of life, are comparatively ur.taxed. It is not a cold abstract sense of justice, or what are insultingly called the metaphysics of constitu tional abeny, that will induce a people, rioting iq such a Inga and palmy state of prosperity, to surrender these advantages, it they can find four millions of consnme’-g wil.mg, to submit to their exactions, who happen to be tcruonally separated from them, and who exercise a species ot industry in no degree competing with, but on i.ue contrary subservien: and tributary to their own, We r. ! iri 'deed have read tne history of the world to very iit..e purpose if we cnerish so idle and senseless a con jecture. If the southern states had been subjugated provinces, and after a war of exhausting desolation, had surrendered at discretion under the sword, I ask what other oill "for the regulation of trade with the colo. nrrs our conquerors would have desired, hnt this very ■ tariff act of IB3V ? Os the ruin which this measure wu bring upon us, we urn not left to speculates. The of our decaying prosperity are around un. Informed as you are, genilamen, of all the details 0 - this act, 1 am couscious how unnecessary it is to p rcs ‘ this view of the subject, any further, but there i son consideration which cannot bs overlooked, and that i* the solemn and abiding conviction of the good people 0 f this state, that the right to pass a t.riff of protection i, not to bo found in t!ie constitution ol the United h’t ates that in the act ot 1c32 i!ie principle ot protectiem is tinctly and triumphantly recognised, anu tnat, neither express terms or by an authorized implication, docs an* such power exist in the compact ol Union. Tosubmit t 0 an infraction of the Constitution, involving the great riwt u of human industry and property, is to acquiesce in v u t umary servitude.’ To meet this vital truth, the l essoi .“ we have been taught by our ancestors contain an tnstruc tivc and salutary moral. He musl be ;i very ingenioua casuist, who can discover any difference in principle b>* tween taxation without representation, and taxation wip a nominal representation, but in violation of the tion. The result of both is, seizing and taking au a y money without legal right. But grievous asmayViha pecuniary loss arising from tnis \i rong, it is mere dust j the ba! ucc in comparison with the shock which the lie liberty of the country sustains, if the people, by a luxation of public "spirit through si )t!i, servility or coiT ardice, are prepared to submit to an inlraetionof th e ; r rights, for it overthrows, if I may so speak, th at [ O ,’ # and reverence for the authority ol the general s>ri:tcipi 6B of liberty, so essential to the preservation of the hmtit u . lions of tree states. lathis summary, fellow-citizens, I believe I 'hcveuu tcred not one word that does not meet a response i" the overwhelming public sentiment of our people. Alter ten years of suffering and remonstrance, we have a; length arrived at least at the end ot our hopes. Oar petitions and protests have slumbered in apathy and con. tempt on the journals of Congress. The Legisla ure of this State has, however, declared and reiterated, “ that a Tariff of Protection is not only unconstitutional, but at abuse of power incompatible with the principles of a free government and the great ends ol civil society," a;il i has avowed its purpose “ to expose and resist nl! e;;. crcachracnts on the true spirit of the Constitution.” y„ u have been elected by the people and charged by tliei r opinions to adopt means the best calculated to protect and defen 1 them from these encroachments; aaJ y 0„ are now convened by me for the purpose of maturely de liberating on the mode of accomplishing this desirable and hallowed object. Public sentiment lias already, bv unequivocal tokens, (let hired in favour of a Convention of f!ie people of South Carolina, for the purpose ofconsider. ing the character and estentof the usurpations of the gp. ncral government.—ln recommending that you promptly take measures to authorize the meeting of such an as. seinUiy, 1 feel, (notwithstanding my cordial concurrence in this measure,) that I am only responding to that sen. timent. As it was by an assembly of identical and equivalent authority, that our compact was formed under the Constitution with the co-States, when they agreed to establish a common agency called the General Govern, merit, so, on no tribunal can more appropriately devolve the high province of declaring the extent of our obligations under this compact, “and in case of a deliberate, pnlp. .able and dangerous exercise of powers, not granted by the said compact,” to determine “ on the mode and mea. sure of redress.” Indeed all our political systems have flowed from the mighty source of these great, prim.irv and elemental assemblies, which are nut the type but the essence of the sovereignty of the people; nor have they ever yet convened without subserving some eminent purpose of public liberty and social order. The judicious guards in our own State Constitution, by which the peo. pie have imposed restraints upon themselves, in the con. vocation of these bodies, by requiring the concurrence of two thirds of both branches of the Legislature, before a Convention can be called, not only effectually prevent tumultuary or revolutionary action, but ensure that una. nimby amnna the people so essential to the success of all great public movements. In earnestly recommending, fellow.citizens, that you make, forthwith, legisl itive provision for the assembling of such a convention, with all the despatch compatible with the public convenience, I cannot but look forward to the deliberations and final decision of this high and authoritative body, as the blessed means, not only, off. n.illy redressing our wrongs but of uniting our whole people in one common mode and purpose of resisting oppression, and in patriotic and fraternal bonds of con. cord.—When this assembly shall speik, its voice, next to the voice of God, must c immand our most perfect obedience. \V e owe no allegiance to tiny other power, except that which through a similar assemblage, South. Carolina has thought fir. to contract for us. and vvhi h in paying to the extent, and so long as she thinks proper that the obligition should continue, is but rendering our loyalty to her. I forbear bringing any other subject to your considers tion connected with the ordinary and current business of the Slate, as under the Constitution you must again convene on the 4th Monday of the ensuing month, i would respectfully suggest that with the view, ifpracti. c ibic, of procuring an assembly of the proposed Con. vention, at this place, prior to that period, you likewise abstain from the consideration of any other matter than the important topic and those necessarily incidental to it which I have brought to your view, as 1 deem it, for a variety of considerations on which it is unnecessary I should now dwell, in every respect desirable tb it our issue, with the General Government should be made be fore the meeting of Congrgss. In urging the expediency of calling a Convention of tho People, for the purposes I have indicated, I have forborne to make a single suggestion of what mayor may not, what ought or what ought not to be the reme dy this Assembly should ordain.—To a body so con stituted and so empowered, let the whole subject of our rights, an i our grievances bo confided, uninfluenced by any bias arising from the official expression of our opin ions.—Representing public sentiment, it cannot but or ganize and give force to the public will. In conclusion, fellow citizens, our cause is worthy of our highest, our most zealous and our most inflexible ef forts. It is for no object of ambition, no lust of power or avarice, that wc have assumed our present posture in relation to tho usurpations of the federal government, but it is to redeem the Constitution of our country from unhallowed violation, to m linlain its ascendency over the law making authority, to save this once cherished Union from a corruption and misrule, tiiat doom it to ir reversible disruption; to bring the government back to the salutary principles of a just and economical admin istration ; to restore to our own homes and the horn*-* of our fathers their wonted prosperity, hy the glorious effort of recovering for our country a privilege we have never surrendered, of exchanging in a period of pro. found peace the fruits of our labour, under a wise sys tem of free intercourse with the rest of the world; & privilege which, it has been justly said, belongs to the Christian Code among civilized nations. With these objects, and standing firmly on our right,—l implore the blessings of Almighty God on your deliberations, that they may redound to the liberty, peace and happiness of our common country as well as of the people whom you specially represent. J. HAMILTON, Jr- Columbia, October 22, 1332. MARTIN VAN BUSEN. In our paper of the 12th instant, wc published (he let ter of Judge Barbour, in reply to a letter addressed to him, in conformity to a resolution adopted at a political meeting held at Shocco Springs, North-Carolina, on the 2uth ot August, by the committee appointed to corres pond with Judge Barbour and Mr. Van Buren, O wasco, Cayuga, Co. Oct. 4, 1832. Gentlemen : Your letter of tho 25th Augwt found me at this place, i regret extremely that the delay in its reception, occasioned by my ab sence, has prevented an earlier attention to it contents. By the resolutions which you have boon ap pointed to communicate to me, I. am advised that those by whom they were adopted, desire to be in form? a oi my sentiments “ on tire subjec sos t ie Protective System and its proper adjustment, Internal Improvement, the Bunk of the United States, and Nullification.” The right of those you represent, to be in i formed of my opinions upon these interesting subjects, as derived from the position in which the fit for of my fellow.citizens has placed me, is undoubted ; and in cheerfully complying with their request, I have only to regret that the in convenience of the situation in which it find* me, consequent upon the hurry and confusion attending the further prosecution of my journey* and the importance, to she fulfilment of the ob jects of your constituents, of as liltle delay a 3 possible in the transmission of tho communica tion, preclude any thing like an elaborate dis cussion of the subjects under consideration, if indeed such a course would, under more favora ble circumstances, be desirable to you. The regret, however, which I might otherwise expo • nonce on this account, is relieved hv the hope,