The Georgia constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1832-184?, December 14, 1832, Image 2

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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. jjj* GMJtKU 4* BIvYCMu. j^TERMS—For die semi-weekly paper, published j every Tuesday and Friday morning, g 5 per annum j and for the weekly $3. all payable in advance. tT ADVERTISEMENTS are inserted weekly 'or CQ 1-2 cento per square ; semi-weekly 62 1-2 cents P>r the first, and 43 3-4 cents for each subsequent insertion, and monthly fotS 1, 00 per square for each insertion. For yearly advertisements private arrangements arc to be made. A deduction is made on the advertise ments of public officers. BT Postage must be paid on letters of business. GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. Impeachment of Shadrach liogan, the. Lottery Commissioner. IN SENATE, November ‘29. The following message was received Ironithe Hou»e of Representatives —Messrs. Glascock, Ryan, Burney and Hardeman delivering the same : Mr. President and Gentlemen of theSenatc : We are directed by the House ot Representa tives to impeach at the Bar of the Senate Shao rach Bogan, one of the Lottery Commissioners of the Land and Gold Lotteries of this State, ot malpractice in his office and of divers high crime* and misdemeanors, to wit : of the of fence of cheating and swindling, of forgery and of fraudulently making or being concerned in the fraudulently making a writing or writings with intent to defraud the good citizens of this State, or some portion thereof. And we do hereby, in the name of all the citi zens of tliis State, impeach the said Shadracb Bogan of malpractice in office, to wit : for the offence of cheating mid swindling, of forgery and of fraudulently making or L ing concerned iutlie fraudulvn.ly making of a writing or wri - ings with intent to defraud the good citizens of this State, or some portion thereof. And we do demand, in the name of the House of Representatives, and of all the citizens of this State, that the said Shadracb Bogan shall be sequestered from all offices and appointments, unless duly delivered by judgment of the Sen ate. And we are surlier directed to inlorm the Senate, that in due time their body shall be fur nished with articles of impeachment against flic said Shadracb Bogan, and to submit to their wis dom whether it might not be proper at this time to take into custody the body ot the said Shad rach Bogan, by virtue of a warrant to be issued by the President of the Senate, by the order or resolution of your honorable body. Read and referred to a select committee, con sisting of Messrs. Cobb, Chappell, and Henley : when Mr. Cobb, the Chairman, made instanter the following REPORT. Whereas the House of Representatives, by a committee appointed by that branch of the Le gislature, have notified the Senate, that they will prefer before the Senate articles of im peachment against Shadracb Bogan, one ot the Commissioners appointed for conducting thejire sent Lotteries, of high crimes and misdemean ors, and that said Shadracb Bogan may be forth coming to answer said charge : It is therefore Resolved , That the President of the Senate do issue bis warrant, directed to the Messenger of the Senate, and to all the civil officers of this State, to take in f o custody the body of said Shadracb Bogan, and him safely keep, that lie may be forthcoming to answer said charges, when so preferred. Resolved Further, That the rules observed upon the trial of John Loving, Samel Jackson, and Fleming F. Adrian, so far as they are ap plicable, be and they are hereby adopted for the government of the Court of Impeachment, in the case of the said Shadracb Bogan. Agreed to. Whereupon, the lion, the President of the Senate did issue, and deliver his warrant to the Messenger of the Senate, in the words following : “ The Hon. Thomas Stocks, President ot the Senate of the State of Georgia, in General As sembly met, To Gustav us A. Parker, gentleman, Messenger of the Senate, and to all the civil officers of said State, Greeting : Whereas the Senate by message from the House of Representatives, received the Ist day of December, instant, have been informed in the following words, to wit : (Here follows the communication of the House a* precedently published.) And whereas the Senate has resolved that the President do issue his warrant against the said Shadracb Bogan, on the information contained in said message : These are therefore, in the name of the State of Georgia, to command you, the said Gustavus A. Parker, to take into custody the hotly of the said Shadracb Bogan, and cause him forthwith to appear before the Senate of the State afore said, to answer such charges ns have been, and shall be exhibited against him by the Hon. the House of Representatives, and further to be dealt with according to law and justice, and a bide by any further order of the Senate there on, until he shall be duly delivered from said charges by judgment of the Senate—and for your, and each of your so doing, this shall he to you, or either of you, sufficient authority. Herein fail not. THOMAS STOCKS, P. S. Attest—lverson L. Harris, Sec. Senate. Mr. Echols of Walton, laid upon the table a resolution, requesting and authorizing the Go vernor to sequester and suspend from office Shadracb Bogan, until he shall have answered to the several charges preferred against him by the House of Representatives. The Senate then adjourned to 4 o’clock, P, M. 4 O’clock, P. M. The Senate met pursuant to adjournment. The Messenger appeared at the Bar of the Senate—-announced the execution of the Presi dent’s warrant against Shadracb Bogan, and returned the same to the Secretary, with the fol- i lowing statement in writing thereon : “ December Ist, 1532. I have arrested the body of the within named Shadrach Bogan, and have him before the bon. orable the Sena’e ofthe State of Georgia. G. A. PARKER, Messenger.” The President then stated to the Senate, that a communication had been received !rom Suad r«ch Bogan, and ordered the same to be read, which is as follows ; M Shadrach Bogan, now in the custody of the Messenger of the Senate, demands the right ot , appearing by Counsel in his defence. SHADRACH BOGAN. December Ist, 1632.” On motion ot Mr. Wood of Mc*ntosh, perniis- i sion to appear by counsel was granted said Bo- ' gan, and \V m, L Hansel 1, Esq. appeared as that counsel. On motion ofMr, Henley, it was then ordered . that Shadrach Bog as be recognized in a bond of \ •5000. with two securities each in a bond of f On i notion of Mr, Henley, it was then ordered that Shadrach Bogaa fee recognized in a bond of •S<WO. with two securities each in a bond of ©ISOO, to appear and attend at the bar of the I Senate from day today, until the said charges * of the House of Representatives shall be duly considered and decided. Mr. Dunagan laid upon the table n preamble and resolution for the regulation and continuance i of the drawing of the Land and Gold Lotteries, ; during flie suspension ol Shadrach Bogan. The Senate then adjourned until 10 o’clock, Monday morning. To the People of Georgia. FelJoic-Citizens. —The undersigned have been appointed a Committee, by the Convention which lias just temporarily closed its sittings, “ to prepare an address to the people of Geor gia, illustrating the objects and proceedings of that body.” In the discharge of this duty, we desire res pectfully, but earnestly, to commune with you, on questions of deep and solemn import, inti mntcly connected with the peace ami prosperity of our common country, and necessarily there fore interesting to every citizen of Georgia. Tim crisis at which we have arrived is one of awakening interest. No man can be insensible to the dangers which beset us. No patriot can be mdiffi-rent to the consequences which may flow from them. A portion of the people of this great confederated republic, respectable lor their numbers, and equally distinguished by their intelligence, and their devoted attachment to the principles of civil liberty, complain ot the sys tematic and persevering oppression to which they are subjected hv their brethren. A sys tem of taxation has been adopted by the fede ral Government wirii the distinctly avowed ob ject of protecting domcs’ic manufactures. Its character inav be thus briefly described : It la visbes bounties upon one class of our people, which are ex orted from another, and a differ ent por ion of the same people. It denies to the American citizen the right of regulating his own industry according to the dictates of his own judgment., a right which is equally essen'i al to individual and to national prosperity. It forbids to the planter of the South, the right of selecting his own market, and makes him tribu tary to the manufacturer of the North for the necessaries of life. It docs this by an usurpa tion of the power to create and uphold domes tic manufactures within the States, a power which is not conferred upon the Federal Govern merit by the Constitution, but which was ex press’v refused bv the Convention of States, which framed it, and by the* gross and palpable perversion of the constitutional power to lay and collect duties for the legitimate purposes of the Government. Against this sys’ematic and continued oppression, the people ot Georgia have for a series of years rtmons'rated as well in primary assemblies ot our citizens, as thro’ the medium of the constituted authorities ofthe State. These remonstrances ha\ e been disregarded. The solemn protest of the Le gislature of Georgia, deposited in the archives of the Senate of the United States, in perpetual testimony of the determination of this people not to submit to these oppressions, was almost unheeded in the moment of its presentation,and uttcrlv forgott« nor disregarded in that which - ' V. followed it. In this alarming condi'ion of our affairs, n great majority* of our citizens, assembled in their respective counties, had resolved to meet in ge neral convention for the purpose of considering the evils under which we labor, and of devising tilt l most proper and efficient mode of redress. Delegate s from sixty counties accordingly as sembled at this place on Monday the 12-b ol No vember instant, and having exhibited their ere clen’ials, proceeded to enter upon the duty as signed to them. At an advanced period ol the session, after having participated in its organi zation, and shared in all its preceding delibera tions, a por ion of the delegates, some of whom had been appointed to, and had served on, the general comnii t e, which was raised to consider what objects ought to engage the attention of the Convention, and what would be the most proper means to effect the same, who had shar ed in the labors of that committee, and had ex pressed their assent in substance and with some verbal alterations to the principles contained in the report which was subsequently adopted by the Convention, thought proper to retire from their seats, and to present tlirir reasons in the form of a protest, which they have given to the public. Thirtv-seven counties, containing as it is believed a majority of the representative po pulation of Georgia, continued to be represent, ed in Convention after this secession. The de legates who remained, not deterred by that se cession from the discharge of the duty which they owed to their constituents, proceeded to consider the report of their Committee, and have concurred with great unanimity in recommend ing to the consideration of the people of Geor gia, the resolutions which appear in their Jour nal. We propose to speak briefly of the charac ter of those resolutions, and to suggest to you some of the consequences which may result from their adoption. They announce certain principles which are believed to be at the foun dation of our Government, flowing naturally and necessarily, from the relation of the States, and the confederacy—from the limited grant of power to the General Government, and the broad reservation of rights to the s’ates. Pro ceeding to apply these principles to the several acts of Congress laying duties on imports, they declare those acts to be unconstitutional, une qual and unjust—and conclude by suggesting the means by which the evils under which yve labor mav most probably be relieved. Ihe clu ty prescribed by the Convention to this Commit tee will therefore have been performed, when we shall consider very briefly— First. The principles announced by the re solutions. Secondly. The evils cf which we com plain. Thirdly. The remedy sugges'ed, and the pro- | liable consequences which will result from its a- | doption. Os these principles, it may with great truth be said, that up to the present moment, it has no been doubted that they express on the subject to which they relate, the political creed ol an over whelming majority ofthe people of Georgia.— They have been repeatedly declared by every de- | partment of our Government, Legislative, Execu- | live and Judiciary, and now, when for purposes which remain to be discovered, it has beendeemed I proper to resistthe proposal to submit them toyou, : for your deli berate consideration, the chief, nay, the only objection to them in . subs nnce is, that they have been too repea’edlv announced airea dy, to render the repetition of them ebher ne- | cessarv or proper. The ansyver to the objec tion is simple, and it is believed to be entirely sa- I ; tisfactory. That which is true in itself, is not the less so, because it has been told before. If; the occasion for uttering it be a proper one, it is not weakened by having received the assent of ; those who have gone before us. But there is a j I peculiar propriety in declaring'these principles j new, and in the manner w hich is reposed. 1 We have arrived ui a criris in our public ai fairs, in which it becomes necessary to look carefully to the fundamental principles of our Government. We uhege that these have been violated by Federal legislation. The principles put forth in the resolutions, relate to this state of things. Thev profess to speak the will of the people on the subjects to which they refer. Who can so properly' decide that question as the people themselves ? If the different depart ments of our s ate government have mistaken the popular will in this regard, it is peculiarly proper that the error should he corrected, and that it should he corrected now. On the other hand, if they have rightly understood it, the so lemn ratification of these principles by tiie peo . pie, wili nerve the arm of their functionaries in their efforts to obtain relief from the grievances I under which we labor. r I hereafter we can no i longer be represented to our Northern Breth | ren as a divided people. Bot what are those principles, which although i they are admitted to he true, it is considered j unsafe, or improper to announce ? They may . be briefly stated thus; —The people ot tlie State of Georgia, as one ol the States ol this confede racy, have conferred upon the General Govern meat certain defined powers, and no othkrs. If that Government abuses the trust reposed in I it ; bv exercising powers which have not been 1 granted, or bv perverting those which have been granted, to purposes winch arc not au horised , by the Constitution, their ac s ought not to be binding upon ihe several States. i lie federal GoverniiK nt cannot have the right to decide upon their own us • or abuse of the ] owers con ferred, because that would be to destroy the cons i utionai limitation aliogether, and would I leave us entirely at the discretion ol Congress. ! There is no arbiter provided by tiie Consti u ion ! of ihe I lined Stages <o judge ot’ this ma ter, and i because there is not each state in virtue ot its ; soveifigntv must necessarily exercise this right. 1 In what manner it shall be exercised these nso i In.ions do not declare, leaving thatques ion to ; be examined, first, by the Convention of the .! Swuthern rilates, whose opinion will be com municated to the Convention ofihis State, and by whom it will be ultimately referred to the final dec.sion of the people of Georgia themselves. | .May we not confidently enquire, if any possible danger can be apprehended from this source ! 'i UK I.VILS Ol WUICH WE COMi'LAIN, tUC iIIOSC which result from tiie several acts ot Congress imposing duties on iiupor s. ’ton yourselves are aware, that these are not the only grounds | of complaint w hich the people ol Georgia may j properly urge against the General Govern- I ment. Our present enquiries are however iim | iied to them. By the provisions ol the tariff act of 1832, a principle of taxation is affirmed, which impose# burdens on ar ides of necissary consumption, while those of luxury, and those materials used in manufacturing, such as dye-stufis, &c. are with a few unimportant exceptions, declared to be free of duly. The effect ot this unwarrant able discrimination is 10 exempt unprotected articles entirely 7 from taxation, and to throw all the burden upon the protected articles, such as iron, sal:, sugar, woollen and cot.on fabrics, Cvc. These arc articles of necessary consumption at the South, the duties imposed upon which, in many ins ances amount loan en.ire prohibition. 'I he spirit which characterized tiie majority in Congress m the adop.ion of this odious act, cannot perhaps be better illustrated than the re jection by the majority in the Senate, of all pro positions’ tending to the reduction of the dull g to the wants of the government —or limbing those imposed to a cer.ain definite amount. A distinguished Senator from the South, during the discussion of the act of 1832, in ihe Senate, submitted to that body four distinct propositions. The first was an amendment to Mr. Clays’ reso lution, by which amendment it was proposed “ to bring down the duties gradually to the reve nue standard, adjusting them on the protected and unprottc’cd articles, on principles ot perfect equably.” This proposition, fair and equitable iu its terms, in every respect reasonable in its operation, was treated by the majority, “ as a scheme to destroy rnanufactnrers, and as pledg ing Congress to an ultimate abandonment ol the protecting svs'em, which it was declared had become the settled policy of the country.” Im mediate reduction was termed “ sudden destruc tion to the manufacturers,” gradual reduction was called “ slow poison.” The proposition was rejected. To the clause in the bill imposing a duty oflG cents a yard upon flannels, the same distinguish ed Senator, proposed to add a proviso, “that the duty should in no case exceed fifty ver cent.” The duty of 16 cents a yard on coarse flannels used by the poor, would he equal to 160 per cent, while on the finest of that article it would amount only to 32 per cent ! yet this proviso was rejected. The reason alleged for tiiis re jection was that “ 50 per cent, would not be an adequate protection to the domestic manufactur er of flannels. Another proposition was made “to strike out the minimums on cottons.” Tiiis was also rejected ; and this “ fraudulent device” was retained in the acts by r which an article costing 5 cents, is to be deemed to have cos; 30 cents and to pay a duty as having ac tuaily cost 30 cents. This was done too, in the face of a distinct admission of the friends of the manufacturers of the coarse cottons, that they did not at present require protection. But the majority in the plenitude of their power, thought it would be wise “ to keep the fences up by which foreign competition would be excluded.” The fourth and last proposition made by the sou:hern senator, was dial a clause should be added at the end of the act declaring “that the duties imposed by IT, SHOULD IN NO case exceed 100 per cent yet this proposi. j tion shared the same fate of all the previous ones— it was rejected. Yes, a majority in the Senate, secure of their power, calculating on | the decep ive features of the act, and relying ! upon a want of unanimity among the Southern people, for the final triumph of the protective | svstem, rejected a provi>o, which would have : limited the maximum of duties to 100 per cent. ; People of Georgia! the rejection of these pro- I positions speak a language not to be mistaken —the direct tendency of which is to enslave | vou—to render you tributary to the North. This conduct of the majority evince but too 1 clearly a determination to maintain the protec tive principle inviolate, regardless of the cos:, and reckless of the consequences. The character of the act of 1632, is distinctly marked. 1 s diminished credits, i s requisition of cash payments, its increase of the value of the pound sterling, its discriminating duties, will show, that the burdens imposed upon you aie decidedly increased, yet you are told that this act is a concession —“ an effort to moderate the burdens of the Sou h,” that like the trouble dove it comes with the olive branch, to give you • future security. The treacherous kiss of Jud as is not more deceptive—A concession, with i the odious principle of protection retained as the ! permanent pohey -of the government ! j is no concession ; its object is rather to lull you 1 Into a fa*se security. The arm' raised *o ' crush your liberties, the blow is only suspended for a season, until the present excitement is hushed into careless i..differences, then it will fall with such concentrated, such accumulated power, that you will feel all its force ; but the oppressor will then be secure from resistance. Whoever lias marked the course of Congress upon this subject, cannot have failed to perceive, that all hope from that source for relief from the operation of this odious, oppressive, and un constitutional act, is at an end ; and the lion now to be propounded to the freemen ol Georgia is, will you submit to be plundered by unconstitutional exactions; or will you resist the unlawful exercise of undelegated power ! In the solution of this ques ion, let it be remcm be red, that a people, united in any given pur pose, seldom experience defeat, while diversity m sentiment or division in action, as seldom meet with success. But it is not only of the unequal and oppres sive operation of the protective system upon our pecuniary inteiests, by the force ot w hich we are compelled to pay taxes which are not required for the purposes of revenue, and to contribute from our ow n hard and scanty earnings a boun ty to the manufacturers of the north —it is not merely the amount of dollars and cents which it extorts from us, of which we complain. It is that the power, w hich is here exercised, res s up on a principle which may he used to the utter annihilation of all our ngh.s. That principle may be, and in some instances has been, pushed to ihe extent of prohibition. It assumes the right then utterly to annihilate the foreign com merceof the Lmied States, and rims to leave is unreservedly at the mercy ol .he nor.hern manu facturer. it assumes the right to raise a reve nue not limited by the legitimate wan s ot the govuriiineii , bin one which may minister to its pa nonage, bv being employed in schenus ol in ternal improvement, in winch we can never beneficially participate. Finally, it claims the startling preroga ive ol doing wda ever in the discretion of Congress may conduce to the com mon defence and general wellaic. tins is the principle on w inch the protective sys tin is last ed bv ti.e r« [ ort of ihe committee ol manutac- Uirts of the (Senate at the last session ol Con gress. it it can be maintained, all the hmnu tions of the federal const! ution are scattered to the w inds, all i s safeguards destroyed, all i s de fences broken down. Our rights, ol whatever description, wili thereafter be beta not under the protection of our own laws, but at tae discre tion of die national legisla. ure. One species ol our property, which is rendered indispensable to us by our climate, our habits, and even by the nature ol our compact widi the o her s ates will be rendered insecure, it the fanaticism ol the abolitionist shall receive the countenance ol Congress. Such arc some of the evils of the system of which we complain. It remains to stale, \er> briefly, the remedy suggested,, and some OF THE CONSEQUENCES WHICH W ILL PROBABLY RESULT FROM ITS ADOPTION. It is proposed, it these resolutions shall meet your sanction, to take counsel with such ol our Sister Slates, as have a common imerest in tiiis matter, leaving to the delegates w ho may be elected, to settle, by correspondence among themselves, the lime and place of their assemblage. It was believed to be desirable to have a full meeting of all the South ern States in the proposed Convention, and that widi this view it was important not to fix the time of convening. ou w ill see that this course is free from the objection which was urged against it: namely, that of precipitancy. ’J he Conven tion supposed that this meetingot delegates from the Southern States might take place in June next, and to be in readiness to receive the report of the delegates from this State, it that should be the case, have adjourned to meet in July next but should the Southern Convention not have convened at that time, our own can be re-assem blcd either by the same or any other delegates to be elected by the people at such time as may be necessary. Great pains have been taken to disseminate the idea, that the other States will not. meet us in Convention, with the exccptionof South Carolina, and that the effect of tins mpa sure will be to wed our fortunes to those () f our Sister State, and to put these two States alone in opposition to all the others. Ibe answer to this suggestion is obvious, and we commend p to your attention —such a result cannot h.U’l’en without your own consent. W hatevor m done in the Convention of States, is first to be submitted to the Convention of this St a t e , and then to yourselves for your approval or re jection. While it is not possible therefore that any evil can result from this measure, because you yourselves retain a check upon the whole procedure, much benefit may and probably will flow from it. It is not to be believed that our Sister States, who have a like interest in this matter with ourselves, will refuse to meet us in Convention, and the moral force of their united counsels cannot but be salutary. It is impossi bie to suppose that rashness can characterize the deliberations of a Convention of the whole Southern States —and he must, we think, very much underrate the moral force of their united counsels, who can believe that a deliberate and solemn appeal from them to our brethren of the manufacturing States, can he made in vain— meantime an opportunity will be offered for calm and deliberate reflection. The questions which now agitate us, will have passed from the hands ot’politicians to those of the people. The crisis wifi have gone by—our northern brethren may awaken io a sense of the dangers which will re sult from a perseverance in the system of which we complain. We shall not have labored in vain for the preservation of the peace and harmony of the I nion, and with the full fruition of those rights of which we have been deprived, we shall enjoy the added gratification of having success fully vindicated our constitutional char er. Such, foliow-ci izens, have been the views of the Conven inn, by whom we have been deputed to address you on this occasion. We believe that the times in which we live are pregnant with dangers, which menace the Union. We ear nestly desir to preserve it in .all i soriginal puri ty. Wes ill look :o it as the ark of our safety, & will not yet “ despair ofthe Republic.” These expectations may be frustrated by divisions a mong ourselves, or by the refusal of our Sister States to make common cause with us in this struggle. Even in this event we shall have the consolation of having used our best efforts for the preservation of the precious inheri ance which we have received from our fathers. But we are not without hope that all will yet bo well, for our confidence is in Him, in whose hands are the des inies of communities as well as individuals, who watched over ns in the infancy ofour po. !ideal existence, and has mercifully conducted * J us to our present elevated rank among the na tions of the card). JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN, A. S. CLAYTON, ROBERT AUG’S. BEALL, Jr. WILLIAM H. TORRANCE, CHARLES P. GORDON, Committee. Milledgevilie, Nov. 21, 1832. Friday, deceuijck i i, is 32. - -■■ -■■- 1 ■ ELECTOR AL. COLLEGES. Election of President and Vice President of the United States on Wednesday, the sth of December, 1832. GEORIA, 11 votes, for Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. SOUTII-CAROLINA, 11 votes, for John Floyd, of ’ Virgininia, and Henry Lee, of Boston. NORTH-CARO LINA, 15 votes, for Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Burc-n. VIRGINIA, 23 votes, for Andrew Jackson and Mar tin Van Buren. GEORGIA CON VENTION. We publish to-day the address prepared by the com mittee appointed by the Convention which temporarily closed its sittings on the 17 th of last month. We pub lish it without a word of comment, for the simple and substantial reason, that it admits of none. BANK OF DARIEN. The Board of Directors have declared a dividend of oi pp]* edit, on the capital stock paid in, for the last six months. DARIEN RANK. The Georgian of the 11th inst. informs us, that it was understood the Directors of this institution had decided upon establishing a Branch in the city ol Savannah, and had appointed Messrs. Ralph King, R. L. Taylor, John Balfour, William Duncan, & W. W. Gordon, Directors. CHARLESTON. Wc call the attention of the Georgia reader, to the remarks of the Charleston Courier upon the commercifd situation of that city, which will be found under our commercial head. “\EW BiiiDGE.” The hill for the erection of anew bridge across the Savannah River, passed the House of Represent i tives of Georgia, by 66 votes against 60. Oa a motion of Mr. Glascock, previously made, to lay the bill on the table for the balance of the session, the \ e s were 53, Nays 82, the three representatives ot Richmond voting among the yeas. The next day, on motion of .Mr. Da vies, the house agreed to reconsider the vole ot the day preceding on the p issage o! the hill, yeas 82, nays Go. FROM Mlt IMX EV.EI E I EC. 12. The senate proceeded this day with the unfinished business of yesterday, the resolutions from the House of Representatives, presented to that body by Mr. Ry an. The debate was continued by Messrs. Wood, Chap pel, Nishet, Baxter, an 1 Towfis. At about 1 o’clock, the question was taken on adopting a substitute offered by Mr. Ch.ippel, and decided by yeas and nays, yeas 28, nays 48. Mr. Harlow then offered a substitu:e tor the lust resolution of the House, which'was rejected by the same vote as the substitute offered by Mr. Chappel. The question was then put on the adoption of the origin al resolutions, as sent from the House of Representa tives, and decided in the affirmative, yeas 48, nays 28. Those who voted in the affirmative are Messrs. Bar nard, Baxter, Beall, Blackstone, Brown, Burch, Car gile, Clayton, Cleveland, Cobb, Cochran, Cone, Duna gan, Echols of Coweta, Echols of " alton, Faris, Free man, Fulwood, Graham Green, Groves, Hall, Henderson, Henley. Hines, Howard, McDuugald, Mealing,Muncrief, Posey, Pryor, Rogers, t filers, Sherrard, Shorter, Sin gleton, Smith of Early, Smith of s uniter, Smith of Twiggs, Starr, Temples, Tennille, Towns, Willis, W il cox, Wood of Heard, Wood of Mclntosh, and Wofford. Those who voted in the negative are Messrs. Avery, Baker, Boykin, Bryan, Chappel, Collier, Eckley, Gres ham, Harlow, Hudson, King, Knight, Lucas, Mcßae, Mitchell, Neel, Nishet, Newman, Olivet, Ragan, Scud dcr, Sheffield, Stapleton, Surrency, Turner, Waldhauer, W est. and Williams. In the House, the resolutions presented by Mr. Tur ner, for the call of a federal convention, were adopted, yeas 91, nays 50. [We shall publish the above proceedings in our next more in detail.] THE MESSAGE. This interesting state paper will not meet with the same reception in every section of the Union, though the abili ty with which it is written, the plainness and clearness with which the different interests of the country arc re viewed, and the patriotism which pervades the whole* will have to be acknowledged. The iriends of monopo lies and of the “American System,” will bestow their censure upon it, because the President recommends a policy adverse to partial, selfish and contracted legisla tion. The friends of favoured manufactures and restric tions will condemn it, because the President recommends a policy by which all the states can derive an equal share of the bounties and benefits, which the federal constitu tion lias placed in the power of the Genera! Government to bestow, and because he declares himself an advocate of the system of free trade with all nations. The friends of extravagant appropriations fur the support ot a splen did government, will accuse the President of exhibiting in his message, contracted views, because he recom mends simplicity and economy in the administration of the Government, and because he recommends the mea sure of drawing from the people’s purses, whether by in direct or direct taxation, no more than is absolutely ne cessary to carry on the operations of the Government. The friends of a consolidated government, and those who would like to see the states curtailed of their most es sential rights and powers, will not fail to abuse the Pre sident, because he declares that the Union can be pre served, and the liberties we enjoy maintained, but by the federal and state governments keeping themselves with in their respective spheres, without permitting those eccentric motions on the part of the one or the other, which have lately disturbed the regular operations of both, to take place, and destroy the harmony which is so necessary to their existence, and confining themselves to the exercise of those powers which have been expressly delegated to the former by the constitution, and those powers which have been solemnly retained by the states when they confederated. To those several classes of the community, which may be dissatisfied with the message, may be added the Nullifiers of South-Carolina, who, though their organ in Charleston has said already that he was well pleased with it, will find no grounds for congratulation. We mean that they expected a war message from the Pre sident against the nullifiers, and the recommendation of measures more favourable to the tariff states than to the - outh ; because in such a case, it would have been some excuse to them for the course they intend to pur sue, and for the electoral votes they have given; fori! the President had condemned the nullifiers in language unbecoming the first magistrate of the Union, and had expressed principles ot an opposite character to those principles of public policy which alone can insure the peace and happiness of the people, and promote the prosperity of every section of the country, those nullifi ers would have been gratified at such a departure from this wise and prudent course on the part of General Jackson, and they would have found in his conduct some ground for the vindication of the extraordinary and reprehensible measures they intend to adopt. So that the Message will be censured by men of eve. ry complexion, whose interests and views are as dis. cordant as they are in reality at variance with sound po litical principles, and with the invariable policy Jeffer son and Madison pursued while administering the exe cutive department of the government. By whom then will the Message be acceptable, admir ed, and considered as emanating from a pure and disin terested patriot ? By eight tenths of the whole popu lation of the United tales, with the best and most dis tinguished men of the country at their head ; by those most true to republican principles ; by these who want to see the federal government exorcise only those ers expressly granted to it in the federal who are opposed to monopolies, whether in the " of manufacturing or banking establishments— W ho'^ 0 '^ firm and consistent supporters of the rights ot a* states—who have never been the advocates 0 f a ' ' tective tariff and a system of internal improvemen^ 1 ) 0 the federal government —who are not for takin v people’s money from their pockets, to give it to &f, * capitalists and monopolists—who are not for i r i *319102 more revenue than necessary tor the expenses of t government, and then appropriate the surplus rov to purposes not warranted by the constitution to poses which inevitably lead to the corruption of th morals of the people, by exhibiting before them the V lurements of office and power, and by formint* a s • " for intrigue and political management, in which most expert will stand the best chance of obtaining of ces with fat salaries. By men of the description • stated, will the message be received with heartfel- sure ; by such men will the President be hailed « •:' pride and his name pronounced withlovo and revere-- We shall have to return to this message veryjsi 10r .j THE PRESIDENT AND .SOFTH-CA -tOLly The Charleston Mercury speaks of the P-.- i ‘' message in these terms : “It is a document wli ;c |, fleets high honour on the Executive. Its doctrines the relative powers of the Federal and State Govern ments. are-genuine Carolina Doctrines—anditrecom mends such an arrangement of the Tariff ns would sa-- fy the S ut’i. On the subject of Sonth-Carolina X u ! cation, it will be seen that the President will disappoffit those who hoped that he would precipitate a crisis bv rash measures. He makes no recommendation n n ,(, subject—and gives it to he understood that sh QU ] ( i , t hereafter be pressed upon his attention, he will leave inc responsibility upon Congress.” We are glad to perceive the temper in which this mu sage has been received by the milliners in Charles'- We were fearful that it would have met another recop- - on reading what the President s iys of the transactions n ,S. Carolina, and on recurring to the 2 1 section of the att of February 28. 1795, for calling forth the militia to fXe . cute the lawsof the Union, &«•. & the Ist section of the ar of March 3. 1807. It appears to us that the President mast have written that part of his message, with this 21 seefar before his eyes, there is such a coincidence in theexpres sions employed in both. We give them to the reader withou any other comment. Extract from the Message. “ It is my painful duty to state, that, in one quarter of the United St ates, opposition to (he revenue laws has ri sen to a height which threatens to thwart their ej-ecution if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. Whatever obstructions maybe thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the general government, it is hoped they will be able, peaceably, to overcome them bv the pru. deuce of their own officers , and the patriotism of the pro. pie. Bm should this reasonable reliance on the mode, ration and good sense of all portions of our fellow-nn. zens, he disappointed, it is believed that the laws thorn, selves are fully adequate to the suppression of such at. tempts ns may be immediately made. .Should the exi. gency arise, rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable, from any cause whatever, prompt notice of it will he given to Congress, with the sugges. tions of such views and measures as may be deemed ne. cessury to meet it.” Act of February 23, 1795, 2 J section. “Whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in nn v state, by combinations 100 power ful to he suppressed by the or. dinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the mill, tia of such state; or of any other state or states, as may he necessary to suppress such combinations, and localise the laws to he duly executed; and the use of militia solo he called forth, may be continued if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days alter the commencement of the then session of Congress.” Act of March 3, 1807, Ist section. “In all cases of insurrection, or obstruction to the laws, either of the United States, or of any individual state or territory, where it is lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia for the purpose of repprossing such insurrection, or of causing the laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ, for the same purposes, such part of the land and naval force of the United States as shall be judged necessary, having first observed all the prerequisites of the law m that respect.” Gold Lottery. Fortunate Drawers. Capts. Dist. No. Dist. Sec. PUR HE. Alton Pemberton, Bryants 1137 19 2 Wesley W. Reese, Petersons 952 14 1 Elizabeth Rolings, wid. Pans 113 18 2 Jno. Applewhite, 70th 401 4 3 COLUMBIA. David H. Hobbs, Adams 14 1 2 Robert T. Allen, Harris 300 21 3 Ann Y. Marshall, wid. Walkers 15 18 2 Alexander Brown, Culhreaths 567 4 3 JEFFERSON. Ann Austin, wid. Gunns 362 20 3 Abner Pope, Hannahs 306 11 Bryant Moore, Carswells 384 16 4 Joseph Price, Lamps 264 IB 3 Thomas McKi gney. Youngs 850 18 3 RICHMOND. George Jackson, 120th 1044 18 3 Jacob Morse, 3981 h 212 14 1 John Tant, 600th 1150 14 1 Mary Cumba, wid. 121st 820 14 1 Thompson Bell, 123 d C2G 14 1 WARREN. Tlicophilus Howell, Newsoms 145 2 1 John H. Roberts, Stewarts 199 14 1 Christopher C. Lewis, Stewarts 605 5 I Land Lottery. COLUMBIA. ' John Sutherland’s orphs. Walkers 314 13 3 JEFFERSON. Arthur C. Foil, Alexanders 185 4 4 Willis C. Whigham, Flemings 165 22 3 WARREN. Mary Edmonson, wid. Lynns 90 12 3 FORi:iG-\ INTELLIGENCE. We are indebted to the Charleston Courier, for the folowing summary of late European news. By the ship Martha, Capt. Ensterby, we lia vo our regular files of London papers and Shipping L sts to the 26. h, and Liverpool papers of unlay,27ih Oct. inclusive. Hostilities had not yet commenced between Holland & Belgium—but the s roni probability of this event, had completely checked all specu lative proceedings in England. There had been some hard fighting between the armies and na vies of Don Miguel and on Pedro —fie particular of which occupy a ‘" r r° space in our latest papers. The desire to cn.G the service of Don Pedro, is sta ed to he so great amongst the voting men in England, t >•'- one hundred were enrolled in London m a single hour, on the 21th October. . . Gen. Vives, late Governor of Havana in time of the Cot t< s and for some time since, one or two more Constitutionalis s, are anion.- tiie appointments in the new Spanish A company has been formed at Havre, 0 es ablishing a regular communication by straw boats he: ween that port and Hamburgh, bywliic. it is calculated that Havre will be enabled to con cent rate there the principal commercial I: “ n ’ sac iot.s of France with the Nor h ol Eiiiop' Charles Phinney, Esq. late Mayor ol P£ l S was upon his trial before the Court ol Bench, at Westminster Hall, for neglec ot during the riots which occurred in that city 1 * The Liverpool Advertiser of the 27th Octh° copying some paragraphs relating to the exet ment which prevails in this sec'ion ot ;he n .- on, says—’’They display the an agitation of the opposing interest ot States, which, at no very distant day. probably result in a total rupture of the t 010