Chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Geo.) 1838-1838, April 26, 1838, Image 1

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■ william E. JONES. AUGUSTA, GEO., THURSDAY MORNING APRIL 36, 1838. ITri-wvekly.]-V«l. 11.-No 30. ■ Published ■ DAILY, TRI WEEKLY AND WEEKLY, ■ At JVo. Broad Street. H Terms. —Daily paper, Ten Dollars per annum H| advanee. Tri-weekly paper, at Six Dollars in ■dvance orseven at tlioend of the year. Weekly Hiper, three dollars in advance, or four at tbo end Hr the year. ■ chronicle and sentinel. I AIfttUSTA. I Wednesday Morniii);, April 25. R We omitted in our Monday’s paper, the pro- Hertime to have done so, to notice the reception Hn Saturday last, by the Augusta Artillery Kuards, of the two pieces of brass Cannon,* tho Arrival of which at Hamburg, wo noticed incur Saturday's paper. K On Saturday evening the Artillery Guards pa- armed and equipped as Infantry, arid under .'(|ic command ofCapt. Gould marched across the |®ver to the Depot of the Carolina Rail Road. ISlhero the Cannon had already been fixed upon Hfeeir carriages, and four splendid gray horses at- BHhed to each piece. The company having |Hen sub-divided into four sections, with one of fHe Cannon between the first and second and '■Bo other between tbs third and fourth, tho flag Hhd its guard in the centre, marched back, again the Georgia side, where 13 guns were fired in honor of the occas’on. The pieces were then es | corted up Broad street as far as Kollock, thence idown Ellis street to the parade ground of the pßuards, where the Company was discharged, jy|nrl a detachment left in the charge of the guns to Acurt them to the Engine House. They are perfectly new pieces, handsomely ,5-land substantially mounted and equipjied, and we (•trust will long continue lobe the pride of the Blßorps to which they belong, and an ornament to j*our city. Bank Dividend. m By a notice published in this day’s paper, it ■Will be seen that the Bank of tho State of Georgia, Has declared a dividend of four dollars per share ■n the Capital Stock of that Institution, for the Hast six months. ■ CtscrNSATi axd CnAui.ESTOx Rail Road.— ■The company having complied with the requisi- Bion of tho charter, the Governor of Tennessee, H(says the Cincinnati Evening Post,) has subscii fced for six hundred and forty thousand dollars ■of the slock in conformity to law. Tho instal lment is fully paid up at Knoxville, and the stock Sat a premium. From Mexico, via Pensacola. We learn, from the Pensacola Gazette of Sa» lurday last, the! the U. S. ship Natchez has ar rived there from Vera Cruz. The Natchez "arri. ved at Vera Cruz the same day on which the Yandalia sailed. The French squadron consis ting of one frigate arid'five brigs of war, were then lying at Sncrificio. Four of the brigs sailed two or three days afler. The French minister was on board the frigatp, corresponding with the “Supreme Government,” and had given the Mexi can* until tho 15th of the present month to de v,ido dnon ail’d 1 pay die indemnity demanded by the French, which has bow been reduced by them to about sBoo,bob.—This sum it was supposed' tho Mexican Government would pay, but >it Was rumored and generally believed -tHo govern nment would at once pass a law banishing all French subjects from the republic. In ibis way,, by means of confiscations, <kc. it was supposed the sum required would be raised. h -■ - Capt. Paine, of the ship Hull, at Boston, from .Cadiz 14th ultimo, reports thafihree fourths of all the Salt at Cadiz, was destroyed by gales ol wind and incessant rain, which continued from January Ist to March Ist. He was pointed to -places where piles of 500 lasts of salt had been washed away and not a bushel left. The juice had risen 75 centi per ia»! inconsequence. The trial of Mr. Dunham, late Cashier et I Lafayette Bank at Boston, for perjury, has resul ted in a verdict of guilty. Tho hard currency folks in Michigan, deter, mined not to give up the idea of a metallic basis, have established a bank with six boxes of Col. fin*’ cast steel axes in the vaults, on which to discoant. So say their newspapers. Mobile.—Tho Examiner of Wednesday pays:—“The market on Monday was rather qui • ,el —1000 bales however changed hands—mostly i at a decline on the prices of the former putt of i [last week, of ia J cts. per lb. Yesterday the | market was exceedingly dullt—and a small bush ! ness done—at tales ranging SJ al3 cents. We have heard of but few sales transpiring yester day—with but little, if any on prises of the last of last week. The steamboat Cotton Plant, Captain Walker, was, we arc informed, snagged on Tuesday last', (17th) about 60 miles below Hawkinsville. Her cargo was composed of cotton, of which about 100 bales will probably bo damaged. The boat* has since been got off and will be sa ved, A steamboat has been sent from Darien to take her cargo off.— Sav. Georgian. [From the ('harle.ston Mercury.] The closing of the new bridge at Augusta, to all but the proprietors, by an injuuction from the 4(Jourt of Errors of this State, having excited much interest there and in the adjoining portion o'l South Carolina, the following history of ihe mat ter, which I believe is substantially correct, will doubtless be interesting to many of your readers, On the 28th April, 1787, certain commission ers appointed by the States of South Carolina and Georgia, lor the purpose of settling some conflicting claims of territory and jurisdiction, ratified what is known as the Convention ol tßeaufort. By the second article, the navigation of the most northern stream of the Savannah River, is declared to be thenceforth equally free to the citizens of both States, and exempt from alldu- V * * cgiiiSiMTjtcaiLua & aißnqqisKßiLa ties, tolls, hindrance, interruption and molesta- ■ lion whatsoever, attempted to be enforced by one | Slate on the citizens of another. I On the 1 Till of December, 1813, the Slate of , South Carolina granted to Henry Shultz and Lewis Cooper, for 21 years, the exclusive privi lege of building and keeping up a bridge over the Savannah River opposite Augusta, between Campbclton and the Sand liar Ferry, and prohi biting any other persons from keeping a bridge, during that period, within the above limits, ex cept tor their own use. On the Oth of'November, 1814, the State of Georgia granted to John M’Kinne and Henry Shultz, for 20 years, the exclusive privilege of keeping their bridge opposite Augusta, and pro hibiting any other persons during that period, from keeping a bridge over said river within four miles of the one vested in the persons named in the said Act. On the I filh December, 1815, the State of Geor gia charioted the Dank of the State of Georgia, the 7th and 10th fundamental rules of which cor poration, would seem to prohibit it hum holding or dealing in such a thirfg as a mcuopoly from another Stale. On the I'Jth December, 1827, the Legislature of South Carolina enacted that no grant “of a bridge, tony or turnpike road, shall prevent the Legislature from making further grants of ferries, bridges or turnpike roads, within any distance of the same, whenever the convenience ol the com. munity may require such further grants.” On the 13th ol Dec. 1833, the Legislature ot South Carolina granted to the President and Directors of the Dank of the Slate of Georgia, their successors and assignees, an extension for fourteen years from the expiration of the former charier, of the exclusive privilege originally gran ted in 1813 to Messrs. Shultz and Cooper. On the 23d of Dec. 1830, the Legislature of Georgia granted a charter for the said bridge, to the Dank of the State of Georgia, for ten years from the termination of the former charter in 1834, expressly providing that nothing contain ed in the act, should bo so construed as to giant any exclusive privtligos to the hank of the State of Georgia, or prevent the Legislature from char tering any other bridge at or near Augusta thereafter. , the 22dl)eccmber, 1834, the Legislature of Georgia granted to certain persons named in tHe act, and their associates, the right and 'privL lege of building a bridge across the Savannah Ri ver, at or near the northern end of M’KiimeoStreet ot Mill-street in the City of Augusta, and of col lecting the tolls as could he lawfully de manded at the lower bridge. In May, 1836, a company was formed, and the woik of building the new bridge commenced un der the charter from Georgia, tho land on both sides of the river which was necessary for the bridge and road having been surrendered to the Company by the owners, who were parties to the 1 enterprize. In September, 1835, the Bank of tho state of Georgia having filed a bill in equity in South Carolina against those engaged in the work, serv ed on them a notice that the Bank would in six days nfierwards apply to Chancellor Dafaussure/ at his Chambers in Columbia, for an injunction to stay their proceedings in building said bridge. The application was made, and after full argu ment the Chancellor decided that the plaintiff was not entitled to an injunction. In January, 1836, the same parties were again r served, with a notice that application would be | made oil the fourth Monday in that month, fuJ the Chancellor picsiding at Edgefield, for an in junction in the same oa-e. Owing to the ab sence of counsel, or some other cause, the appli cation was not mode. In April, 1836, the same parties were again served with a notice that an application would he made to one of the Chancellois in Charleston, on the oth or May ensuing, for an injuction in the same case. The case was argued before Chancellor Johnston, who also decided that tho planitift was not entitled to an injunction. After these concurring derisions by two inde pendent Chancellors, in the selection of whom those engaged in the enterprise had no voice, the work was pushed forward with vigor, in the confident belief that no further serious impedi ments could he raised to obstruct it. This case was, however, carried to the Court of Errors of South Carolina, by which the de cree of the Circi't Court was roveiscd in De cember, 1838, and the defendants were restrain ed from keeping or employing their bridge for'; public use. Chancellors Johnston and Harper, and Justices Evans, Earle and Butler, having been in favor of the injunction to this extent,and Chancellor Johnston, and Justices Gantt, Rich-f ardson and O’Niall, against it. Chancellor Dcsaussure had resigned his office. Previous t» the decision application was made to the Legislature of South Carolina, for a char ter for the new bridge, on tho terms of tho Act of 1827, above referred to, hut the request was I refl'sed, TtiC bridge tvas closed to all hut the proprie tors or the iiß.h of last! month, and many per sons on belli sides of tii3 river as? compelled to go several miles farther to cross the river ! ia >* would be necessary if the new bridge vVPs open to them. Deaths in New York —The Now York City inspector, reports the death of 130 per sons during the week ending on Saturday the I4:ih of April 1838—viz. 28 men, 18 women, 30 boys, 24 girls. Mr. WEBSTER'S’ SPEECH— Concluded. But now, sir, what is the principle of construc tion upon which the gentleman relies to sustain his doctrine! “The genius of our Constitution,” he says, ‘‘is opposed to the assumption of power.” This is undoubtedly true: no one can deny it. But he adds, “whatever power it gives, is ex pressly granted.” But I think, sir, tfris by no means follows from the first proposition, and cannot be maintained. It is doubtless true that HO power is to be ass urn , eel; but then powers may he inferred, or necessa , rily implied. It is not a question of assumption, ' it is a question of fair, just, and reasonable infen t en.ee. To hold that ho power is "ranted and no means authorized, but such as are granted or au “ thorized by express words, would be to establish a doctrine that would put an end to llva Govern e ment. It could not last through a singfw session of Congiess. If such opinions had prevailed in the beginning, it never could have been pul in motion, and would not have drawn its first breath, 0 My friend near me, from Delaware, has gone \o e fully and so ably into this part of tho subject, h that it has become qcite unnecessary for me to pursue it. Where tho Constitution confers on Congress a general power, or imposes a general II duly, all other powers necessary lor tho exercise , of that general power, and for fulfilling that duty, are implied, so far as there is no prohibition. W e a act every day upon this principle, and couM not e carry on the Government without its aid. Under the power to coin money, wo build expensive ,p mints —fill them with officers—punish such offi cers for embezzlement—buy bullion —and exet -0 cise various other acts of power. R Tho Constitution -ays that tho judicial c power ol tho Untied States shall be vested in certain courts. Under this general authority we not only establish such courts, but protect their records by penalties against forgery, and the purity of their Administration by punish ing perjuries. The department of the Post Office is an other, and signal instance of the extent and necessity of implied powers. The whole au thority of Congress over this subject is ex pressed in very few words; they arc merely “to establish post offices and post roads.”— Under I Ins short and general grant, laws of Congress have been extended to a great vari. cty of very important enactments, without the specific grunt of any power whatever, as any one may see who will look over the post of fice laws. In these laws, among other provis ions penalties are enacted against a gieat number of offences ; thus deducing the highest exercise of criminal jurisdiction, by reusona alcand necessary inference, from the general authority. But 1 Forbear from traversing a field already so fully explored. There are one or two other remarks, sir, in the gentleman’s speech, which I must noleiH tirely omit to notice. In speaking ol'the beneficial effects of.tliis measure, one, he says, would be, that Vihu, weight of the banks would be taken Irsm the side of the lax-consumers, where it has been from the commencement of the Government mid placed on the side of the taxpayers. — This great division of the community ncces arily grows out ot the fiscal acticu of tho sovernment. Sir, 1 utterly deny that there is the least foundation in fact for this distinction. It is an odious distinction, calculated to inspire envy and hatred; and being as I think, weoliy groundless, its suggestion, and the endeavor to maintain it, ought to be resisted and re pelled. We are all tax-payers in the United Slates, who use articles on which imposts arc laid; and who is there that is excused from this tax, or does not pay his proper part of it, according to his consumption'. l Ueitainly no one. On tl.o other hand, who are the tax-consu mers ? Clearly the Army, the Navy, the la borers on public works, and other persons in Government employment. But even those are not idle consumers ; they are agents of the Government and of the People. Pension ers may be considered as persons who enjoy benefit from the public taxes ot the country without rendering present service in return; but the legal provision for them stands on the ground iff fO'-uous merits, which none deny: If we had a vast national debt, the annual in terest of which was a charge upon the coun try, the holders of this, debt plight be consid ered as tax-consumers. But we have no such debt. It the distinction, therefore, winch the gentleman states, exists anywhere, most certainly it does not exist here. And I can not but exceedingly regret that sentiments and opinions should bo expressed here, hav ' ing so little foundation, nnd yet as well cal culated to spread prejudice and dislike, far and wide, against the Government and insti tutions of the country. But, sir: 1 have extended these remarks al ready to a length for which I find no juslifica r tiou but in my profound conviction of the im portance of this crisis in our national affairs. - VVc arc, as it seems to me, about to rush mad ly from our proper spheres. We are to relin quish tho performance of our own incumbent duties; to aboiulon the exercise of essential powers, confided by the Constitution to our hands, far the good of the country. This was my opinion in Heptember— :t is my opinion now. What we propose to do, and what we, omit to do, are, in my judgment, likely to make a fearful, perhaps a fatal, inroad upon the unity of the commerce between these iStates, as well 4 as to embarrasd and harass lliCf employments! of the People, and to prolong existing evils. Sir, whatever we may think of it now, the Constitution had its immediate origin in the conviction of the necessity for this uniformity or identity, in commercial regulations. The whole history ofllio country, of every year and every month, from the close ot tin? war of the Revolution to 1789, proves (his ■ Over whatever other in crests it was made to extend, and whatever others blessings it now does, or hereafter may, confer on the millions of free citizens who do or shall Jive under its ■ protection; even though, in time to come, it should raise a pyramid of power and gran-, dour, whose apex should look down on the, loftiest political structures of oilier nations and other ages, it will yet be true that it was itself tho child of passing commercial neces sity. Unity and identity of commerce among all the States was its seminal principle. It had been found absolutely impossible to ex cite or foster enterprise in trade under tho in fluence of discordant and jarring State regula-! lions. The country was losing all the ad vantages of its position. The Revolution itself was beginning to he regarded as a doubt ful ujeall'ng. The ocean before us was a bar ren waste! No American canvass whitened its bosom—no keeis of ol, rs uu ohed its wa ters. The journals of tho Cuhgrcas °f the Confederation show the most constant, un ceasing, unwearied, but always unsuccessful appeals to the States and the People, to re novate the system, to infuse into that Confe deration at once a spirit of union and a spi, rit of activity, by conferring on Congress the power over trade. B/nothing but the per . ception of its indispensable necessity—by no thing but their consciousness of suffering from its want, were tho States and the People brought, and brought by slow degrees, to in vest this power, in a permanent and compe tent Government. Sir, hearken to the fervent language of the old Congress, in July, 1785, in a letter addres sed to the Stales, prepared by Mr. Monroe,, Mr. King, and other great names, now trans ferred from the lists of Jiving men, to .the re cords which carry down the tame of the dis- • tinguished dead. The proposition before them, the great objects to which they so soli-, eilonsly endeavored to draw the attention of i the Slates, was this, viz. that “the United Stales, in Congress assembled, should have the solo and exclusive right of regulating the trade of the Slates, us well with foreign na tions as with each other.” This, they say, is urged upon the States by every consideration of local as well as of federal policy; and they bcsteech them to agree to it, it they wish to promote the strength of the Union, and to connect it by the strongest ties of interest and I affection. This was in July, 1785. In die same spirit, and for the same end, , : was that most important resolution which was adopted in the House of Delegates of Virgin- i ' ia, on the '2lst day of the following January. j Sir, I read the resolution entire. “Resolved, That Edmund Randolph, and 1 1 others, be appointed commissioners, who, or ' anv five of whom, shall meet such commission. ers as may be appointed by the other States in the Union, at a time and place to be agreed on, to lake into consideration the trade of the United States ; to examine the relative situa tions and trade of the said Stales; to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial regulation* may be necessary to their com mun interest and their permanent hartpony, and to repott to the several Stales such an act relative to this great object, as, when unani mously ratified by litem, will enable the Uni ted States, ip Congress assembled, effectually to provide for the same ; that the said commis sioners shall immediately transmit to the sev eral Stales copies of the preceding resolution with a circular letter requesting their concur rence therein, and proposing a time and place for the meeting aforesaid.” Here, sir, let us pause. Let us linger at the waters of this original fountain. Let us contemplate this, the first step, in that series of proceedings, so full of great events to us and to the world. Notwithstanding the em barra-sment and distress of the country, the recommendation of the old Congress Had not been complied with. Kvcry attempt to bring the State Legislatures into any harmony of ac tion, or any pursuit of a cotnmon object, had signally and disastrously failed. The exigen cy of the case called for a new movement ; for a more direct and powerful attempt to bring the good sense atid patriotism of the country into action upon the crisis. A solemn assem bly was therefore proposed—a general con vention of delegates from all the States. And now, sir, what was the exigency ? What was this crisis ? Look at the resolution itself; there is not an idea in it but trade. Com merce ! commerce ! is the beginning and end of it. The subject to be considered and ex amined was “the relative situation of the trade of the Stales;” and the object to be obtained was the “establishment, of a uniform syslom in their commercial regulations as necessary to the common interest and their permanent har mony.” This is all. And, sir, by the adop tion of this ever-memorable resolution, the House of Delegates of Virginia, on the 21st day of January, 1786. performed the first act in th i train ol measures which resulted in that Constitution, under the authority of which you now sit in that chair, ami I have now the hon or of addressing the members of this body. Mr. President, lam a Northern man. I am attached to one of the States of the North, by the lies of birth and parentage, education, and the associations of early life; and by ftincci'S t;rat ilndc for proofs of public confidence early bestow., ed. lam bound to another Northern State by by “dqniinn. by long residence, by all the cords of social and domestic life; and by an attachment and regard, springing fron her manifestation of approbation and favor, which grapple roc to her with hooks of steel. And yet, sir, with the same sincerity of respect, the same deep gratitude, the same reverence, and hearty good-will, with which 1 would pay a similar tribute to either ol these States, dot here acknowledgV.tbe Commonwealth of Virginia to be entitled to the honor of com mencing the work of establishing this Conslilu ' t10ii.... The honor is hors; let her enjoy it; let her fotever wear it proudly; there is not a brighter jewel in the liarp. that adorns seer brow. Let this • resolution stand, illustrating Iher records, and . blazoning her name through all lime! The meeting, sir,proposed by the resolution, • was holder;. It took place, as nllicnow, in Anna polis, in May o( the same year; but it was thinly attended, and its members, very wisely, adopted measures to bring about a fuller and more gener al convention. Their letter to the States on this occasion is full of instruction. It shows their’ sense of the unfortunate condition of tl e coun try. In their meditations on the subject, they saw the extent to which the commercial power ' must necessarily extend. The sagacity of New Jersey had led her, in agreeing to the original proposition of Virginia, to enlarge the object of the appointment of commissioners, so os to era s brace not only commercial regulations, .but other important matters. This suggestion the com missioners adopted, because they thought, as they inform us, “that the power of regulating trade is of such comprehensive extent, ami will enter so far into the general system of the Feder al Government, that to give It efficacy, and to obviate questions and doubts concerning its > precise nature and limits, might require a corres pondent adjustment of other parts of the Fed eral system.’ Here you see, sir, that other pow ers, such as are now io the Constitution, were ex pected to branch out of the necessary commercial power; and, therefore, the letter of the commis sioners concludes with recommending a general convention “to lake into consideration the whole situation of tlio United -States, and to devise such further provisions as should appear necessary to render the Constitution of tiro Federal Govern ment adequate to the exigencies of file Union '' The result of that convention was the present Constitution. And yet, in the midst of all this flood of light, respecting its original objects and purposes, and with all the adequate poyveis which it confers, wo abandon the commerce of the coun ■ try, wc betrayals interests, wo turn ourselves away from its most crying necessities. Sir, it will be a fact, stamped in deep and dark ijrips up on our annals, it will be a truth, which in all time can never be denied or evaded, that if this Con stitution shall not, now and hereafter, be so ad ministered as to maintain a uniform system in all matters of trade; if it shall not protect and regulate the commerce of tho country, in all its great interests, in its foreign intercourse, in its domestic intercourse, in its navigation, in its ‘ currency, in cv,-r; thing which belongs le | the whole idea of commerce, either asaf, eni '; ar ! j agent, or an instrument, then that Constitution j will have failed, utterly failed to accomplish tho j precise, distinct, original object, in which it had j 1 its being. j In matters of trade, we were no longer to bo | Georgians, Virginians, Pennsylvanians, or Mas- [ skchusctls men. Wc were to have but one com merce, anil that the commerce of the United] States. There were not to be separate flags, wa. ] ving over separate commercial systems. There j was to be one flag, the r. piutunus use*; and toward that was to be that rally of united inter- ■ ests and affections, which our fathers had so eat- | neslly invoked. Mr. President, this unity 6f commercial regu- j lalion is, in my opinion, indispensable to the safe- • ty of the union of the States themselves. In peace it Is its strongest tie. I cure not, sir, on r what side, nr in which of its branches, it may be * attacked. Every successful attack upon it, made | anywhere, weakens the whole, qnVl renders the next assault easier and more dangerous. Any denial of its just power is an attack npon it. We ! attack it, most fiercely attack it, whenever wc say we will not exercise the powers which it enjoins. I If the Court had yielded to the pretensions of re I spectable States upon tho sulject of steam navi- 1 gallon, and to the retaliatory proceedings of other 1 ; States, if retreat and excuse, and disavowal ol ! i power hed been prevailing sentiments then, in 1 what condition, at this moment, let me ask, would 1 the steam navigation of the country bo found! I ! To us, sir, to us, his countrymen, to us, who feel 1 ■ so much admiration for his genius, and so much ’ gratitude fur his services, Fulton would have lived i almost in vain. State grants and Slate etclu- , S sions would have covered o'd all out waters. Sir, it is in Ihe nature of such things, that the first violation, 01 the first departure from true prir.o - ciples, draws more important violations or depar tures after it; and the first surrender of just au- Ihority will ho followed hy others more to bo dc- , plored. It commerce boa unit, to break it in one part, is to decree its ultimate dismemberment in all. If there bo made a first chasm, though it be small, through that the whole wild ocean will pour in. and wo may then throw up embank ments in vaip. Sir, the spirit of union is particularly liable to temptation and seduction, in moments of peace and prosperity. In war, this spirit is strength ened Hy a sepse of common danger, and by a thousand recollections of ancient clforts and an cient glory in a common cause. In the calms ol a long peace, and the absence of all apparent causes of alarm, things near gain an ascendency over things remote. Local interests and feelings overshadow national sentiments. Our alien lion, our regard,and our attachment, are every moment solicited to what touches us closest, isud wo feel less and less the attraction of a distant j orb. Such tendencies, wo uro bound by true pa triotism, and by our love of union, to resist.— | 1 lus is our duly; ar)d the moment, in my judg ment, lias arrived when that duly is summoned to action. We hoar every day, sentiments and arguments, which would becomo a mooting of ' envoys, employed by separate Governments, mole than they become the common Legislature ot > united country. Constant appeals arc made to local interests, to geographical distinc tions, and to the police and the pride of particui !ar States. It would sometimes appear that it was, or as it it were,a settled puipoie to convince the people that our union is nothing but a jum ble of different and discordant interests, which must, ere long, ho all returned to Ihetr original , slate of separate existence; as if, therefore, it was of any great value while it should last, and was not likely to last long, 'l'he process of disintegra-, (iop begins,by urging the fact of different interests. Sir, is not the end obvious, to which all this leads us] Who does not see that, if convictions of this kind take possession of the public mind, our Union can hereafter ho nothing, while it re mains, hut a connexion without harmony; n band without affection; a theatre for the angry contests yfJocal feeling?, local objects, and local jealousies! then while it continues to exist, in mime, it may, by these means, become nothing but the mere form of a united Government, My children, and the children of those who sit around me, may meet, perhaps in this Chamber, in the next generation; but it tendencies now but 100 obvious, be not checked, they will meet as stran gers and aliens. They will feel no sense of common interest or common country; they will cherish no common object of patriotic love. If the same Sayon language shall fall'from their' lips.it may be the chief proof that they belong tC same nalion. Its vital principle exhausted and gone, its power of doing good terminated, now produclivc only of strife and contention, am) no longer sustained hy a sense of common interest, the Union itself must ultimately fall,: dishonored and unlamcntcd. The honorable member from Carolina himself, habitually indulges in charges of usurpation and oppression ogainst the Government of his cuuit-i try. He daily denounces its important ineusuics, in the language in which our revolutionary fa thers spoke of the oppressions of ihe mother. ■ country. Wot merely against Executive usur pation, either real or supposed, docs he utter these sentiments, hut ogulnxt laws of Congress,' laws passed by large majorities, laws sanctioned, for a course of years, by the people. Those . )i|,ws he proclaims, every hour, (o be a series of acts of oppression, lie speaks of them as if it' were an admitted fact, that such is their true, character. This is the language which ho ut ters, these thesontiments lie expresses, to the ri sing generation around Win. Are they senti ments and language which are likely to inspire our children with the love of uniop, to enltirgo their patriotism, or to leach them, ami to make them led, that their destiny has made litem com' mon citizens of one great and glorious republic! i A principal object,in bis lute political movements, ’ the gentleman himself tells us, was to unite the entire South-, and against whom, or against what, does be wish to unite the entire South ]— Is not this the very essence rtf local feeling and local regard! Is it not the ncknowlegnicnt ofa wish and object, to create political strength, by .uniting opinions geographically' While the gentleman thus wishes to uiijto Iho entire South, I pray to know, sir, if he expects mo to turn toward thcpoJar star, and, acting on the same principle, toutier a cry of Rally ! to the whole Worth! Heaven forbid ! To the day of my death, neither ho nor others shall hear such a cry from me. Finally, Iho honorable member declares that licohn.ll now march off. under the banner of State 1 Rights! March off from whom! March oil from what] Wehnve been contending lor great principles. Wo have been struggling to main tain the liberty and to restore the prosperity of the country: wo have made these struggles here, in the national councils, with the old flag, the true American flag, the Eagle, and the Stars and Strips*, waving over the Chamber in which we sit. Ho now tells us, however, that he mar-' dies off under the State Rights banner ! Let him go. 1 remain. I am, where I ever have been, nod ever mean to be. Hare, standing, on the platform of the general Constitution—a f platform, broad enough, and firm enough, to up. hold every interest of the whole country—l shall still he found. Intrusted with some part in the < administration of that Constitution, I intend to set in i's snirii, «mi in tho spirit „f ,h o sn who 1 irameu i l * Ves sir, I ’vpidd ac( aa if ogr father*, f who formed it for us, and who bequeathed it Id v us, were looking on us—as if I could see their venerable forms, bending down to behold us, from Ihe abodes above. I would act, too, sir, as if that long lino of posterity were also viewing us, whoso eye is hereafter to scrutinize our conduct 1 Standing thus, as in the full gaze of our am ; cestors, and our posterity, having received this , inheritance from the former, to be transmitted to the latter,and feeling, that if lam burn for any good, in my day and generation, it is for the good of the whole country, no local policy, or local fee ling, no temporary impulse, shall induce me to yield my foothold on tho Constitution and the Citron. I move o/f, under no banner, not known to the whole American People, nflil to their Con stitution and laws. Wo, sir, tticsfc walls, these columns 1 “fly Frorf. their firm Base aa noon aa I." 1 J eame into public life, sir, in the service of \ the United States. On that broad altar, rny ear- i licst, and all my public vows, have bom made. I ' propose to servo no other master. So far as dc. 1 pends on any agency of mine, they shall contin ue United State:; united in interest and in aflec ' lion; united in every thing in regard to which ( the Constitution lias decreed their union; united I in war, for the common defence, the common re- i nown, and the common glory; and united, com. ' pacled, knit firmly together in peace,for the com mon prosperity and happiness of ourselves and our children. The Detroit Pont epeake of a man in that fily, 1 who is so ugly that ho is obliged to wake up at ' night to rest his face. BANK REPORTS. Commercial Bank. MACON, April 3, IS3B, To his Excellency Gkohsk K. Gilmer, Governor of Georgia ; Sir:—ln obedience to ihu requirement of law, I herewith transmit a semiannual report of this Hank, to llic 2d insl., inclusive. vVvy respectfully, NATHAN C. MUNTvOE, President. Report of the condition of the Commercial Hunk of Macon, on Monday, the 2 it of .Ipril, 1838. , Da. i a Capital slock 310000 Surplus fund 13900 Profits since 12th February last 5948 47 Notes of this Hank in ciiculation 20856 G Dividends unpaid gg•> Amount duo to other banks 31585 68 individual depositors 45952 52 *616534 H 4 •' . , C». By notes running to maturity, and all , considered good 222194 60 Notes running to matnAty land, con sidered doubtful 3002 83 Notes past due,and considered good 2500 Notes past duo in suit 2080 —230077 43 Hills of exchange running to matu rity, and all con sidered good 174951 68 Hills of exchange past due, and all considered good 8000 Hills of exchange past due and in suit, and doubt' ful '6OOO — 187951 68 Assets in hand* of agents at Co. I limbus '6215 Hanking house and lot 8505 87 Amount of protest account 19 25 Incidental expenses since 12th Feb. lust 301 89 Salaries paid 625 Specie on hand 60007 36 Notes of other batiks 29586 Amount at credit of this bank in Now Vork, 2140 01 Charleston 5173 39 Savannah 79708 ijil other places 6723 64 -162939 52 *616534 84 ■ ~ MBT OF KTOCkIIOLUKIIM, WITH Till NU.MIIKH OF 811 ATIKH OWN til, AND TIIK AMOUNT PAID , TIIKUEON. Stockholders. Shares. Per Share. .1 mount, Thomas Napier 850 *B6 50 *73525 N C Monroe, as trustee for C , D Uird 12 93 75 1125 Samuel Griswold 10 75 750 Thomas Taylor 800 75 ’6OOOO William Cooke 50 75 3750 David Flanders 50 75 3750 Robert W Fort 50 75 ;)750 Anthony Dyer 300 75 .22500 Leroy Napier 528 75 39600 Hugh Craft to 75 3750 William U Parker 50 75 3750 .1 L Moultrie 100 7$ 7500 T T Napier 100 75 7500 Nat bin C Monroe 300 75 22500 Thomas W Haxter 100 75 7500 Skelton Napier 400 75 30000 A II Flewellen 100 75 Churchill Gibson 50 75 3760 B II Moultrie 100 75 7500 4000 *3lOOOO Leonora, thhb County: —Before me, Nallin rjiel LIli», a public Notary, for the .couijly pfore said, personally appeared Nullum C Mmiroe, President, and O H C>.rhar(, Cashier, of 'the Commercial Hank st Macon, .who being duly sworn, say that the coridilinr) of the said Bank, and list ol its stockholders hereunto annexed, is correct to the byst ol their knowledge and belief —errors in books only accepted. ,A C M UNROE, President. Gil CARH ART, Cashier. Sworn and subscribed before me, this 3d dsr of April. 1838. NA 1 H ANIEL DLLS, Notary Public. V6n.iT/:Rrisc. NKW ORLEANS MARKET, APRIL 18. Cotton Louisiana ami Mississippi: choice 114 to J 24; prime Illy lU:fa, r 10 a 104'; middling Hi a 81 ? inferior 7 n 71 ecnti per lb.-Limited demand, ieimesseoan! North Ab»bami,sa 10 cents Sugar. Puma 4a 5 cents; inferior 00 a 00; Urea quantities arriving; no sales white 121 a 13; brown BaBl cent* per VoWs -On plantation, pergaJl£2 a 23; in the distant " J ' E* VBO sales; plantation according to CINCINNATI, APRIL ] 1 Flour — He quote sales 487a 85 00; iHir demand. Whir key —Sales yesterday at 21c. Sales have hem made during the week at 25c. /'rm'irinnt continue as last reported. 7'hereisn fair demand (or /.aril at 61; Bacon, hog round,6 a 61; bbl Fork, moss, 13 50 a $l4; prime, SlO. -»—'">•—**--• 1— | ■■■ mil I FINE WATCHES AND JEWELRY. f|3riE subscriber has just received an invoice ol A fine Cold Lovers ol the latisi stile dr best rpiaii'- ly, such as single and double circle indopen lent sh oos Uver Wotchos, with Irom 10 to 25Jewels; Ix.n don Duplex and anchor escapment Lovers; gold and silver lupine and Vertical WATCHES} also an assortment of Rich Jewelry, Silver Simons" <src. JOHN If MURPHY F S. Watches and Clocks carefully repaired ml warranted. ao;3tw2m mar 3 CELLING OUT AT COST—The undsr signo I being dosi o is ol closing his business, will dispose of Ins present stock ol Hoots and Sin as at cost mr cnsh J. H. ROBERTSON, april 3 swOw 230 Broad st. OTICE.—AII persons indebted to tbu estate Is of llcorgq (». Bass, late of Burks county, de ceased, ate requested to make payment, and thoia having demands are requested to render tb cm in ac cordin'/ v* law, K. 'V. BASS, .Idnr’f. spril It