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THE UNION.
BY J. CLARKE S If'Vf YZE.
OFFICIAL PAPER OF TIIE C. S.
OFFICIAL PAPER OF TIIE STATE OF GEORGIA.
MACON, GA., JANUARY 29, 1869.
THE SITUATION.
.We take great pride in being able to
present the following communication to
onr readers. It is from one of- the first
minds in the State, as every one wlio
reads it will admit. It completely tears
away the foundation upon which such in
stitutions as the Telegraph rest their argu
ments. That it may be brought more
prominently before our readers, we give
it a place in our editorial column :
Macon, Ga., January 21, 1869.
Mit. Editor I ask a small space in
your columns to recall the attention of the
Editor of the Macon daily Telegraph to
a point made jn an editorial of his under
the head of “Nelson Tift,” on the morn
ing of the 19th.
In his prefatory remarks introducing
a telegram from Mr. Tift to E. G. Cabaniss
and others, may be found this sentence:
“The important result to be accomplished
is to preserve, if possible, the substantial
control of our political affairs in the
hands of the white citizens of Georgia.”
This sentence, when ' rightly considered,
exposes to the public view the real cause
of all the political difficulties we of the
South have had to encounter since the
close of the war. In order to rightly
consider this sentence, it must be anal
yzed and sifted a little. Who are the
“white citizens of Georgia?” They are
of # two classes, but mostly of the class
that Were once secessionists, and render
ed themselves very obnoxious to the loy
al sentiment of the country by an attempt,
by force of arms, to overthrow the Gov
ernment. The lovers of the Union had
to go through all the trials and hardships
of "-.four years’ war, to preserve it against
their attacks. When they had the oppor
tunity, they fought the Government
with all their might, and only ceased to
fight it when they were “overpowered.”
But all the “white citizens of Georgia,”
were not rebels. There are a few in all
parts of the State who never lost their
love for the Union, and never forgot their
fealty to the government of their fathers.
These are the men to whom Andrew John
son referred when lie said in his proclama
tion of June, 1865, “the State Govern
ments must be organized by those who
are loyal to the United States, and none
others.” Congress, at the time, adopted
the sentiment thus enunciated by Andrew
Johnson, and although A. J. has long
since abandoned it, Congress has not, and
does not intend to give it up. Congress
has no idea of reinstating into political
power in these States, the disunion senti
ments that it took a four years’ war to
put down.
Every effort to organize a State gov
ernment in Georgia since the war has
been defeated by resulting in placing our
political affairs under the.control, of those
who were the strongest and most active
in sympathy with the Southern Confeder
acy—not because they were the “white
citizens of Georgia,” but because they
entertained the feelings and sentiments
that the war was waged by the friends of
the government to put down. So long
as the white citizens of Georgia, put for
ward, as leaders, those among them whose
sympathies were against the United States
and in favor of the Southern Confedera
cy, just so long will they fail in effecting
an organization that will be accepted.
The press of Georgia is mainly to blame
for all the political troubles tl*at have
come, or are yet to come upon us. When
the war ended, if the press had honestly
and fairly met the point made by the
President, as above quoted, and told the
people that they must select loyal men,
to organize with, the people would have
done it then without a murmur, and
Georgia would have been restored to her
proper relations with the government.
But instead of that, the press misconstrued
and perverted the language of the Presi
dent, by contending that it made no dif
ference what a man had been, so he was
loyal then ; and in order to maintain the
political power of their party, opened a
campaign of vituperation and abuse up
on those whom they termed “enemies of
tiie South,” “renegades,” “soaptails,” &c.,
until they enraged the ambition, resent
ment and prejudices of the masses to such
an extent, that no one but an active ad
vocate of the Southern Confederacy, stood
any chance at the ballot-box. This
course on the part of the press, and the
aas!B»a ®& sr as2ra®sr a
influence and effect it had upon the action
of the people, convinced Congress that so
long as there were no restraints thrown
around them, the desire to retain political
power in the hands of the sympathizers
with the Southern Confederacy, would
prevent any organization ever being made
by loyal men. This induced the Amend
ment to the Constitution, proposed in
1866, and its indignant rejection by South
ern Legislatures, of that year, induced
and provoked negro suffrage.
Congress did not intend, at first, to
adopt negro suffrage, but left the question
of suffrage to the States, each to decide
for itself. But, finding that to leave the
control of political affairs in the hands of
the whites , was placing matters under
the control of the rebel element—was
rewarding disloyalty by giving it power,
and punishing loyalty by suffering it to
be overwhelmed at the ballot-box. Seeing
that loyalty was powerless among the
whites, Congress determined to enfran
chise the blacks, and see whether they pos
sessed loyalty enough to organize a loyal
Statfc government. The blacks were en
,franchised by the Reconstruction Acts, so
called, and the plan snceeded in most of the
States; but in Georgia, the effort “to pre
serve, if possible, the substantial control of
our political affairs in the hands of the
whites” or those whose sentiments were
disloyal has defeated reconstruetion, and
Mr. Tift is in a poor business, if that is his
mission at Washington. Congressmen
knew what Andrew Johnson meant when
he used the word “loyal,” and although the
press deceived the people of Georgia by
misconstruing it, they did not deceive
Congress; and Congress knows now just
as well as Mr. Tift himself, what he is
aiming at. Does he expect to deceive
Congress by his efforts for the whites and
retain in political power, the disloyal ele
ment in Georgia, and thus gain by strat
agem and political manceuvering what he
and his party friends failed to accomplish
by war ? Or, does he expect that Con
gress, after a four years’war, and three
years’ political struggle, to accomplish a
certain end, will now back down and
yield the point in issue, to a few men
in Georgia who desire to hold office?
The idea is preposterous !
Congressmen have been accused of wish
ing to place the negro above the white
man. Such an accusation is as false as it is
unjust and illiberal. Congressmen intend
to place loyalty above disloyalty, and if
enough loyalty cannot be found in white
skins to organize loyal governments, they
are forced to search for loyalty among the
black skins, and the fault is not theirs.
There is not a white man in the whole
country North or South, and I may add,
but few black men any where, that
would not rather trust a truly loyal white
man with political power than any black
man. But with the people of the North,
loyalty is what is demanded, whether cov
ered by a white or black skin. And I
feel warranted in asserting that if the
white people of Georgia will discard the
late sympathizers with and the active
participators in the rebellion as party
leaders, and march square up to the stand
ard of loyalty for office, the most rabid
Northern radicals will meet them there
and give them a hearty shake of tlie hand
as perpetual friends. M.
NONE SO BLIND AS THOSE WHO WON’T
SEE.
An “Inquirer” in the New Era of last
Sunday, very innocently asks, in speak
ing of the Senatorial election, as connect
ed with the expulsion of the colored mem
bers :
“What had Mr. Hill to do with the expulsion
of these members ? He had been elected more
than a month before that event occurred —was not
a member himself, and and was not the adviser of
the movement. He was elected without receiving
a single colored vote —though all but one of them
voted. It cannot he that the intelligent mind of
Horace Greeley can find a sufficient reason in this
legislative action oecuring more than a month af
ter the election of the Senators, and with which’
Mr. Hill had no connection, for delaring the elec
tion void. The election was either legal or illegal,
when it occurred —no subsequent conduct of the
Legislature, could affect it in any way whatever.”
Os course the “election was either
legal or illegal.” Leaving the question
of the colored members entirely out, the
election was flagrantly illegal , and foi
this reason : The Legislature, as a body,
was illegal. It was not constituted ac
cording to the authority upon which it
pretended to organize. It was a body
that came together aud organized without
-complying with the most important fun
damental principle of the law upon which
it based it authority—its generation.
The law says that all governments in
the rebel States shall be provisional until
duly admitted to representation in Con
gress. It also says that all provional of
lieers shall take the test oath. Now, how
can the State cease to be provisional un
til it provides a Legislature which can
take the test oath, and that Legislature
elect Senators who can also take the test
oath % When that step is taken, then the
State cannot be kept out of Congress, and
its government ceases to be provision
al, when the Legislature will have power
to regulate the local affairs of the State
independent of Congress, so long as it
does not militate against the Constitution
of the United States.
Th# present Legislature passed this
knotty point in the law by ignoring it,
which anybody who wants to see, will
readily perceive, makes an illimitable dif
ference as to results. The step that has
been avoided is a very short one, but a
very important one, one that is very disa
greeable to those in rebellion.
Then, again, admitting that it was le
gal to dispense with the test-oath, there
is still another stumbling-block before the
ousting of the colored members is arrived
at, and that is the 14th Article of the U.
S. Constitution. There were in the Leg
islature at least twenty-three inelligible
members under the provisions of that ar
ticle, which members, to a man, voted for
Joshua Hill. Had these members been
excluded as the law requires, where then
would Mr. Hill’s election have been? Is
it possible there are numbskulls who ac
tually think that Hill’s election was le
gal? , *
THAT LITTLE BRIEF “AUTHORITY.”
The New Era of the 24th contains the
following:
A CARD.
Rooms Exrcutivk Committee )
Union Republican Party op Ga., L
Atlanta, Ga., January 23,1869.)
J. Clarke Swayze, the editor of a paper publish
ed in Macon, in the last number of his paper,
charges me with misapplying funds placed in my
hands to- be expended for the Republican party.
The man is a,base liar. He does not know how
the money was expended. I request any Republi
can in Georgia, who desires to do so, to call at the
rooms ot the Executive Committee and examine
the books and vouchers. Every dollar placed in
my hands was expended by vole of the Committee.
J. E. Bryant,
Chairman Executive Committee.
Mr. Bryant having played entirely out
on liis own individual hook, now uses as
will be seen by the above, the “authori
ty” of the State Executive Committee, to
pronounce us a “liar:” We cannot be
lieve that the party will sustain him in
this last presumption, any more than it
did in his grand flourish about its prefer
ences relative to the course of Gov. Bul
lock.
So far as the expression of the “Com
mittee” is concerned, we are not over ex
asperated at its calling us such elegant
names, for we have a premonition that it
is the simple emanation of J. E. Bryant,
a foiled and detected public plunderer.
Catch an assassin in the act of taking
another’s life, and accuse him of it, the
most natural response that could come
from him, if ho wished to hide his criine,
would be: “You lie!” Thus it is with
Bryant.
A man who will appropriate money
that does not belong to him, can very
readily be imagined as one who would
not hesitate to call another a liar.
We are consoled with the reflection that
however energetically Mr. Bryant may
call hard names, his pronouncing us a
liar, a hog, horse, dog or devil, makes us
neither of these, and only adds proof of
his guilt.
If Mr. Bryant has so honestly dispensed
the money of the party, how is it that
when a member of the State Central Com
mittee, (out of which body came the Ex
ecutive Committee,) applied to him for a
statement of the money received and paid
out, he took no notice of tlie request?
This was done some months ago. But
now that Mr. Bryant has thrown the books
open to the public, we shall take the first
opportunity to look them over and show
Mr. Bryant some of his shortcomings.
We shall not allow him to play bluff by
swaggeringly challenging any Republican
to “examine the books,” and thus hide
his infamies. We don’t wish to be told,
when we ask for the books, that they
have “accidentally been burned,” or
“lost.” We intend to see them and anrnl
yze them.
Mr. Bryant possibly thought to attract
us to a personal encounter, by using the
language he does, when he being the
“biggest,” would get satisfaction in that
way, to compensate him for what he loses
in a newspaper tight. But we wish to in
form him that we do not belong to the
dog species, and long since made it a rule
never to fight only on the defensive. He
can’t make us fight, neither can he make
us rum
NATION All COLORED CONVENTION.
This body assembled in Washington on
the 13th, and honored Georgia by calling
Hon. fjU M. Turner to the Chair tempo
rarily. Mr. Turner, in assuming the Chair,
made a few remarks that well became the
occasion, and which we print in full:
Gentlemen of the Jfational Convention : •
I do not regard this unexpected honor, so much
as a compliment to my personal worth, as a recog
nition of the constant labors I have endeavored to
perform for several years, in the cause of equity and
justice, and the acknowledgement of the intrinsic
worth ot my noble constituents in the State of
Georgia.
No convention of colored men possessing such
an array of talent and literary worth, ever met up
on the Amorican continent before. In its composi
tion we have the inestimable pleasure of seeing
the Minister, the Lawyer, the Doctor, the States
man, the Artisan, the Farmer, indeed all the pro
fessions are represented, from College Presidents
down to the commonest occupation.
To be ungrateful for such an honor would be
an unpardonable crime. I shall endeavor to dis
charge the high duties of my office, as impartially
as my abilities will enable me. You, I hope, will
recognize the importance of being orderly, and ex
hibiting that high sense of characteristic dignity,
which should always prevail in an intelligent as
sembly. Gentlemen will remember they are being
hatched by Congress, and the Nation. Your
words are not merely to float off upon the wavy
vibrations of the atmosphere, and thus be swallow
ed up, and lost in oblivion, but they are to be re
iterated by the broad mouth of the public press,
and weighed in the scales of the public mind.
The cause for which we have met is more than
noble; our object is divine, and God will crown it
with success, sooner or later. Manhood rights is
all we want, South, North, East and West. And
it will not be long before the fossilized Democrats
ot this country, will see humanity recognized and
clothed with all its God-given rights, kick and
brawl as they may. The sceptre of equity is but
the sword of justice. And every man in America
must acknowledge it as the mace of God, and
Heaven’s thunder-bolt hurled against oppression.
; Again thanking you for the honor confered on
me, in being selected to preside over your tempora
ry deliberation, I wish to inquire the further pleas
re of the Convention.
The permanent organization was com
pleted by electing Mr. Frederick Doug
las President.
i Much important business was brought
before the Convention touching the suf
frage question generally, and after four
days sitting adjourned, after having sent
Committees to Gen. Grant, the Recon
struction Committee and adopted resolu
tions tending to forward the work of uni
versal suffrage.
A colored lady participated in the Con
vention as a delegate.
THE LABOR QUESTION.
The lelergaph , ot the 22nd‘, in a “pro
tracted effort,” attempts to show that
All over Georgia, unless it may be the Ogeechee
region where the negroes have showed themselves
equally numerous and disorderly, the black race is
apparently thinning out with great rapidity.
. It wonders at this, and fails to account
for it. We think we are competent to
throw some light upon the subject.
First, Large numbers have been mur
dered in certain counties or sections of
the State.
Second, From these sections come the
complaints that reach the ears of the Tel
egraph, because the colored people, ac
tuated by a God-given instinct, flee from
such places of danger, and congregate in
other places where protection and en
couragement are afforded them. From
such communities the Telegraph hears
nothing, so it takes for granted that what
it learns from Dougherty, Mitchel, Hous
ton, Jones, Jasper, Warren, Pulaski and
such counties, is true of the whole State.
Planters and communities that treated
their laborers properly, and paid them
their wages last year, are at no loss for
help this year. In fact, the supply ex
ceeds the demand; for in addition to
the force employed last year, the labor
from adjoining sections where it has been
4mtragod, flock to thorn and em
ployment.
This is one of God’s laws, and even
the Telegraph must see the justice of it.
A horse, a dog, or any other brute will
flee from persecution and abuse, and are
not long in determining anew master if
they be allowed the choice. .
It is not surprising that a community
that boasted its Ku-Klux Klan, and by
various threats and murders terrified the
laboring class into doing the bidding of
politicians who were opposed to it, should
now be disappointed in securing these
people for their service, who they have
so often threatened to murder.
The Telegraph, publishes a letter
from J. W. Forney to the Philadelphia
Press , under the caption : “Mr. Forney
in Virginia—what a Radical can see if
he wants to.” The readers of the Tele
graph should bear in mind that when
Congress provides for Georgia as it has
for Virginia, by allowing no man to hold
office but those who can take the test
oath, then Radicals will be able to see
things in Georgia that they cannot see
now. Then rebels in Georgia will be
quite as meek as they are in Virginia.
But even then, we venture to say that
the real heartfelt sentiment of the rebels
was carefully hidden from Mr. Forney on
his recent visit to Virginia. He has
something yet to learn of rebel treachery
and deception. The rebels of Virginia
knowing the high position occupied by
Mr. Forney as a citizen, were on their
good behavior in his presence, and took
advantage of it to try to refute the charges
of lawlessness that has justly been made
against them.
If Mr. Forney wishes to arrive at the
real sentiment of the majority of the
whites of the South—the “respectability”
—he should come here incog ; take his
place in the sitting-room of a hotel or
other public place under the name of
John Smith, and onr word for it, it won’t
be long before he gets a flea in his ear.
RW How to reduce your household expenses
S3OO a year—let your wife catch you pinching the
servant girl’s arm. —Delevare {Ohio) Gazette.
That may do in Ohio, but it won’t
work in this latitude. Gentlemen down
here frequently provide apartments for
the “servant girl,” where they are often
er in her arms than caught pinching them.
And, notwithstanding “color” is strenu
ously objected to in voters, jurors, and
legislators, it makes no difference when
it comes to these “servant girls.”
ISHT* The prospect is good for West
Florida to be ceded to the State of Ala
bama. The citizens of the section affect
ed, are anxious for the change.
BRYANT’S FINGER-MARK.
We notice a communication in the New
Era of the 23rd, over the signature of
“A Union Leaguer,” evidently the pro
duction of J. E. Bryant. It first quotes
a resolution adopted by the Grand Coun
cil of the Union League of Georgia, and
then goes on to assert that the “Grand
Council has held no meeting this year.”
Bryant lias for some time been operating
in opposition to the Union League in
Georgia, simply because it was an insti
tution that he could not manipulate. He
did his best to superscede it by the or
ganization of Republican Clubs, taking
great care to have them regard him as
the great chief, to whom all reports must
be made. For a time he succeeded, and
really had the Republicans of the State
under his thumb ; but his recent oper
ations have revealed his motives, and the
old League is once more reviving, and
not very strange to say, without any Bry
ant in it. The party in the State has
concluded to try to get along without his
interesting; aoeiotonco. It is wonderful
how this man secures “authority” for
everj’thing he does. “A Union Leaguer”
says he has “authority” for saying that
there was no meeting of Union Leaguers
in Atlanta on the 13th. Then he admits
that “a few gentlemen” did meet, but
that “they had no right to do so .” All
because Mr. Bryant wasn’t there. He
is tlie man who furnishes all the “au
thority” for calling meetings, whether of
the Executive Committee, State Central
Committee, Union League, or the people !
And if anbody else calls a meeting, Mr.
Bryant takes the first opportunity of pro
nouncing it “unauthorized.”
We happen to know something about
the League, and we know there was a
meeting of the State Grand Council, and
that the meeting was authorized by the
Constitution of that Council, which pro
vides that on a certain day in January a
regular meeting of the Grand Council
shall be held in Atlanta, and that at such
meeting officers of the Council shall be
chosen for the year.
Had the Grand Council fallen into Mr.
Bryant’s line of policy , it would have
been a large and “respectable” body of
Republicans, whose opinions were not
only valuable to Congress, but the actual
voice of the whole people of the State.
But, for that body to pass such a resolu
tion as this, was too much for a defunct
“Union Leaguer
Resolved , That we the National ♦Grand Council of
the Union League of Georgia, at this, our annual
meeting for the election of officers for the ensuing
year and for the transaction ot other business, re
presenting, as we do, nearly thirty thousand loyal
white voters and nearly seventy-five thousand col
ored voters, constituting a majority of the voters
ot Georgia, take this opportunity of expressing an
unqualified endorsement of the memorial and of
the facts therein contained presented by his Excell
ency Rufus B. Bullock, Governor of Georgia, to
the Congress of the United States, and of urging
upon Congress the imperative necessity of prompt
and firm action on their part for the protection of
the rights, property, and lives of the loyal men of
all classes in Georgia. William Markham,
President N. G. C. U. L. of Georgia.
ISST* The Telegraph says:
“We are sorry to learn from Southwestern Geor
gia, in general, that there has been considerable
movement among the laborers from that section
towards Middle Georgia, and planters in that favor
ite cotton region are almost universally short-hand
ed.”
This is the result of being “ turned off ”
for not voting as their employers might
dictate. Men who wish the labor of field
hands ought to reflect that negroes gen
erally have nothing to bind them to any
particular locality, and so long as they
possess the powers of locomotion they are
not likely to remain in localities where
they are under restraint in the exercise
of their political rights. In order tose
sure the labor of negroes you must pay
them what you promise, and let them, and
see that others let them vote as they please.
We learn that a fellow whom we ven
tilated some time ago by the name of
Foy, is telling large stories about the
Union in Atlanta, and is one of Bryant’s
“stool-pigeons.” He also affirms that we
are not a Republican, that we are only an
impostor— contra , that he is the “Simeon
Pure,” to prove which he recouuts the
fact that he was discharged by Waxel
baum of this city, as a clerk, for being,
as he alleges, a Republican. So far from
this being the truth, he was kicked out of
Waxelbaum’s employ because of improp
er intimacy with a certain lady of color,
right under the very nose of customers in
the store.
What does it take to costitute a true and
reliable Republican? A sound and discriminating
intellect, a good heart and a determination to do
right without regard to popularity.— Era.
Does the editor of the Era possess these
qualities ? If he does, why does he con
tiunally pufl those whom he expects some
thing of, and treat contemptuously those
who are his superiors, but who do not have
votes to cast in the Georgia Legislature ?
Right, in Bard’s catagory, means anything
so that it brings money to his pocket, even
though it be stealing.
We see by a report in the N. Y.
Tribune , that Mr. Turner delivered a
lecture at Orange, N. J., to a large au
dience. The subject of his lecture was
“America.” He was frequently inter
rupted with applause.
“IMPARTIAL JUSTICE.”
We learn from a reliable source that
Hon. F. H. Fvall, colored member of the
Legislature, is now paying the penalty for
allowing the people of Macon county to
elect him to be their Representative, by
being confined in the Macon county jail.
He was arrested in Fort Yalley a few days
ago, hand-cuffed, and unnecessarily offi
ciated over, and dragged off to jail.—
This is the kind of friendship the Demo
crats show the colored people where they
get things in such a train that they think
they won’t need their votes any more.
We trust these marks of friendship will
not pass unnoticed.
General Grant, on his recent visit
to Baltimore, dodged an ovation that was
fixed up for him by rebels. The sth
Regiment Maryland Militia (Rebel) was
out in full feather, intending to grease the
General after tlie fashion of sycophants
in this section; but the General, upon
the arrival of the train, quietly stepped
into the private carriage of a noted Rad
ical, and drove off to that Radical’s house,
leaving the sth Maryland Chivalry cast
ing sheep’s eyes at each other.
fIW As the Northern press appear to be gener
ally under the imp.ession that Messrs. Hill and
Miller were elected alter the negroes were expelled
from the Georgia Legislature, it is necessary for us
to state that preeisely the reverse is the truth.
That election came off several weeks before the
expulsion, and we believe that every negro in that
body voted lor Mr. Hill.— Telegraph.
That being the case, how can the Tele
graph, or anybody else, who urge the ad
mission of the so-called Senators, claim
that they were legally elected, if the pres
ent Legislature is a legal body.
CUBA.
All sorts of reports come from Cuba.
Some that the insurgents—(Republicans)
are gaining ground and winning all the
victories, and others that the Spanish
Authorities are triumphant. Then we
have information that “Uncle Sam” is
about to buy the whole concern. In any
event, the opinion seems to prevail at
Washington, that Cuba will be one of
the United States ere many months.
fSUr* The attention of the editor of
the Telegraph is specially directed to the
communication to be found under the
bead of “The Situation,” in our editorial
column. We do not expect him to give
it any public notice, and thereby recog
nize the existence of our paper—we don’t
ask that; but for the sake of his con
science, in his solitary moments, we be
seech him to read it, and think o£Jt. and
let it bear fruit in its ow T n time.
fVf” Bryant is now advocating the
“removal of all disabilities” from Geor
gians by Congress. He always comes in
with his “authority” for saying and do
ing what he does. He now tells the Leg
islature that he has “authority” for say
ing that if the Legislature don’t do as he
desires it to, “Congress will act soon and
harshly.” We suppose that Congress
awaits the dictate of Mr. Bryant.
fVF° The Telegraph of the 3d asks:
“Is the Nation declining?” And assails
the U. S. Senate in a long article. We
should think not, if we may judge by the
amount of corruption that sloughed off
from that body in 1861. The Senate of
the Nation has been gradually returning
to health as the roots of this old sore are
eradicated. In time that body will be
composed of honest men.
We are not sufficiently schooled
in Chivalry to take offence at the attempt
of a blackguard to insult ns. Knowing
as much as we do of J. E. Bryant’s
treachery and dishonesty, we would scorn
giving him the attention we have, were
it not that we are in a position that re
quires it of us as a duty, that people
whom lie has duped may be warned of
him.
fggT 0 The train on the Georgia Road
was stopped on Saturday night, the 16th
inst, by a gang of 35 or 40 Ku-Klux with
blackened faces, who went through in
search of colored members of the Legis
lature. This item has been 6low to reach
the public ear from the fact that there is
but one newspaper in the State, that does
not favor such doings.
I'VV We cannot resist calling the read
er’s attention to the lines on the first page,
headed: “Now I lay me down to sleep.”
There is more real soul-poetry in them
than anything we have seen for many a
day, and ‘Miss H. A. F.,” whoever she
may be, deserves immortality for this
little waif, if the never wrote another
line.
Bard still monopolizes most of
his editorial space in the Era in trying to
make the people believe he is a Republi
can. Ife is getting more and more earn
est about it, and we expect to see him
come to affidavits yet. It will be useless
though.
f3§r > We should like to see the quota
tions of Bryant stock in the Brown, Bard
and Hill market just now. That Au
gusta purchase was rather a poor spec,
hey, gentlemen?